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THE LIBRARY

OF
THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES



A HALF-CENTURY OF CONFLICT.
VOL. I.



PKANOIS PAKKMAFS WEITINGS,



THE OREGON TUAIL 1 vol.

THE CONSPIRACY OF POKTIAC 2 vols.

JFranre ana England in Nortfy 'America.

PIONEERS OF FRANCE IN THE NEW WORLD . . 1 vol.

THE JESUITS IN NORTH AMERICA 1 vol.

LA SALLE AND THE DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT

WEST 1 vol.

THE OLD REGIME IN CANADA UNDER Louis XIV. 1 vol.
COUNT FRONTENAC AND NEW FRANCE UNDER

Louis XIV 1 vol.

A HALF-CENTURY OF CONFLICT 2 vols.

MONTCALM AND WOLFE .2 Vols.



FRANCE AND ENGLAND IN NORTH AMERICA.

PART SIXTH.



A HALF-CENTURY OF
CONFLICT.



EY



FRANCIS PARKMAN,

AUTHOR OF "THE OREGON TRAIL," "THE CONSPIRACY OF PONTIAC,'

"PIONEERS OF FRANCE IN THE NEW WORLD," "THE JESUITS

IN NOKTH AMERICA," " LA SALLE," " THE OLD

REGIME IN CANADA," AND

"COUNT FRONTENAC."



IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.



BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY.

1896.



Copyright, 1893,
BY FRANCIS PAEKMAX.



JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.



F



PREFACE. I ft

Y /



THIS book, forming Part VI. of the series
called France and England in North America,
fills the gap between Part V., " Count Frontenac,"
and Part VII., "Montcalm and Wolfe;" so that
the series now forms a continuous history of
the efforts of France to occupy and control
this continent.

In the present volumes the nature of the sub-
ject does not permit an unbroken thread of
narrative, and the unity of the book lies in its
being throughout, in one form or another, an
illustration of the singularly contrasted charac-
ters and methods of the rival claimants to
North America.

Like the rest of the series, this work is
founded on original documents. The statements
of secondary writers have been accepted only
when found to conform to the evidence of con-
temporaries, whose writings have been sifted
and collated with the greatest care. As extre-
mists on each side have charged me with favor-
ing the other, I hope I have been unfair to
neither.

2045573



iv PREFACE.

The manuscript material collected for the prep-
aration of the series now complete forms about
seventy volumes, most of them folios. These
have been given by me from time to time to
the Massachusetts Historical Society, in whose
library they now are, open to the examination
of those interested in the subjects of which they
treat. The collection was begun forty-five years
ago, and its formation has been exceedingly
slow, having been retarded by difficulties which
seemed insurmountable, and for years were so
in fact. Hence the completion of the series has
required twice the time that would have sufficed
under less unfavorable conditions.

BOSTOX, March 26, 1892.



CONTENTS.



CHAPTER I.
1700-1713.

EVE OF WAR.

PAGE

The Spanish Succession. Influence of Louis XIV. on History.
French Schemes of Conquest in America. New York. Unfit-
ness of the Colonies for War. The Five Nations. Doubt and
Vacillation. The Western Indians. Trade and Politics ... 1



CHAPTER II.
1694-1704.

DETROIT.

Michillimackinac. La Mothe-Cadillac. His Disputes with the
Jesuits. Opposing Views. Plans of Cadillac. His Memorial
to the Court. His Opponents. Detroit founded. The New
Company. Detroit changes Hands. Strange Act of the Five
Nations. 15



CHAPTER III.

1703-1713.
QUEEN ANNE'S WAR.

The Forest of Maine. A Treacherous Peace. A Frontier Village.
Wells and its People. Attack upon it. Border Ravages.
Beaubassiu's War-Party. The " Wofnl Decade." A Wedding
Feast. A Captive Bridegroom 32



vi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.
1704-1740.

DEERFIELD.

PAGE

Hertel de Rouville. A Frontier Village. Rev. John Williams.
The Surprise. Defence of the Stebbins House. Attempted
Rescue. The Meadow Fight. The Captives. The North-
ward March. Mrs. Williams killed. The Minister's Journey.

Kindness of Canadians. A Stubborn Heretic. Eunice
Williams. Converted Captives. John Sheldon's Mission.
Exchange of Prisoners. An English Squaw. The Gill
Family 52

CHAPTER V.
1704-1713.

THE TORMENTED FRONTIER.

Border Raids. Haverhill. Attack and Defence. War to the
Knife. Motives of the French. Proposed Neutrality.
Joseph Dudley. Town and Country 90

CHAPTER VI.
1700-1710.

THE OLD REGIME IN ACADIA.

The Fishery Question. Privateei-s and Pirates. Port Royal.
Official Gossip. Abuse of Brouillan. Complaints of De
Goutin. Subercase and his Officers. Church and State.
Paternal Government 106

CHAPTER VII.
1704-1710.

ACADIA CHANGES HANDS.

Reprisal for Deerfield. Major Benjamin Church. His Ravages
at Grand-Pre'. Port Royal Expedition. Futile Proceedings.
A Discreditable Affair. French Successes in Newfoundland.
Schemes of Samuel Vetch. A Grand Enterprise. Nicholson's
Advance. An Infected Camp. Ministerial Promises broken.

A New Scheme. Port Royal attacked. Acadia conquered . 116

CHAPTER vrn.

1710, 1711.

WALKER'S EXPEDITION.

Scheme of La Ronde Denys. Boston warned against British De-
signs. Boston to be ruined. Plans of the Ministry. Canada



CONTENTS. vii

PAGE

doomed. British Troops at Boston. The Colonists denounced.
The Fleet sails for Quebec. Forebodings of the Admiral.
Storm and Wreck. Timid Commanders. Retreat. Joyful
News for Canada. Pious Exultation. Fanciful Stories
Walker disgraced 150

CHAPTER IX.
1712-1749.

LOUISBOURG AND ACADIA.

Peace of Utrecht. Perilous Questions. Louisbourg founded.
Annapolis attacked. Position of the Acadians. Weakness of
the British Garrison. Apathy of the Ministry. French In-
trigue. Clerical Politicians. The Oath of Allegiance. Aca-
diaus refuse it. Their Expulsion proposed. They take the
Oath 176

CHAPTER X.
1713-1724.

SEBASTIEN RALE.

Boundary Disputes. Outposts of Canada. The Earlier and Later
Jesuits. Religion and Politics. The Norridgewocks and their
Missionary. A Hollow Peace. Disputed Land Claims.
Council at Georgetown. Attitude of Rale. Minister and
Jesuit. The Indians waver. An Outbreak. Covert War.
Indignation against Rale. War declared. Governor and
Assembly. Speech of Samuel Sewall. Penobscots attack
Fort St. George. Reprisal. Attack on Norridgewock.
Death of Rale 204

CHAPTER XI.

1724, 1725.
LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.

Vaudreuil and Dummer. Embassy to Canada. Indians in-
tractable. Treaty of Peace. The Pequawkets. John Love-
well. A Hunting Party. Another Expedition. The Am-
buscade. The Fight. Chaplain Frye. His Fate. The
Survivors. Susanna Rogers 241



CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XH.
1712.

THE OUTAGAMIE8 AT DETROIT.

PAGE

The West and the Fur-Trade. New York and Canada. Indian
Population. The Firebrands of the West. Detroit in 1712.
Dangerous Visitors. Suspense. Timely Succors. The Outa*
gamies attacked. Their Desperate Position. Overtures.
Wavering Allies. Conduct of Dubnisson. Escape of the
Outagamies. Pursuit and Attack- Victory and Carnage . . 262



CHAPTEK

1697-1750.



LOUISIANA.

The Mississippi to be occupied. English Rivalry. Iberville.
Bienville. Huguenots. Views of Louis XIV. Wives for
the Colony. Slaves. La Mothe-Cadillac. Paternal Govern-
ment. Crozat's Monopoly. Factions. The Mississippi
Company. New Orleans. The Bubble bursts. Indian Wars.

The Colony firmly established. The two Heads of New
France ................. . ... 288

CHAPTER XIV.
1700-1732.

THE OUTAGAMIE WAR.

The Western Posts. Detroit. The Illinois. Perils of the West.

The Outagamies. Their Turbulence. English Instigation.

Louvigny's Expedition. Defeat of Outagamies. Hostilities
renewed. Lignery's Expedition. Outagamies attacked by
Villiers. By Hurons and Iroquois. La Butte des Morts.

The Sacs and Foxes .............. , . 315



A HALF-CENTURY OF CONFLICT.



CHAPTER I.

1700-1713.
EVE OF WAR.

THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. INFLUENCE OF Louis XIV. ON HISTORY.
FRENCH SCHEMES OF CONQUEST IN AMERICA. NEW YORK.
UNFITNESS OF THE COLONIES FOR WAR. THE FIVE NATIONS.
DOUBT AND VACILLATION. THE WESTERN INDIANS. TRADE
AND POLITICS.

THE war which in the British colonies was called
Queen Anne's War, and in England the War
of the Spanish Succession, was the second of a
series of four conflicts which ended in giving to
Great Britain a maritime and colonial preponder-
ance over France and Spain. So far as concerns
the colonies and the sea, these several wars may
be regarded as a single protracted one, broken by
intervals of truce. The three earlier of them, it is
true, were European contests, begun and waged
on European disputes. Their American part was
incidental and apparently subordinate, yet it in-
volved questions of prime importance in the history
of the world.

The War of the Spanish Succession sprang from
the ambition of Louis XIV. We are apt to regard
the story of that gorgeous monarch as a tale that
is told ; but his influence shapes the life of nations

TOL I. 1



2 EVE OF WAR. [1702

to this day. At the beginning of his reign two
roads lay before him, and it was a momentous
question for posterity, as for his own age, which
one of them he would choose : whether he would
follow the wholesome policy of his great minister
Colbert, or obey his own vanity and arrogance,
and plunge France into exhausting wars ; whether
he would hold to the principle of tolerance em-
bodied in the Edict of Nantes, or do the work of
fanaticism and priestly ambition. The one course
meant prosperity, progress, and the rise of a mid-
dle class : the other meant bankruptcy and the
Dragonades ; and this was the King's choice.
Crushing taxation, misery, and ruin followed, till
France burst out at last in a frenzy, drunk with
the wild dreams of Rousseau. Then came the
Terror and the Napoleonic wars, and reaction on
reaction, revolution on revolution, down to our
own day.

Louis placed his grandson on the throne of
Spain, and insulted England by acknowledging as
her rightful king the son of James II., whom she
had deposed. Then England declared war. Canada
and the northern British colonies had had but a
short breathing time since the Peace of Ryswick ;
both were tired of slaughtering each other, and
both needed rest. Yet before the declaration of
war, the Canadian officers of the Crown prepared,
with their usual energy, to meet the expected crisis.
One of them wrote : " If war be declared, it is cer-
tain that the King can very easily conquer and
ruin New England." The French of Canada often



1701.] BOSTON TO BE DESTROYED. 3

use the name " New England " as applying to the
British colonies in general. They are twice as
populous as Canada, he goes on to say; but the
people are great cowards, totally undisciplined,
and ignorant of war, while the Canadians are
brave, hardy, and well trained. We have, besides,
twenty-eight companies of regulars, and could
raise six thousand warriors from our Indian allies.
Four thousand men could easily lay waste all the
northern English colonies, to which end we must
have five ships of war, with one thousand troops
on board, who must land at Penobscot, where they
must be joined by two thousand regulars, militia,
and Indians, sent from Canada by way of the
Chaudiere and the Kennebec. Then the whole
force must go to Portsmouth, take it by assault,
leave a garrison there, and march to Boston, lay-
ing waste all the towns and villages by the way ;
after destroying Boston, the army must march for
New York, while the fleet follows along the coast.
" Nothing could be easier," says the writer, " for
the road is good, and there is plenty of horses and
carriages. The troops would ruin everything as
they advanced, and New York would quickly be
destroyed and burned." *

Another plan, scarcely less absurd, was proposed
about the same time by the celebrated Le Moyne
d'Iberville. The essential point, he says, is to get
possession of Boston ; but there are difficulties and
risks in the way. Nothing, he adds, referring to

1 Premier Projet pour L' Expedition centre la Nouvelle Angleterre, 1701.
Second Projet, etc. Compare N. Y. Col. Docs., IX. 725.



4 EVE OF WAR. [1701.

the other plan, seems difficult to persons without
experience ; but unless we are prepared to raise a
great and costly armament, our only hope is in
surprise. We should make it in winter, when the
seafaring population, which is the chief strength
of the place, is absent on long voyages. A thou-
sand Canadians, four hundred regulars, and as
many Indians should leave Quebec in November,
ascend the Chaudiere, then descend the Kennebec,
approach Boston under cover of the forest, and
carry it by a night attack. Apparently he did not
know that but for its lean neck then but a few
yards wide Boston was an island, and that all
around for many leagues the forest that was to
have covered his approach had already been de-
voured by numerous busy settlements. He offers
to lead the expedition, and declares that if he is
honored with the command, he will warrant that
the New England capital will be forced to submit
to King Louis, after which New York can be seized
in its turn. 1

In contrast to those incisive proposals, another
French officer breathed nothing but peace. Brou-
illan, governor of Acadia, wrote to the governor of
Massachusetts to suggest that, with the consent of
their masters, they should make a treaty of neu-
trality. The English governor being dead, the
letter came before the council, who received it
coldly. Canada, and not Acadia, was the enemy

1 Memoire du Sieur d'lberville sur Boston et ses Dfyendances, 1700
(1701 7 ). Baron de Saint-Castin also drew up a plan for attacking Boston
in 1702, with lists of necessary munitions and other supplies.



1701.] ATTITUDE OF NEW YORK. 5

they had to fear. Moreover, Boston merchants
made good profit by supplying the Acadians with
necessaries which they could get in no other way ;
and in time, of war these profits, though lawless,
were greater than in time of peace. But what
chiefly influenced the council against the overtures
of Brouillan was a passage in his letter reminding
them that, by the Treaty of Ryswick, the New
England people had no right to fish within sight
of the Acadian coast. This they flatly denied,
saying that the New England people had fished
there time out of mind, and that if Brouillan
should molest them, they would treat it as an act
of war. 1

While the New England colonies, and especially
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, had most
cause to deprecate a war, the prospect of one was
also extremely unwelcome to the people of New
York. The conflict lately closed had borne hard
upon them through the attacks of the enemy, and
still more through the derangement of their indus-
tries. They were distracted, too, with the factions
rising out of the recent revolution under Jacob
Leisler. New York had been the bulwark of the
colonies farther south, who, feeling themselves safe,
had given their protector little help, and that lit-
tle grudgingly, seeming to regard the war as no

1 Brouillan a Bellomont, 10 Aout, 1701. Conseil de Bnston a Brotn'llan,
22 Aout, 1701. Brouillan acted under royal orders, having been told, in
case of war being declared, to propose a treaty with New England, unless
he should find that he can " se garantir des insultes des Anglais " and do
considerable harm to their trade, in which case he is to make no treaty-
M&moire du Roy au Sieur de Brouillan, 23 Mars, 1700.



6 EVE OF WAE. [1700-1703.

concern of theirs. Three thousand and fifty-one
pounds, provincial currency, was the joint contri-
bution of Virginia, Maryland, East Jersey, and
Connecticut to the aid of New York during five
years of the late war. 1 Massachusetts could give
nothing, even if she would, her hands being full
with the defence of her own borders. Colonel
Quary wrote to the Board of Trade that New York
could not bear alone the cost of defending herself ;
that the other colonies were " stuffed with com-
monwealth notions," and were " of a sour temper
in opposition to government," so that Parlia-
ment ought to take them in hand and compel
each to do its part in the common cause. 2 To this
Lord Cornbury adds that Rhode Island and Con-
necticut are even more stubborn than the rest,
hate all true subjects of the Queen, and will not
give a farthing to the war so long as they can
help it. 3 Each province lived in selfish isolation,
recking little of its neighbor's woes.

New York, left to fight her own battles, was
in a wretched condition for defence. It is true
that, unlike the other colonies, the King had sent
her a few soldiers, counting at this time about
one hundred and eighty, all told ; 4 but they had
been left so long without pay that they were in a
state of scandalous destitution. They would have
been left without rations had not three private



1 Schuyler, Colonial New York, I. 431, 432.

2 Col. Quary to the Lords of Trade, 16 June, 1703.
8 Cornbury to the Lords of Trade, 9 Sept. 1703.

4 Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 28 Feb. 1700.



1700-1703.1 THE FIVE NATIONS. 7

gentlemen Schuyler, Livingston, and Cortlandt
advanced money for their supplies, which seems
never to have been repaid. 1 They are reported to
have been "without shirts, breeches, shoes, or stock-
ings," and " in such a shameful condition that the
women when passing them are obliged to cover
their eyes." " The Indians ask," says the Gov-
ernor, " ' Do you think us such fools as to believe
that a King who cannot clothe his soldiers can
protect us from the French, with their fourteen
hundred men all well equipped? ' " 2

The forts were no better than their garrisons.
The Governor complains that those of Albany and
Schenectady " are so weak and ridiculous that
they look more like pounds for cattle than forts."
At Albany the rotten stockades were falling from
their own weight.

If New York had cause to complain of those
whom she sheltered, she herself gave cause of com-
plaint to those who sheltered her. The Five Na-
tions of the Iroquois had always been her allies
against the French, had guarded her borders and
fought her battles. What they wanted in return
was gifts, attentions, just dealings, and active aid
in war ; but they got them in scant measure.
Their treatment by the province was short-sighted, /
if not ungrateful. New York was a mixture of
races and religions not yet fused into a harmoni-
ous body politic, divided in interests and torn with
intestine disputes. Its Assembly was made up in

l Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 28 Feb. 1700.
a Schuyler, Colonial New York, I. 488.



8 EVE OF WAR. [1700-1703

large part of men unfitted to pursue a consistent
scheme of policy, or spend the little money at their
disposal on any objects but those of present and
visible interest. The royal governors, even when
personally competent, were hampered by want of
means and by factious opposition. The Five Na-
tions were robbed by land-speculators, cheated by
traders, and feebly supported in their constant
wars with the French. Spasmodically, as it were,
on occasions of crisis, they were summoned to Al-
bany, soothed with such presents as could be got
from unwilling legislators, or now and then from
the Crown, and exhorted to fight vigorously in the
common cause. The case would have been far
worse but for a few patriotic men, with Peter
Schuyler at their head, who understood the char-
acter of these Indians, and labored strenuously to
keep them in what was called their allegiance.

The proud and fierce confederates had suffered
greatly in the late war. Their numbers had
been reduced about one half, and they now
counted little more than twelve hundred war-
riors. They had learned a bitter and humiliating
lesson, and their arrogance had changed to dis-
trust and alarm. Though hating the French,
they had learned to respect their military activity
and prowess, and to look askance on the Dutch
and English, who rarely struck a blow in their
defence, and suffered their hereditary enemy to
waste their fields and burn their towns. The
English called the Five Nations British subjects,
on which the French taunted them with being



1700-1703.] JESUITS AND MINISTERS. 9

British slaves, and told them that the King
of England had ordered the Governor of New
York to poison them. This invention had
great effect. The Iroquois capital, Onondaga,
was filled with wild rumors. The credulous
savages were tossed among doubts, suspicions,
and fears. Some were in terror of poison, and
some of witchcraft. They believed that the
rival European nations had leagued to destroy
them and divide their lands, and that they
were bewitched by sorcerers, both French and
English. 1

After the Peace of Ryswick, and even before
it, the French Governor kept agents among
them. Some of these were soldiers, like Jon-
caire, Maricourt, or Longueuil, and some were
Jesuits, like Bruyas, Lamberville, or Vaillant.
The Jesuits showed their usual ability and
skill in their difficult and perilous task. The
Indians derived various advantages from their
presence, which they regarded also as a flatter-
ing attention ; while the English, jealous of their
influence, made feeble attempts to counteract it
by sending Protestant clergymen to Onondaga.
" But," writes Lord Bellomont, " it is next to
impossible to prevail with the ministers to live
among the Indians. They (the Indians) are so
nasty as never to wash their hands, or the
utensils they dress their victuals with." 2 Even
had their zeal been proof to these afflictions, the

1 N. Y. Col. Docs., IV. 658.

2 Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, 17 Oct. 1700.



10 EVE OF WAR. [1700-1703.

ministers would have been no match for their
astute opponents. In vain Bellomont assured
the Indians that the Jesuits were " the greatest
lyars and impostors in the world." l In vain he
offered a hundred dollars for every one of
them whom they should deliver into his hands.
They would promise to expel them ; but their
minds were divided, and they stood in fear of
each other. While one party distrusted and
disliked the priests, another was begging the
Governor of Canada to send more. Others took
a practical view of the question. " If the Eng-
lish sell goods cheaper than the French, we will
have ministers ; if the French sell them cheaper
than the English, we will have priests." Others,
again, wanted neither Jesuits nor ministers, " be-
cause both of you (English and French) have made
us drunk with the noise of your praying." 2

Ee aims of the propagandists on both sides
were secular. The French wished to keep the
Five Nations neutral in the event of another war :
the English wished to spur them to active hos-
tility ; but while the former pursued their purpose
with energy and skill, the efforts of the latter
were intermittent and generally feeble.

" The Nations," writes Schuyler, " are full of
factions." There was a French party and an
English party in every town, especially in Onon-
daga, the centre of intrigue. French influence

1 Conference of Bellomont with the Indians, 26 Aug. 1700.

2 Journal of Bleeker and Schuyler on their visit to Onondaga, Aug^
Sept. 1701.



1700-1703.] THE CAUGHNAWAGAS. 11

was strongest at the western end of the con-
federacy, among the Senecas, where the French
officer, Joncaire, an Iroquois by adoption, had
won many to France ; and it was weakest at the
eastern end, among the Mohawks, who were near-
est to the English settlements. Here the Jesuits
had labored long and strenuously in the work of
conversion, and from time to time they had led
their numerous proselytes to remove to Canada,
where they settled at St. Louis, or Caughnawaga,
on the right bank of the St. Lawrence, a little
above Montreal, where their descendants still
remain. It is said that at the beginning of the
eighteenth century two thirds of the Mohawks
had thus been persuaded to cast their lot with
the French, and from enemies to become friends
and allies. Some of the Oneidas and a few of
the other Iroquois nations joined them and
strengthened the new mission settlement ; and
the Caughnawagas afterwards played an impor-
tant part between the rival European colonies.^

The " Far Indians," or " Upper Nations," as"
the French called them, consisted of the tribes
of the Great Lakes and adjacent regions, Ottawas,
Pottawattamies, Sacs, Foxes, Sioux, and many
more. It was from these that Canada drew
the furs by which she lived. Most of them
were nominal friends and allies of the French,
who in the interest of trade strove to keep
these wild-cats from tearing each others' throats,
and who were in constant alarm lest they should
again come to blows with their old enemies,-



12 EVE OF WAR. [1700-1703.

the Five Nations, in which case they would
call on Canada for help, thus imperilling those
pacific relations with the Iroquois confederacy


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