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had become enrolled members of that gaild
in 1303. This guild relationship endured for
more than two and a half centuries, fur-
nishing innumerable points of magnetic
contact between Science and Art. The
artist-members (known from 1349 on, as
"The Company of Saint Luke**) stood on a
most familiar footing with the apothecaries
"who buy, sell and deal in colors and other
materials needed by artists** (spetiarii^ qui
emuntf vendunt et operant colores et alia ad
membrum pictorum memoratum). Many a
"discipulus** from the apothecary shops
rose from color-grinding to eminence in the
schools of painting. Masolino was not the
first of these, nor Cosimo Roselli the last.
These dusty back-shop prentices, who
ground colors for the master apothecaries,
were in daily contact with the medical
partners of the shop (medicos in apotbeca)
whose consulting rooms adjoined. The
artists, too, who came there perforce for
pigments and other materials, found the
shops alluring places in which to loiter and
renew acquaintance with their fellow-guilds-
men, the apothecaries and physicians. Thus
through close guild and trade relationships,
easy intimacies arose between men of the
two callings. The physicians were not only
the sponsors for the artists in the guild*s
multiform functions, but their natural pa-
trons, protectors and collaborators. Hence,
when the tide of realism in art rolled over
north Italy, adherents of the two branches
of the house of Saint Luke (painter and
beloved physician) could have collaborated
with brilliant effect upon Tuscan art and
science. On the whole there was but little
concerted action of this kind, and we are
put to some trouble to explain the situation
on the ground of any fundamental lack of
accord. The earlier anatomizing artists,
urged on by the grim requirements of formal
technique, expected little, and derived little
support from physicians, in working out
their peculiar applications of anatomy to
problems of form. Artists concentrated

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their interests upon the skeletal and muscu-
lar systems. Professional school anatomists
before Vesalius had failed to elaborate these
systems in any detail whatsoever. Even
Berengar confesses scant interest in matters
of external myology, because of the diffi-
culties in the way of prosection: "Note,
reader, that I have made very little com-
ment on the muscles of the body, and that
I have concerned myself very sparingly
with this system; mainly for the reason that,
in the ordinary dissections made before the
scholars in the schools, the majority of the
muscles cannot be demonstrated. To expose
these structures to view properly, extremely
long and painstaking labor is required, as
well as a suitably appointed room" (ita locus
accomodatus). A place arranged just sol
And yet the smallest mortuary-chamber,
cubicle, or side-chapel in the charnel house
sufficed the artist — sl cellar or burial pit —
it mattered not, when he went down to
make essay of the "science of the sepulchre.''
A large share in matters of scientific
moment was taken by Paolo Ucello (1397-
I475)> whose zeal for the house of science
had all but eaten him up. He typifies the
adventurous temperament of the time. He
lacked the largeness of intelligence, the
God-like comprehension, the vast variety
of attainments of men of the universal
stamp like Brunelleschi, Ghiberti, Donatel-
lo, Orcagna, Luca della Robbia and Leon
Baptista Alberti. His talent was expended
in design, in genre, in geometric develop-
ment of the laws governing perspective and
foreshortening. His passion for literal deline-
ation of the near and present, his inquisitive
attitude toward exact science, he passed
on to scores of unknown industrial crafts-
men in Florence, whose unremembered
labors enabled later painters to proceed
from a basis of exact science to the far
nobler pursuit of ideal beauty. Men of
Ucello's following hewed close to the line;
the Carrand Master, the artist of the "ten
nude men'* in the Stockholm collection,

the creators of those unattributed gems of
naturalistic representation now gathered in
Uffizi, the Louvre, London, Berlin, Vienna,
Venice, Dresden and in private hands,
flooded the botega of Ucello's day with a
tide, full and flowing, of chalk and wash
drawings, pen and silverpoint. These studio
sketches and cartoons reveal, to the least
prickings of the paper, the full reach of
Florentine technique in drawing the living
model. They register most patently the
crescent interest in anatomy.

Despite earlier hints of the existence
of this corporum intus curiositas among
workers in the plastic arts, the followers of
Donatello were apparently the' first to
undertake the study of human anatomy, in
the modern sense of a sustained systemized
discipline for artists. That Donatello (1386—
1466) himself assisted at an actual anatomy,
at least from the spectator's bench, we need
no better proof than his forceful rendering
of such a scene in his "Anatomy of the
Miser's Heart," one of his Paduan series
of bronze tablets illustrating the miracles
of Saint Anthony. The almost cruel natural-
ism and searching myologic detail in Dona-
tello's sainted peasants proved a source of
torment to lesser craftsmen, leading them
along paths of purely objective inquiry to
the dissecting room. His pupil Antonio
Pollajuolo (1429- 1 498), pupil also of Ucello,
was the virtual beginner of artistic anatomy
in Italy. **He dissected many bodies to
study the anatomy," says Vasari, '*and was
the first to investigate the actions of the
muscles in this manner, that he might
afterwards give them their due place and
eff'ect in his works." His drawings created a
clear space for the new teaching. His en-
graving of the "Battle of the Ten Nude
Men" electrified the town. His painted
themes, in which Hercules generally takes
the leading r6Ie, are anatomies of stressed
movement, bizarre energy, unimaginably
fierce and vengeful power. And the sources
of all this sinewy exuberant phrasing of life

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spring from immediate and prolonged ma-
nipulations of the dead. Pollajuolo had
established altogether novel modes of ap-
proach to the intimacies of form, and could
say with Browning: "The life in me abol-
ished the death in things/' This quickening
impulse soon made itself felt in all the
schools, pagan and pietistic, realistic and
conventional, and crossed the Alps north-
ward with Diirer on his return home.

Andrea del Castagno ( 13967-1457) "lover
of the difficulties of art" (ammatore delle
difficultd deir arte) certainly helped to in-
corporate the teaching of Masaccio in
respect to figure draughtmanship, and may
have anatomized to attain that incisive
point and apposite modelling which is so
striking a characteristic in his work. Al-
though he did not matriculate in the Guild
of Physicians and Apothecaries until he
was fifty-five, he became a lusty exponent
of the new plastic conceptions furnished by
proportional analysis and dissection. He is
a strict uncompromising realist, bound to
his model, in all narrowness, believing that
to embellish, is to falsify. His interest in
character, in ethnic type, is intense. Post-
mortems by him would surely be expressed
in terms of some new declension, for he
engaged new appetencies for the task, view-
ing the thing thus from the ethnic angle.

Ucello, Castagno, Baldovinetti, whose
great pupil was Verrocchio, together with
Piero della Francesca, whose great pupil
was Signorelli, brought in flowing wells of
refreshment to Umbro-FIorentine art, to
join the racing tumult of waters set free by
Pollajuolo, or to spread abroad in other
directions. The Medici made a special point
of encouraging Tuscan artists with scientific
leanings. Thus, to impart a fillip to Verroc-
chio's more academic interest in human
anatomy, was he commissioned to restore
an antique statue of the flayed Marsyas,
which glorified the gate of the Medici gar-
dens — given the mutilated red-marble torso,
by sheer ''tour de Jorce' to reconstruct the

missing parts. He did this with consurhmate
skill, utilizing the white veins of stone as
the proper superficial veins of the limbs.
Verrocchio (i 435-1 488) was the first to make
practical use of casts of the living body and
^corch^ . posture models for use in schools.
These marvellous flayed figurines, exhibit-
ing all the superficial muscles in action,
accurately moulded in wax, terra cotta or
plaster, carved from marble or cast in
bronze, formed a fresh series of essays in
artistic anatomy. Verrocchio's bronze 6cor-
ch^s certainly were calculated to excite the
admiration, emulation and despair of his
contemporaries, the same contemporaries
who criticized the naturalism of the horse
in his great CoIIeoni statue for its literal
translation of the anatomy of the animal
as seen dissected. In this sculptor, bronze
worker, goldsmith, builder and painter,
the "true-eye*' expressed in his very name,
meant analytical vision, the firm, poised,
robust character of a born teacher. Small
wonder that Leonardo lingered on in ap-
prenticeship to this man for years after his
admission to the guild, imbibing sound
methods of science along with ideals of
drawing, of modelling, of formal composi-
tion in line and plane.

The progress of naturalism was continu-
ous and triumphant; under such champions
of reality it was destined to spread far and
wide over Italy and finally over western
Europe, in the swift seasons of the diaspora
of Florentine science. The new art, grounded
on actuality, pleased the princes, and, at the
same time, commended itself to the honest
and honorable intelligence of the bour-
geoisie. In Italy, the people, in wider com-
monality, had come to share the artist's
passion for unadorned truth. There, the
verities reigned, through popular choice.
"The desire of seeming wise on matters of
form, with which every man of us is born,"
was there recognized as the last treachery
of the artistic hand and soul.

The old ''Ars et Mysterium'* in the canons

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of paintings no longer obtained — ^at least,
there was no longer the mysterious content
in the teaching. "Beauty is measured and
proportioned by geometrical accuracy/'
This rule, repeated on all hands, doubtless
led to trials of "presumptuous and paltry
technical skill" (Ruskin's wrathful charac-
terization of this trend), yet it led straight
on to the creation of immortal works, sym-
bols of the highest connotation, most pro-
found experiential expression, attained by
man in his glad runs through the amazing

Among those who ran the whole gamut
of experience, endowed with the universal
mind, mark Piero della Francesca, who
became a great master in the exact sciences
before he became one in the arts. "He under-
stood all the most important properties of
rectilinear bodies better than any other
geometrician.*' (Vasari). He wrote a treatise
on perspective, for centuries accredited to
a mythical Peter of Bruges. He trained in
proportioni et proportionalitd, the great
Pacioli, companion in studies mathematical
of Leonardo da Vinci. His studies of the un-
draped figure are splendidly realized effec-
tive and living portraits of the body. His
frescoes at Arezzo set him apart as one of
the foremost masters of figure expression.
His treatment of the Resurrection theme
at Borgo San Sepolcro proved for all time
that "Nature could not invest herself in
such shadowing passion of line without
some instruction*' (to adapt lago's vivid
phrase). On the whole, considering Piero's
extant works and his known preoccupation
with matters of pure science, the presump-
tion of fact is that he anatomized. He was,
in spirit, more scientific, and in his art, more
narrowed and bound to nature, than any of
the great Florentines with the exception of
Leonardo. His Umbrian follower and spirit-
ual heir, Luca Signorelli (1441-1523) ex-
ploited the nude in art with astonishing
verve and abandon. Luca's severe and
sculptural design and modelling, as seen in

his "Education of Pan" (circa 1475), now in
Berlin, changed, in the following thirty
years, by some subtle increase in vehemence
of execution, into an utterly different thing,
or at least a modally diflFerent thing. His
frescoes in the cathedral at Orvieto whirl
the beholder into regions of Dantesque im-
pressiveness and solemnity. These awful
walls are charged with great, primal, per-
fervid presences, executed on an heroic plane,
the elder brothers of Michelangelo's Sistine
conceptions. Signorelli was a restless ex-
perimenter; his handling of vital plastic
problems, without diminution of the sense
for pictorial illusion, is instinct with a vigor
and intensity which is almost satiric, sar-
donic. Luca even nerved himself to paint
the body of his own dead son. That he
painted for painters is readily seen.

Of Melozzo da Forii (1438- 1494), another
pupil of Piero della Francesca, although
much could be said, we will mention only his
"Pesta-Pepe" or apothecary's assistant
braying in a mortar with the muscles of a
Hercules — a panel which originally must
have served as a druggist's shop-sign. It is
done in a vein too dashing to allow of com-
parison with that piece of neat quick fash-
ioning of the outward form by his master
Piero — ^the "Ercole" from Borgo San Sepol-
cro, now in Mrs. Gardner's collection — ^yet
the derivation is plain.

Other Umbrians, as Fiorenzo di Lorenzo
together with his pupils Perugino and Pin-
torricchio, never quite succumbed to the
spirit of Florentine science, although admit-
ting its prepotency. They drew their Saint
Sebastians with anatomic refinements which
were borrowed, rather than the outcome of
individual research. Raphael, too, misprized
science while in Urbino and under the influ-
ence of these men, yet it is well to remember
that his first teacher, Timoteo Viti, who had
quitted the Bolognese studio of Francia in
1495, ^^ ^^^* studio had seen much of the
great anatomist Achillini, the life-long friend
of Francia. Raphael had a genius for assimi-

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lation and in his Florentine period (1504-
1508) imitated Leonardo and Michelangelo,
drinking deep of the Pierian spring. There
is much to give color to the rumor, current
at his death and credited throughout the
two centuries following, that Raphael had
imitated Leonardo and Michelangelo even
to the point of preparing materials for a
work on artistic anatomy.

Padua possessed iriuch work of unique
merit from the hands of early Florentine
masters and was susceptible to their mould-
ing influence. Giotto (1306) under the eye
of exiled Dante, raised the standards of
universal beauty in the frescoes of the
Arena Chapel; Donatello labored at Padua
from 1443 to 1453; Ucello was there also
at some time in the same decade, and Fra
Fillipo Lippi worked there in 1434. Squar-
cione, head of the native school in which
ancient Roman sculpture and the new
Florentine models received equal attention,
consciously adhered to the naturalistic
mode. He and his scholars lived on terms of
some intimacy with the physician, Michele
Savonarola, in whose brother's house the
school was maintained. Squarcione's school
took on a tremendous significance through
the genius of his chief pupil, and adopted
son, Andrea Mantegna (143 1- 1506), the
most influential artist in North Italy during
the early Renaissance. Mantegna's earnest
and intense search for reality is seen in the
figures of the Eremitani frescoes. His study
of the "Dead Christ" in the Brera Gallery
is accepted as the extreme and sovereign
instance of realism, the direct inspiration of
Tintoretto when he painted his "Finding
the Body of Saint Mark" (likewise in the
Palazzo di Brera) and of Rembrandt's
"Deyman Anatomic," in theRijks Museum.
Next to Mantegna, Cosimo Tura (1430?-
1495), founder of the school of Ferrara, and
Vincenzo Foppa, central master of the
Lombard and Brescian region, strove to
disseminate most widely the fruits of Pad-
uan discipline.

In studying the early art of Venice, with
the view of determining anatomical con-
tent and direction, one pauses over Vivar-
ini*s long-proportioned figures with exag-
gerated articulations, and Carlo Crivelli's
(1440?— after 1493) scientific interest in
tendons and muscular attachments. There
is excellent matter in the London and
Louvre sketch books of Jacopo Bellini, and
in the work of his sons and their incom-
parable school - following ; in Giorgione
(1478-1519) and Titian (1477-1576), whose
perennial devotion to the nude was ex-
pressed in many a gorgeous Venus, Danae,
Europa, Antiope. When Rubens was exe-
cuting his Prado copy of the "Rape of
Europa" he wrote that this Titian to him
stood forth as the first picture in the world.
To Titian's mind the Saint Sebastian panel,
of the five-winged altar-piece for the Bishop
of Pola, was preeminently the best delinea-
tion of the figure of which he was capable.
The Rhenish follower of Titian, Jan van
Calcar from the Duchy of Cleves, illustrated
the "Fabrica" of Vesalius, fifty-two years
after the first anatomical book-illustrations
for Ketham's "Fasiculus" had been pre-
pared by Mansueti of the school of Gentile
Bellini. The versions of Venus by the
mountaineer Palma Vecchio are rugged and
healthy (Dresden and Cambridge) contrast-
ed with the more ideal loveliness and greater
refinement of Giorgione's (Dresden) and
Cariani's (Hampton Court). Giorgione's
most important follower was Sebastian del
Piombo (circa 1485- 1547) who became the
loyal slave of Michelangelo in Rom6 about
15 10. Del Piombo, far outstripped his
fellow Venetians in zeal for anatomy, yet
he was reined in by a certain laziness and
disinclination to dissect.

Beyond the Alps, also, are multiplied
examples in sculpture and painting of acci-
dental modes of anatomic illustration; be-
ginning with Burgundian and Languedoc
sculpture, and Flemish and Rheinish paint-
ing. The "Adam and Eve" on the Ghent

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Annals of Medical History

altar by Jan Van Eyck {circa 1390-1441);
the "Thief on the Cross" at Frankfurt, work
of the Master of Flemalle (active, 1420-38) ;
"The Descent from the Cross" by Roger
Van der Weyden (1400-1464), now in the
Escorial: these introduce a long series of
masterpieces in the naturalistic Northern
manner, which found expression later in
such works as the "Neptune and Amphi-
trite" by Jan Gossart (15 16) and the purely
anatomical pen sketches of Peter Brueghel
(1525-1569). In Germany, Albrecht Durer
painted the figure according to the strict
canons of proportion which he himself laid
down. His "Adam and Eve" in the Prado
(1507) executed on his return from Italy,
easily transcends the efforts of Lucas Cran-
ach and other contemporaries, who repeat-
edly tried to parallel the performance. The
school of Diirer deserves special study from
the angle of the cult of science and because
of the very close relations existing between
members of that school and the mathema-
ticians and physicians of Nuremberg, Augs-
burg and Strassburg. It should be men-
tioned too, that Cranach, in addition to his
active school-directorship at Wittenberg,
directed a prosperous drug shop there for
many years. In Germany, as in Italy, art
continually kibed the heels of medicine.
We may not stop to examine the complex
of these relationships, interpenetrating and
important as they are. Burgkmair, Shauffe-
lein and Grien should be studied, with all
their kin and kind. The "Hercules and
Antaeus" and the "Allegory of Music" by
Hans Baldung Grien give the summation of
Diirer's mensural method of plotting the
unveiled human* figure. Perhaps the most
acute and telling master-stroke of realism
ever set within the limits of a narrow panel
is the "Dead Christ" by Hans Holbein the
Younger, painted in 1521, now in the
Museum at B^e.

To return to Florence, — ^it would seem
first and last that the one fixed trysting-
place for art and science lay in that region

round about the Arcispedale Santa Maria
Novella, scene of the labors of Domenico
Veneziano, Piero della Francesca, Andrea
del Castagno, Alessio Baldovinetti and
Ghirlandaio. In the "Lily Pharmacy," hard
by the hospital, was born Cosimo Roselli
(1439-1507), sound craftsman, founder of a
prolific school, which welcomed the teach-
ings of the new anatomy. His ablest pupils
were Piero di Cosimo (1462 - 1521) and
Andrea del Sarto (1486-153 1), keen stu-
dents of anatomy, according to Vasari. A
critic might interpolate thus: Vasari in his
"Lives of the Painters" is prone to over-
emphasize these interests, for he was a
kinsman of Signorelli and a pupil of Michel-
angelo. But we can generally check his
statements made in this vein by the direct
evidence of drawings and other material
remains left by the artist in question; in
the case of Piero, the Uffizi drawing of a dead
man's head is sufficiently convincing. An-
drea del Sarto, in turn, taught artistic
anatomy in his own school, beyond cavil of
doubt. It was from him that Pontormo
learned, and Franciabigio, and Rosso Fio-
rentino, who furnished the bulk of the illus-
trations in the anatomy of Charles Es-

Men of the central Italian tradition went
serenely on, subtly recharging themselves
with the primary inspiration of the supreme
masters, Leonardo, Michelangelo and Ra-
phael. This triumvirate had hastened the
spread in widest commonality of that domi-
nant idea of Leon Baptista Alberti, namely,
that artists should study nature in a truly
scientific spirit. What ardors and endur-
ances for science, what trials in the fiery fur-
nace, had these three not passed through —
Leonardo in particular I Florentines well
remembered how, in the year 1505, the city
had gone down in entire submission before
Leonardo's divinely drawn cartoon for "The
Battle of the Standard" and the competing
cartoon by Michelangelo, "The Surprise, by

'1 Published by Simon. Colindese, Paris: 1545.

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the Pisans, of Florentine Soldiers Bathing
in the Arno." "One of these cartoons was
placed in the Medici Palace and one in the
Pope's Hall; and while they could be seen
there, they were the school of all the world,"
wrote Benvenuto Cellini. So decisive was
the display, by these establishers of dis-
section, that there was no room thenceforth
for faulty drawing of the nude figure in
action. Many men in Florence, Milan, and
Rome knew of Leonardo's favorite project to
publish exhaustive researches in human and
comparative anatomy — ^a project crushed
under the Tarpeian weight of his materials,
amassed in thirty-three years of intermittent
dissection and gathered in one-hundred-and
twenty volumes of drawings and descriptive
notes. Of his fifty dissections, the first series
was performed in the Arcispedale Santa
Maria Novella at Florence, next at Milan
at the Ospedale Maggiore and CoIIegio dei
Fisici with Delia Torre, and finally (15 14-
15) at the Santo Spirito at Rome. There his
work had been brusquely interrupted by
command of the Pope, on complaint of a
German, and he accepted the invitation of
Francis I to live in France. It was during
his second stay at Milan that he made nota-
tion in his MS. : "This winter of the year
15 10 I hope to complete the whole of this
anatomy." But we find him still dissecting
four years later in his sixty-second year, in
the winter of 15 14-15, the winter on whose
last December day Andreas Vesalius was
brought into the world. Whether Vesalius
saw or did not see the work of his great
precursor, before the dispersal of these
scientific treasures by Melzi's unblest son,
remains a vexed question. Grant that
Vesalius made use of even some small part
of Leonardo's scheme, then may we say
that the progress of science is not as falter-
ing and discontinuous as on the surface it
appears to be at this point in the history of
anatomy; the influence of Leonardo upon
practical anatomy is decisive; he steps into
a place of intolerant central glory.

Less esoteric and secretive in this matter
than Leonardo, Michelangelo wielded a
tremendously direct influence upon the
practice among artists of preparatory anato-
mies. Upon this question the young giant

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