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1 Cf. Hase, Vorlesungen, iv. 120, 121.

2 Above, p. 116. 3 Ibid.


there was also the more spiritual problem of the
Papal jurisdiction in France.

The cause of this trouble was Jansenism, and (/3) Jan-
the circumstances were the result of the revocation se
of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. That measure had
made France a Catholic unit. But in that Catholic
unit were two main parties whose differences had
hitherto disappeared in their common antagonism
to the heretics. After 1685, however, these two
parties in the Church were left to struggle for the
mastery of the religion of France. The kernel of
the Jesuit doctrine was the assertion of Free Will,
that of the Jansenist creed was the Augustinian
doctrine of Grace. Struggles between them had
gone on before, and some Popes, especially Urban
VIII and Innocent X and Alexander VII, had con-
demned Jansenism, while Clement IX had promul-
gated a Bull declaring a compromise which went by
the name of the Peace of Clement 1 . But the essen-
tial difference now was that the independence of the
Gallican Church from the Pope had been declared
in 1682, and though this was professedly annulled in
1693, yet the religious autonomy of France was still
a cardinal point with all French Catholics.

In other words, the question was whether Jan-
senism or Jesuitism was to wield the power trans-
ferred from Rome to Paris in 1682. For the present
this was scarcely realized. It seemed rather the
time now for the Pope to be making a great struggle
to maintain the authority granted to him in 1693.
But the Gallican spirit of the French nation was
1 St Simon, vn. 134136.


against him and disliked his attempted interferences
in the struggles of Jesuit and Jansenist.

The solution of these difficulties would have been
a Papal Bull declaring what was right and what was
wrong. And this the Jesuits determined to secure
for themselves, and Cardinal Noailles would support
it because he was no Jansenist. It seemed time to
settle the questions which Clement IX's Peace had
once postponed. The Nuncio wrote in July, 1703,
" I know that the King, with his acknowledged feel-
ings of piety, is inclined to receive as good news the
oracles of the Holy See as to the errors of Jansenism.
My idea is to proceed now and keep back any points
which cannot be decided at present or which may
provoke difficulties or start controversies 1 ." The
cause of these timid counsels is obvious. In May
the Parliament of Paris had refused to register a
Papal Bull 2 , because it conflicted with the principles
of Gallicanism. The Pope complained bitterly.
" The King had this brief printed and sent the
letter accompanying it to all the friendly bishops of
the kingdom. ' Feed my sheep ' is the command to
Peter, and the King's authority is attacked as well
as ours by this action of the Parliament, which must
be due to the Jansenists 3 ." But it was Gallicanism
rather than Jansenism that had done it. " With all
sincerity," said the Nuncio in June, "I will repre-
sent to your Holiness that it is not merely the
Jansenists or their opponents who are resisting all
the action of Rome, but even a very large number

1 Gualterio, 20242. 242. 2 Ibid. 20318. 71.

3 Ibid. 20241. 79, 80.


of those persons who are otherwise good Catholics,
because of the great eagerness every one has here
to uphold the Gallican prerogatives and liberties
which are, so to speak, the very apple of the eye of
this nation, and for the maintenance of which it is
always determined to sacrifice everything else 1 ."

At length in August a draft of the expected
Bull against Jansenism seems to have been sent to
the Nuncio, who received a promise of cooperation
from the King which augured well 2 . But with 1706
came a violent complaint by the Pope against the
French clergy. The ecclesiastical assembly had just
drawn up certain rules condemning Jansenism with-
out consulting Clement, who therefore vented his
anger at this Gallican usurpation of the Papal rights
not merely of jurisdiction but also of authority in
matters of doctrine. " We can no longer, without
neglect of our pastoral office, refrain from laying our
complaints against our venerable brothers, the Arch-
bishops, Bishops and other ecclesiastics who were
there assembled, and by that same archiepiscopal
authority which we hold by God's grace and will
maintain by His help, we warn them that the fulness
of this power was given by the will of God to the
chair of St Peter alone, and they must not dare to
usurp it, but reverence our decrees for the Catholic
faith and carry them out, but not presume to discuss
or judge themselves 3 ." It was a strong declaration
of the Papal claims and showed the great gulf fixed
between them and the claims of Gallicanism. Late

1 Gualterio, 20242. 230. 2 Ibid. 20242. 292.

3 Ibid. 20243. 38.


in 1707 Torcy voiced the general wish when he said,
" Those who love the general good of the Church,
grow sad at the sight of the way in which the Pope
is hurried into complaints against France 1 ."
The But in spite of the widening rift between

Clement and Louis up till the expulsion of the
French from Italy in 1707, there was one tie to
bind them increasingly closer together. This was a
crusade for the sake of the Catholic refugee, Prince
James. In July, 1701, the chances seemed favour-
able. There was still peace, and William was grow-
ing weaker and weaker. Gualterio declared that
" Providence had no other greater object in view than
the universal reduction of the Protestants to the
Church, a work which will render the memory of
your Holiness's Pontificate immortal in the Church 2 ."
It was a grand ambition and now that the eastern
crusade with the Turks had closed, the new Pope,
Clement XI, clung to this possibility of a western
crusade with a desire for holy fame. He advised
that nothing should be done till the death of Wil-
liam, for the sentiments of Anne towards the exiled
family were well known to be favourable 3 . Louis'
recognition of James III in September, 1701, gave
Clement the opportunity to show his enthusiasm.
"Your Eminence," he wrote to Gualterio, "will go
and congratulate the King of France in our name,
together with the new King of England and the
Queen his mother.... It is to be hoped that the other
Catholic princes will follow the French King's

1 Gualterio, 20318. 192. 3 Ibid. 20242. 55.

3 Ibid. 20241. 20.


example ; nor have we been remiss in writing to our
Nuncios, telling them to give all the encouragement
that may be needed to such a policy 1 ." Nor was
the help to James to be confined to mere titles, for
" in order to restore the legitimate King of England
to his throne," wrote the Pontiff, "we would give
not only all that we have to spend but even life
itself." But incomes were now depreciated in value
and so though he would like to help the prince,
" We conclude that little or nothing can be done by
us. Yet this (crusade) being of such importance, we
wish even now to do something," and accordingly a
sum of 20,680 francs was placed to the credit of
Clement's private account at Paris, to be drawn on
for any expedition which might bring about the
return of James 2 . As soon as the Act of Settlement
had been passed, the advantage of acting through
Scotland was seen, and the grievances of the Scotch 3
were turned to good account. Louis, with his usual
ability, used the political grievances of Scotland in
connection with the religious ambition of the Pope
in order to have his last instrument, the claimant to
the English throne, ready for his use when his own
plans required.

The growing weakness of William made his Prepara-
probable death the most obvious opportunity for ^
the restoration of James, and in the meantime the
Scotch Parliament was the means ready to hand.
"As everything will be lost in those kingdoms,"
wrote the Nuncio, "if the consent of the Scotch

1 Gualterio, 20241. 22 b .
2 Ibid. 20241. 18, 19. 8 Above, p. 118.

H. 9


nation is given to the English resolutions as to the
succession, and the exclusion of the Catholic line, or
at any rate its restoration could only come under
the most difficult circumstances, no more useful or
effective event could happen than that the two
peoples should be separated in sentiment, and this
should be declared by a public law of the Parliament
for the maintenance of a policy contrary to that
which the English have adopted. The Marquis of
Torcy has assured me that the King, knowing the
importance of the fact and the advantages which
may result from it, is not neglecting the opportunity,
and though impeded at present by vast expenses, he
will not fail to furnish all the necessary sums in
order that the well-intentioned party may have the
upper hand in the next Scotch Parliament 1 ." But
as he could not do this alone, he asked for the help
of Clement by a subsidy of 30,000 francs 2 . The
Pope's gift of 20,680 francs was, therefore, devoted
to this purpose, and distributed by the leader of the
Scotch autonomy party, the Duke of Hamilton 3 ,
who belonged to a family related to the Stuarts,
was powerful in wealth and position, and was dis-
satisfied with the Prince of Orange. Beyond Scot-
land lay Ireland, where the Catholics were ready to
rise whenever the opportunity was given to them,
and in England there were many malcontents who
would join the army of the French King if ever it
appeared in the island in great strength 4 . But
between the British Islands on one side and the

1 Gualterio, 20242. 11. 2 Ibid. 20242. 11.

3 Ibid. 20242. 33, 34. 4 Ibid. 20242. 24.


eager Pontiff on the other stood Louis, with his own
plans to work out. He had recognized James as
King, but William was not dead, and for the present
there was still peace between them 1 . Yet it was as
well to be ready for all emergencies, and 'therefore
it was advisable not to delay preparations, for the
death of the Prince of Orange might come sooner
than was expected. And if once that happened or
war broke out the King would have no reason to
keep him from action' against England 2 . With words
like these Torcy held out hopes without committing
France to anything, and the crusade waited for the
death of William and the disturbed state of England
which would follow 3 . This occurred in March. 1702,
and in April Clement wrote : " We believe we are
doing injustice to the zeal of the most Christian
King in urging him to profit by the present grave
crisis, in order to act practically and prudently on
behalf of the King of England, and there are signs
that your Eminence (the Nuncio) has, at this oppor-
tunity, taken those steps which you have found
suitable to your office, with the most Christian
King, and the King and Queen of England. We
pray God with all our heart to aid your cause 4 ."

The draft of a treaty between Philip, Louis and
Clement for the restoration of James, though un-
dated, seems to belong to this year, and some of its
articles, even though not signed, throw light on the
nature of this crusade. " 2. The contracting par-
ties agreed to leave wholly to his most Christian

1 Gualterio, 20242. 22. 2 Ibid. 20242. 26, 22.

3 Ibid. 20241. 20. * Ibid. 20241. 40, 41.



Majesty the choice of the time at which it shall be
most suitable to begin the enterprise. 18. In
consideration that to publish the name of his Holi-
ness at once as a party to the expedition, could not
fail to make it more difficult because of the aversion
which the Protestant peoples have towards the head

of the Catholic religion His Holiness wishes that

his share in it should for the present remain a

secret Therefore all that he contributes shall

pass under the name of the most Christian King.
20. The war in which the Catholic King finds
himself engaged on so many sides does not permit
him to take his share of the burden of the expense
of this enterprise out of his ordinary revenues. His
Holiness, therefore, in consideration that the re-
sources of the Church cannot be better employed
than in a work of such merit, condescends to allow
his Catholic Majesty a tenth from the ecclesiastics
of his States to cover the great necessities of the
expense 1 ."

At the same time, two plans for the crusade
were suggested. The first was for a descent on
England. For this the Pope was asked for 20,000
crowns a month and 200,000 to start the enterprise.
Queen Maria Beatrice and the Duke of Berwick
counted wholly on it. It was said that "as Inno-
cent X had spent 500,000 crowns to assist the Irish
Catholics when they had no leader, so Clement XI
would surely not refuse a sum of far smaller
amount to put the King and the Catholic religion
back in England 2 ." The chances now were wonder-
1 Gualterio, 20294. 4, 8. 2 Ibid. 20242. 127.


fully good. " We have to do," said Gualterio, " with
a Princess weak in body and mind, with a husband
less capable than herself. . .and in the hands of a

faction " But before the Courts of Spain and

France would move they required the security of
the financial aid of Rome. Besides this, the favour-
able sentiments of the " Princess " Anne were well
known and promises of assistance had been received
from the ministers Godolphin and Marlborough 1 .
The alternative plan was for the management of
Scotland. " The design is to gain as many votes in
the Parliament which is to open in a few weeks as
shall suffice to reject the succession, which -the
English heretics desire to establish in the Prince of
Hanover, to the prejudice of the royal family. If
this succeeds, it is proposed to go further and with
this majority of votes to secure that Scotland shall
revive the old treaties of friendship and commerce
with France, while the King offers every facility for
this end, on his own part and on that of the Catholic
King 2 ." Scotland should remain neutral in the
present war, and this Parliament should tell Anne
that " it would recognize the King, her brother, as
her lawful successor, in which case it would recog-
nize her as sovereign for her life, or otherwise it
would withdraw its obedience altogether and accept
as sovereign now King James III, in independence
from England 3 ." But this plan too needed the
Papal subsidy, for " in these countries, where every
vote has its price, nothing can be done without

1 Gualterio, 20242. 128, 129. 2 Ibid. 20242. 137, 138.
3 Ibid. 20242. 137, 138.


bribery, and so I have a command to beseech your
Holiness, in the name of the King, to be willing to
contribute some more adequate amount, since there
is this good excuse in favour of the plan, that those
heavy expenses which a military expedition requires
are avoided 1 ." Louis' action was characteristic.
" His maxim is to listen and accept all that is sug-
gested, yet without stopping his other practical
measures 2 ."

But it was in effect the second plan that was
followed. And this was a decisive blow to the
crusade, for its essence was peaceful bribery and not
war. It harmonised so much better with Louis'
plans for his other Pretenders in Spain, Germany
and Italy. The Holy War, therefore, became a
political intrigue with Papal money to support it.
Even this was insecure, because the Pope's resources
were being exhausted by his struggles to maintain
his own existence. In April, 1703, he told his
Nuncio that " to tell the truth, we cannot give
much, since our poor house is reduced to the depths
of poverty, but we will gladly relieve his most
Christian Majesty to the small extent that we can 3 ."
This promise called up much admiration from the
King of France, who dragged the religious side into
prominence by saying it " was an effort of great
import to religion 4 ." Yet it was scarcely religion
that caused this activity. It was the completion of
the alternative political plan by the passing of the
Act of Security in the Scotch Parliament of May,

1 Gualterio, 20242. 138. 2 Ibid. 20242. 129.

3 Ibid. 20241. 72, 73. * Ibid. 20242. 224.


1703. This stipulated that on the death of the
Queen without issue the Estates should meet to
name a successor who should not be the same as the
person who should succeed to the Crown of England
unless certain privileges were secured to Scotland
first. The Royal Assent to this Bill was given in
July, 1704.

But for Blenheim in the following month the
time of the Pretender James might have come four
years earlier than it did. The Court of St Germains
urged the restoration of James on the unpatriotic
ground that " a Catholic King of Great Britain must
be always dependent on France 1 ." Even in July,
however, there was little hope of an enterprise in
Scotland that year because the French troops were
so spread about elsewhere that none could be sent
over 2 , and after that battle Louis had to concentrate
himself on defence rather than offence. It was in
vain in 1705 that the Nuncio Gualterio made an
elaborate comparison of France as Rome, with Eng-
land as Carthage, to impress Louis with the need of
action 3 . Queen Mary Beatrice expressed her desire
to be at Fontainebleau to second a Jacobite mes-
senger, for she was persuaded that it was " the last
chance before the peace 4 ." Louis, for the present,
would not act. The rift between France and Rome
was dividing the two partners to the war for religion
and the time of James as a Pretender was not yet

1 MacPherson, Original Papers, n. 682.

2 Gualterio, 20318. 112.

3 Ibid. 20311. 7784.

4 Ibid. 20293. 38.


come. But in 1706 the time for the union of Scot-
land and England had come. Throughout the year
the battle was waged over the details, but at last,
in March, 1707, the Act of Union was ratified.
Just before this, in July, 1705, the Stuart cause had
suffered a loss in the removal of Cardinal Gualterio,
the Papal Nuncio at Paris, to Rome 1 . And this
same March, 1707, really saw the end of any chance
of a crusade. For this was the date when the treaty
of Milan in Italy left the Pope alone in Italy to
meet the triumphant Austrians 2 . If Louis was to
act at all on behalf of James, the idea of the crusade
must give place to the rule for all Pretenders the
interest of France.

iii. Im- Again, as in 1688 and in 1701, a time of tension

portonceo/- n E urO p e was re ached. Ill the struggle for the
balance of power on land Italy had just been lost
to the two crowns, but Almanza had secured Philip
in Spain. The Diet of Onod had shown Ragoczy's
strength in Hungary, and beyond Austria hovered
Charles of Sweden, of whose attitude none could be
certain. In the struggle for the sea-coast Maximilian
had come forward only to be beaten at Ramillies.
On the sea itself England had become mistress of
the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. But she had
just received a check at Toulon. And now a chance
of attacking her on the Channel itself was opened
up by the breach between the two countries on its
western coast Scotland and England. The religious
balance of Europe, too, was unsteady. Protestantism

1 Gualterio, 20293. 52.

2 Above, p. 110.


had advanced in the north under Frederick of Prussia
and Charles of Sweden till a response had been
awakened in the south of France. The Catholic
princes themselves were at war and the Pope had
become the partisan of France. But her support
had failed him and the alliance had only brought to
light the unavoidable breach between the two forms
of the one faith. For the third time the House of
Stuart bore the burden of the fate of the western
world, and for the third time it failed to accomplish
the mission for which the French King strove the
hegemony of the House of Bourbon in Europe.

In the beginning of the year 1708 a great plan iv. James's
was taking shape. The Duke of Chevreuse had just ^J^
become the most influential minister at Versailles
and wished to signalise his ministry by a brilliant
success 1 . The means lay ready to hand. Throughout
1707 there had been going on intrigues with Scotland,
the object of which was to throw off the hated union
with England. But the old condition was again
declared needful the Scotch must rise before the
French would help. Louis had sent a Colonel Hawke
to Scotland, with the object of " inducing the mal-
contents to take arms, without subjecting the French
King to any engagements on his side 2 ." Minute
enquiries as to the strength of the Scotch and their
need of outside help were made, and James summed
up his position by saying to Hawke, " As soon as
they appear in arms, and have declared for us, we
design to come in person to their assistance, with

1 St Simon, v. 402.

2 MacPherson, Original Papers, n. 74.


the succours promised us by the most Christian
King, which cannot be obtained till they have given
that evidence of their dispositions 1 ."

(a) The Throughout 1707 these intrigues had little

pUn^ result. But with 1708 the evidence furnished
began to be used. Hough, a dependent of the
Court of St Germains, showed to Caillieres and
the Duke of Chevreuse the importance of the
opportunity brought about by the Act of Union.
The minister gave his adhesion to the plan, and
persuaded the King. An attempt to restore James
was a means of making a powerful diversion, of
depriving the allies of the help of England, who
would be occupied at home, and of incapacitating
them from helping the Archduke in Spain. But
there was to be a further development. It was
proposed to profit by the despair in which their
treatment by the Austriaris had thrown the Spanish
Netherlands since the battle of Ramillies, and to
make them revolt at the same time that the Scotch
expedition startled the allies and deprived them of
aid from England 2 . The two opposite coasts of the
Channel were to be roused at the same moment. At
last the time of the Stuart Pretender had come. A
most able man undertook to rouse the Netherlands
the Count of Bergheck, who had been employed
in the finances of those provinces at the end of
Charles II's reign, and the Elector of Bavaria had
continued the appointment. Unfortunately the head
of the French forces Marshal Vendome was not
equally capable. But for the present the plan
1 MacPherson, n. 83. 2 St Simon, v. 406.


promised well. Bergheck, after due consideration,
believed that he could so work on the authorities in
the towns, that in the first excitement of the Scotch
enterprise everything would succeed without diffi-
culty. With the help of an upheaval in England
and of the French armies in Flanders, supported by
an expedition on the Rhine at the same time, the
enemy would be held at all points in uncertainty
and suspense 1 . In France great preparations began
to be made as secretly as possible. Louis armed
thirty vessels at Dunkirk and the neighbouring
ports, including the transports. The Chevalier de
Fourbin was commander of the squadron : four
million francs were sent to Flanders for the payment
of the troops, of whom six thousand were ordered up
to the coast by Dunkirk. At length, when all was
ready, on March 6, 1708, James left St Germains for

At once the loss of the supremacy over Great (P) The
Britain on the sea became apparent as an obstacle Scotland!
to Louis' plans. A messenger came with the news
that Admiral Leake, who was thought to be off
Portugal, was blockading Dunkirk. The French
troops, who had been placed on board the fleet, were
therefore promptly disembarked 2 . Further delay
was caused by an attack of measles from which the
Prince suffered; however, on March 19, in spite of
the doctors, he started from Dunkirk. But England
had now had time to put her supremacy of the
Channel to good use. Admiral Byng had put to sea
from Portsmouth on March 14, and as soon as he
1 St Simon, v. 407, 408. 2 Ibid. v. 411.


heard of the starting of the French ships he at once
pursued them to the Firth of Forth to prevent them
from bringing the Prince to Edinburgh. When the
French saw him, not only was the plan of a landing
given up but only flight was thought of. The cables
were cut and the fleet made for Dunkirk pursued by
the English ships. The anger of the Scotch vented
itself on Louis, " who," they said, " merely treated

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