G. Stanley (Granville Stanley) Hall.

Morale, the supreme standard of life and conduct online

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foreseen more clearly and been ready for the inevit-
able. Statesmen must henceforth be experts in their
knowledge not only of Europe but of the Orient. Their
interests and their thoughts must henceforth take on
more cosmic dimensions. We are an integral part of
the world as never before whether we will it or not.
Our press should unite its forces and vastly extend
and perfect its system of gathering information
throughout the world, especially at the great centers.
It is a reproach to it that especially since the war
ceased, we know almost nothing, save by occasional
glimpses, of what is going on in parts of Europe in
which our interests had been keenly aroused and
which are now in the most critical condition.

Nor does our government itself begin to know these
things as well as do those of Europe, whose consular
and diplomatic agents are trained in special institu-



tions for the purpose, have served a long apprentice-
ship, and who can look forward to life careers if they
choose this line of service because their positions are
not liable to be made the spoils of office. The new
statesmanship will not obscure great issues by party
politics; nor will it allow even national greed and
selfishness to stand in the way of the larger interests
of man. In this way the morale of even politics,
which is now so low all the way from the ward, leader
to the Senate, may be restored.

In the hierarchy of virtues patriotism ranks very
high, but there is one and one only that outranks it,
and that is love of mankind as a whole. Never has
there been so much talk of Americanism and such
need of teaching it to young and old, especially to re-
cent comers to our shores. But Americanism must
not lapse to fanaticism or be made a cloak for any
kind of the narrow, selfish, jingoism that penalizes
and persecutes rather than persuades all radical opin-
ions. Moreover, there is already a true internation-
alism in the field of missions, trade, capitalism, and
to-day of labor. Now, it is a great law of psycho-
genesis that the man who begins by loving even his
country better than he loves mankind is not a desir-
able citizen of the world to-day, and as senescent in-
volution begins in the fifth or sixth decades of life,
such a one will very strongly tend to lapse to a lower
stage in which he loves party more than country, or
his sect more than religion, or his class interests
more than those of the community, and he will also



strongly tend to end by loving himself and his own
wish and will best of all. This retreat or katabasis
of soul (the exact opposite of the expansive spirit of
youth which is the only regenerative force in the
world) is the fate of all who put acquisition above
service. It is this trend to hyperindividuation of
ever narrower groups that has been from the dawn of
history one of the chief if not the essential cause of
the decline and fall of the ancient states, and which if
not contravened will undermine modern civilization.
The fall of ancient Greece began in the disintegration
of tlhe sophists who affirmed that the truth was what
it seemed to each. It began in Rome with the decline
of the middle class as a result of the long struggles
between the upper classes and the masses, the latter
becoming almost enslaved and the former arrogant,
luxurious, and self-indulgent. This was really the
psychological cause, although, as some historians are
now telling us, the malaria brought by Hannibal may
have accelerated the decadence. Even the contempo-
rary enthusiasm for syndicalism in France, if it in-
volves abatement of love for la patrie because of more
devotion to industrial groupings, is degenerative and
can end only as a soviet.

One of the most clear and obvious conclusions from
the incomparably complex life of our day, so full of
conflicts between such innumerable group interests,
and especially in a democracy, is that the chief criter-
ion of true leadership is the power to compromise.
All those in power must be ready to concede and to


accept a part when they cannot get the whole, as well
as sometimes even to do the lesser evil to secure the
greater good. Democratic leaders to-day must have
the team spirit and submit to the arbitration of the
umpire. Those who guide the Ship of State must
be eager to get half a loaf if they cannot get the
whole, and those captains or mates, be they presi-
dents or senators, who cannot get together and adjust
differences in the interests of the whole people and
of the world are not pioneers but enemies of the new
order of things now dawning. Irreconcilables whose
motto is "all or nothing," those who exult in the
tyranny of majorities, who have too much will for
their heart, their conscience, or their intellect, mani-
fest the very spirit that has made all the wars in his-
tory. A tonic cramp of the will, whether of the in-
dividual or a rumpy group or even a majority, is like
scrap-iron that sabotages the delicate machinery of a



The intense appeal of radicalism The need of a new type of pro-
fessor of economics Hatred of the "Reds" for nationalism and
substitution of war between classes for the war between states
The international principle What Bolshevik "nationalization"
of property would mean in this country Its undemocracy The
religious movement vs. it in Russia Labor reorganization the
hope of the world.

Red radicalism long antedated the war, which has,
however, made it vastly more prevalent and formi-
dable to the established order of things throughout
the civilized world than it has ever been before in
history. It has its fanatics, clever propagandists, and
even its astute and more or less scholarly thinkers
everywhere. Besides its own special literature widely
and surreptitiously circulated, despite its exclusion
from the mails and its penalization and frequent
seizures, and its open and covert promulgation by
speakers and writers who are its avowed disciples,
there are far more subtle advocates of its principles
whom we find in print everywhere, in academic halls,
in society, and these "carriers" of the infection are
themselves often hardly conscious that they are
already in the first stages of the disease; and many
of those they influence are already half-persuaded,
even while honestly assuming an impartial and even
negative attitude toward it. Very likely it will prove



that our chief danger lies in these intellectuals and
their half-cultured, naive, and half-conscious ad-
herents. It is impossible to define radicalism since
it has so many forms, stages, and parties often in-
tensely hostile to each other. Its fundamental traits
may, however, be roughly indicated as follows:

1. Labor. Practically all "reds" agree with Karl
Marx that material wealth, if not all property, "origi-
nated in the five fingers of the working man." They
have cleared land, made it fertile, raised all the crops,
reared every kind of building, created and operated
all the agencies of transportation, made and run all
machines, etc. Thus if working men the world over
simply folded their arms, not only all values would
shrivel but mankind would starve or freeze and
civilization be brought to a standstill. Workers nu-
merically outnumber all others, and if they combined,
they could take possession of the world any day.
Labor does not even yet begin to realize its power
and its prime and all-conditioning importance if it
would only unite, and this is because of its age-long
subjection to the ruling classes who exploit it but are
really parasites upon it. Hence the call of the "reds'*
to the toilers is : Awake, arise, open your eyes, throw
off your shackles, organize, and be ready and able,
if and when the call comes, to strike, not in single
trades, localities, or even countries but all together
and everywhere when "the day" comes. Instead of
being underlings, slaves, or "hands," as if labor were
a commodity to be bought in the lowest and sold in


the highest markets like others, turn the tables upon
your oppressors, take the helm, appropriate the
wealth created by your sweat and blood, and take
your rightful place in the sun and rule the world in a
new righteousness, not forgetting that simple justice
requires that your oppressors be themselves oppressed
in their turn, for there is a sense in which not only
capital but all property is robbery for which restitu-
tion, with interest, is the very least that can be

Now, first of all, we must realize what a toxin
appeal all this makes to even the most ignorant toiler.
It gives him a rankling sense that he has been a vic-
tim of age-long injustice, a self-pity that may rise to
patheticism, a rancor against our whole system, not
only industrial but social, moral, and even religious,
and along with all this and despite its inconsistency
with it a cankering feeling of inferiority. He magni-
fies all the confessed abuses of which the world is
only now too full, and becomes suspicious lest ulter-
ior and sinister designs lurk behind even the most
sincere concessions to his claims, which makes all
negotiations vastly harder.

How shall we set a backfire to this appeal of radi-
calism? This is perhaps the most vital question of
our day, and I can only suggest a few lines along
which we may approximate an answer. First of all,
we must realize, and sympathetically, the true state
of mind of labor, and this is most of all necessary for
employers, the vast majority of whom even yet have



little conception of the depth and strength of the un-
rest, its causes, or its partial justification. Under
the most favorable conditions we can never again
hope for industrial peace in the world until the in-
terests of labor and capital are identified by some
form of cooperation. The reds say labor must either
rule or ruin. Employees must be in a sense members
of the firm, share all its prosperity, be trained to see
its interests, and pass upon all its policies of which
they are capable. They must also be in a position to
be reasonably assured of the prime needs of life
food, raiment, shelter, recreation, intellectual activ-
ity, provision for wife and child and for accident and
old age, must be able with diligence to accumulate
property, and enjoy reasonable tranquillity and
activity of mind. These are the irreducible minima.
They are felt to be the inalienable right of every effi-
cient human being, especially in our land of prosper-
ity. Those who stand in the way of attainment of
any of these legitimate goals are the real enemies of
society. It is they who are in no small part responsi-
ble for the present industrial unrest, especially in
our own land. Even Bakunin, the apostle of destruc-
tion, advised that the rankest exploiters and profi-
teers of labor be exempted from its vengeance when
its day comes, as object lessons of what their class
could do in order to enflame to a still higher pitch
the just rancor against them.

Our great captains of industry should especially
unite to employ experts like C. H. Parker, Ordway



Tead,Glenn Frank, John Spargo, A. Henderson, Boyd
Fisher, J. R. Commons, Meyer Bloomfield, Mackenzie
King, Robert Bruere, etc., of whom we most fortu-
nately and opportunely now have increasing numbers,
to work at the great centers of unrest, explore in the
most sympathetic way the actual attitude and opera-
tions of the minds of radicals of high and low degree,
an'd suggest antidotes for the morbific germs, the in-
fection of which is now more and more widespread.
In fact, the trope of antibodies is misleading, for the
"reds" generally suffer from half or partial truths
which need only to be made complete. Their instincts
are generally sound and their feelings right, but bad
leadership has given them perverted expressions
which need to be corrected. It is because the mind
of labor has been so neglected that it has become in-
fected with the cheap plausibilities of anarchistic and
nihilistic agitators from whose influence better in-
formation and more insight will emancipate the work-
man. If normal and informed, his morale is the best
in the world, although it may so readily become the
worst if perverted. When the red agitators cry, "Do
not burn but read and answer our arguments," we
should accept their challenge, which is by no means
a formidable one.

Meanwhile we must not forget that labor without
capital and well-trained leadership is a blind Poly-
phemus. We can never undo the Industrial Revolu-
tion, which created factories and mass production,
radical as is the reorganization now demanded. Nor



must we forget that capital in the world as it is, de-
spite all its outrageous abuses, is on the whole the
strongest incentive to enterprise and originality, and
to make the acquisition of wealth impossible would
bring paralysis. If we could only make wealth, as it
should always and everywhere be, a true measure of
service, it would differentiate men very greatly, so
that we should have the deservedly rich and poor, as
God and Nature intended them to be because of their
vast diversities of gifts. To take away rewards ac-
cording to merit would be to fly in the face of human
nature, to ignore the fact that history is largely what
great men have made it, and to perpetuate the in-
veterate and tragic blunder of assuming that men
are or even can or should be equal in anything save

Colossal as is this task of converting capital from
its predatory greed, to abolish it is the most fatuous
of all iridescent dreams, and I am optimistic enough
to believe that it is already beginning to see the error
of its ways and to realize the need of not merely con-
ference and compromise but, what is far better, arbi-
tration, and that it is already well on the way to ad-
mit labor to full participation and cooperation in all
its enterprises because such schemes are working so
well that self-interest will impel them much farther
along this line.

2. The second tenet of the "reds" everywhere is
war, universal and implacable, but no longer of na-
tions and races against each other but of class against


class within every nation and race. The proletariat
must war not only against rulers and autocracies but
no less, if not more so, against the rich, and perhaps
most of all against the middle classes or bourgeoisie.
For the "reds" the whole existing order of things is
rotten. They would overthrow all governments, and
close every Parliament or Congress because these are
dominated by high finance which would oppress la-
bor. In Kussia radicalism has already disfranchised
those who held office under the old regime, the priest-
hood, employers of laborers, however few; it has con-
fiscated or "nationalized" government-owned prop-
erty, estates and possessions of the rich, seized the
banks, public buildings, post offices, the means of
transportation and communication, church prop-
erty, the press, advertising agencies, of which it
makes great use, seems to have made void insurance
policies, and has made inheritance impossible. The
army is to be made strong, and many of its officers are
elected by the soldiers. Most reds went further and
believed that the dominion of labor and of the pro-
letariat must be brought in by a revolutionary reign
of terror, such as Bakunin advocated and the French
Eevolution partially illustrated, and which is akin to
the Teutonic military policy of frightfulness and
atrocities ; hence the coup that brought the Bolsheviks
into power and the massacres that followed it. "The
existing order of things must be so exterminated that
no germ of it remains from which it can grow again,"
and to this end anarchy and slaughter must usher in



the new dispensation. Not only assassination, bombs,
sabotage, and executions but some believed even mas-
sacres should be a necessary first step to the great
overturn throughout the world in order to bring in
panic a new realization of not only the strength but
the desperate purpose of the radicals. A period, then,
of destruction must precede the great reconstruction,
and those who will not yield must be exterminated,
for only when ruthlessness has done its work upon
the ~beati possedentes can an era of real peace come
to the world. "Destruction is creative." The masses
must launch a new curse of God, or rather of Satan,
of whom Bakunin and his followers avowed them-
selves disciples, against the classes. Never lias there
been such a large proportion of the people living under
any civilization who profoundly believed it a sham, a
fraud, and an infamous iniquity, as now. This is not
mere kurophobia or horror of authority, a fanatical
passion for limitless freedom, degraded into license
to do, say, and be anything without let or hindrance,
but beneath all this there is often a rancor nothing
less than murderous against all who hold positions of
power, wealth, or influence. Envy, thus, often grows
to hate, and hate may culminate in assassination.

The Decembrist revolt, which was so bloodily sup-
pressed in 1825, was organized largely by intellec-
tuals and embraced many from the upper classes, and
down to the rise of Bolshevism, which aims to be
purely proletarian, many of the best minds in Russia
have advocated not only revolution but violence. But



with the fall of Kerensky and the disintegration and
collapse of the army, the masses, led by the extrem-
ists, took the helm, and the moderates gave way to
radicals who believed that any means were justified
to accomplish their ends, and who preached the gos-
pel of despair and revenge for the generations of
awful injustice which Czarism had caused for serfs,
peasants and working men.

ID answer to all this we must admit that the his-
tory of Russia is a story of oppression without par-
allel even in the treatment of plebeians by the pa-
tricians of ancient Kome, or of the Jacquerie by the
aristocrats in pre-revolutionary France. The moral
is that the suffering masses may suffer much and
long, but eventually they will rise in their might and
the persecuted become the persecutors. The god of
History simply had to wreak vengeance for such an
accumulation of outrages; otherwise he would be
asleep or dead, and there would be no such thing as
retributive justice in the world. Thus we must, first
of all, recognize that among all who love liberty and
believe in justice throughout the world, there is a
deep if half-unconscious trace of sympathy even with
the excesses of the Russian reds. Certainly they
never could have come into control without an initial
program of terror, which, however, they promise to
forego when their rule is secured, and this rule they
seem to believe is to be so beneficent that it will in
the end justify all the bloodshed and cruelty since
the coup d'etat that brought them into power. The



Muscovite temperament cannot hold theories in abey-
ance or cold storage but must rush them into practice.
If the goal is Slavic solidarity, although the leaders
claim allegiance to the future rather than to the past,
they must not break with the far more idealistic
revolutionists of the nineteenth century, who pre-
pared the intellectual soil for their now purely eco-
nomic and material regime, and above all they must,
before anything can be finally settled, adopt a policy
that will unite all classes and mitigate instead of in-
tensify class conflicts.

3. The third trait of all reds is inter- if not
anti-nationalism. To them all states are obstructions
to progress. The world is their only country that
is, the world of toilers, and they anathematize pa-
triotism and are jealous of all wars between nations
as so much loss to their holy war of class against
class. Wars in the past have been a great factor in
uniting nationals of all social and industrial grades,
and this is the basis of the falsely called pacifism of
radicals. In Russia the "red" leaders can never for-
get that the First International (London, 1864) was
aborted by the War of 1870, in which French and
Germans of all classes preferred country to a dena-
tionalized cause, forgot internationalism, and fol-
lowed the flag, fighting each other regardless of the
bonds of class brotherhood. Still greater was the dis-
may of the "reds" that despite all their safeguards
against it, the Second International (Paris, 1889)
met the same fate in the great war of 1914. To the



red mind all wars between states and empires, which
always end by making the poor poorer and the rich
richer, are begun for one or both of the following
ends, conquest and plunder, or else to avert class and
labor war within. When internal revolution seems
imminent, monarchs and their counsellors, who since
the French Revolution have an almost sleepless
phobia of inner revolts, declare war on each other to
divert attention from evils within, and to be able to
unite all classes and factions in defence against an
outer foe. It was this view of wars that motivated
the disgraceful peace at Brest-Litovsk, which it was
hoped would divert all the energies of pugnacity back
to its normal field, viz., the civil war of classes. The
reds are thus jealous of all outer antagonisms and
animosities. To be ruled by one or another of existing
states is only a choice between evils almost equally
great, for president, czar, or kaiser; congress, parlia-
ment, or duma, are equally capitalistic and are chiefly
bent on enslaving labor.

Even the almost world- wide propaganda of Bolshe-
vism, which now plays so important a role in their
policy, is to make sure that whatever happens, there
shall be no similar third debacle of internationalism.
Hence the ever-recurring slogan of the Third Inter-
national of March, 1919, seventy-two years after the
famous manifesto of Marx and Engels, is "Workers
of all lands, unite !" The task now is not reform of
existing institutions but to establish a new revolu-
tionary dictatorship of the lower classes. Hence



civil war against those in power must be declared in
all lands. Special appeals are made to "colonial
slaves." It is the oligarchy now in power that is held
responsible for all the horror and disasters of the re-
cent war. Any league of nations would only strength-
en their strangle-hold upon the deluded people. The
League is simply world capitalism organizing to sub-
ject mankind. Hence we must "transform the whole
world into one cooperative community and bring
about real human brotherhood and freedom." The
French syndicalists are nearly right but are really
outside because their aims are confined within na-
tional limits. "The revolutionary era compels the
proletariat to make use of the means of battle which
will concentrate its entire energies by mass action,
with its logical resultant, direct conflict with gov-
ernmental machinery in open combat." German im-
perialism revealed its traitorous character by its
bloody deeds in Russia, and now the Entente is un-
masked as a group of murderers throttling revolt by
their barbaric colonial soldiery. Indescribable is the
white terror of the bourgeois cannibals; incredible
are the sufferings of the working classes. The inter-
ests and problems of the workers of the world, who
constitute its great majority, are identical in all
lands and in all industries. 1

Many organizations in this country, as well as all
others, are now seeking to infect laborers throughout

1 Red Radicalism. By A. Mitchell Palmer. (Manifesto of the
Communist International, adopted at Moscow, March, 1919.) Wash.,
Govt. Print. Office, 1919.


the world with all the rancor bred in Kussia by gen-
erations of czarism. These views are covertly diffused
by very astute colporteurs in India, Ireland, Egypt,
and all the great colonies where natives are intelli-
gent enough to receive them; and indeed it requires
little but selfish interest to be enflamed by these
crude appeals to unrest and the lust of gain and
spoliation, for the "all-power-to-the-Soviet" policy
has no more regard for race and language than it
has for nationalism.

All in all, this is the world's most terrible object
lesson of democratization gone mad, and neither pub-
licists, statesmen, economists, nor sociologists have
yet fully understood its strong and subtle appeal, real-
ized its ever growing power, and are still less able to

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Online LibraryG. Stanley (Granville Stanley) HallMorale, the supreme standard of life and conduct → online text (page 21 of 25)