G. Stanley (Granville Stanley) Hall.

Morale, the supreme standard of life and conduct online

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correct it. And no wonder, for it now preaches things
hitherto undreamed in their philosophy, and our
leaders might well exclaim with Hamlet, "The time is
out of joint; Oh cursed spite, that ever I was born
to set it right." We knew the radical theories of
Marx, Engels, and LaSalle but thought them subtle
sophists, and at most believed the revolution they pre-
dicted far in the future, if indeed it was ever possible.
But it is upon us and is the most real fact and the
most pressing problem of the present.

A Senate Committee 2 report tells us that Bolshe-
vism in this country now would mean confiscation or
"nationalization" of land, including 6,361,502 farms,
of which 62.1% are owned in fee by the farmers who

'Congressional Record, Dec. 12, 1919.



cultivate them, and also the improvements, machin-
ery, and live stock on them to the value of nearly
forty-one billion dollars (census of 1910) ; of 275,000
manufacturing establishments, including more than
twenty-two billion dollars of invested capital, much
of which is owned by small investors; of 203,432
church edifices; of forests aggregating 555,000,000
acres, with an annual product of one and one-third
billion dollars; of seventeen million dwellings, of
which nine million are owned in fee and five million
are free from debt; of 22,896 newspapers and peri-
odicals and their equipment ; of our 31,492 banks with
their eleven million depositors drawing interest from
savings, and consequently belonging to the bourgeois
class. There is twenty per cent, more life insurance
in force in this country than in all the rest of the
world, nine-tenths of which is mutual, with fifty mil-
lion policies representing thirty billion dollars. This,
too, would be seized, and the protection it renders
would be made valueless. The abolition of 194,759
Sunday schools, with their nineteen million pupils,
would take place, and church property valued at over
one and one-half billion dollars would be seized. In
addition nearly forty-two million members of 227,487
church organizations would be subjected to the domi-
nation of atheist dictatorship.

Not only are all owners of property beyond an
amount so limited that it would include a very large
portion of our citizenry (and we do not know what
would happen to our circa nine thousand millionaires



under this regime) disfranchised, but the power to
vote is so conditioned and handicapped that the Bol-
shevik system rests upon no very broad foundation.
Those who vote do so not by parties but by trades or
crafts; that is, they can elect to the local body a
member of their own vocation, and with this their
responsibility and influence in the state ceases. The
members of this local soviet vote to elect members of
the rural soviet, its members vote for the provincial,
and the provincial for the All-Russian Congress. The
members of the higher body, therefore, are removed
at least two or three times from the voter himself.
The city voters, who include for the most part work-
ers in factories and also soldiers and sailors, are given
about five times as much voting power as the peasants.
For instance, if a member of the All-Russian Con-
gress represents the city, there is one for every 25,000
votes ; but if the farmers or peasants, one for 120,000.
In the regional units for city dwellers there is one
representative to every 5,000 voters; in the country,
one to every 25,000, so that even the peasants are to
this extent disfranchised. Peasants, then, who com-
prisie the majority in Russia, have only one-fifth of
the voting power of soldiers, sailors, and factory
hands and city laborers, showing the deep-seated dis-
trust in which they are held.

The All-Russian Congress is very large and un-
wieldy, and hence appoints a committee of two hun-
dred members; and this committee, still further re-
moved from the people, selects an executive commit-



tee of seventeen, called the council of the people's
commissars, each member of which presides over an-
other committee chosen by the Council, which exer-
cises the functions of a cabinet department of the
government; Lenin, e. g., being chairman of the
Foreign Relations Committee, and Trotzky of that
of the Army and Navy. k With this hierarchy it can
hardly be said that the leaders are responsible to the
people, or indeed to the country, but only to a com-
mittee; and as the vast majority of people in all but
six of the fifty provinces of Russia are agriculturists,
in addition to the wholesale disfranchisement and re-
duction of food rations to those who cannot vote, such
a scheme cannot be called democratic. It stands
throughout for class selfishness, and kills loyalty to
the country just as its property limitations kill am-
bition. Each delegate of the people has in view not
his country or even a part of it, but his awn trade,
which, again, stresses selfishness. Hence the general
impression of instability of the entire system. 3

The animosity of those in power against the Church
is intense.* They abhor the ideal of any hope beyond

* Isaac Don Levin : The Russian Revolution, N. T., Harper, 1917.
280 pp. ; Angelo S. Rappoport : Pioneers of the Russian Revolution,
Lond., Paul, 1918. 281 pp. ; F. A. Palmieri : Theorists of the Russian
Revolution, Cath. World, Vol. 108, p. 575; Robert Hunter: Bolshev-
ism and the Labor Movement, Lond., 1918. 338 pp. ; Peter Graevenitz :
From Autocracy to Bolshevism. Lond., Allen & Unwin, 1918. 128
pp. ; John Spargo, Psychology of Bolshevism, N. Y., Harper, 1919.
150 pp. ; Daniel Dorchester : Bolshevism and Social Revolt, N. Y., 1919.
122 pp. ; C. E. Russell : Bolshevism and the United States, Ind., Bobbs-
Merrill, 1919. 341 pp. ; Catherine Breshkovsky : Russia and the
World, N. Y., Russian Information Bur., 1919. 30 pp. ; John Spargo :
Bolshevism, N. Y., Harper, 1919. P. F. Brissenden : The I. W. W.,
A Study of American Syndicalism, N. Y., Longmans, Green, 1919.
432 pp. ; E. Antonelli : Bolshevik Russia, N. Y., Knopf, 1920. 307 pp.



the grave as an obstacle to the realization of their
communist ideal, but rather promise all good things
in the Here and Now. They call religion "opium for
the people," a tool of capitalist domination, and are
jealous of any spiritual bond. The truest work is
physical labor, and already the antagonism between
the town and the country, between the well-to-do
peasants and the poor day laborers, is bitter, for pros-
perity invites not only denunciation as an enemy of
the people, but those who rise above mediocrity pro-
voke jealousy and are in danger of spoliation for any
surplus is liable to requisition. Hence the partial pa-
ralysis everywhere of productive activity in the social
decomposition of this material Utopia. The real op-
ponent of this, and perhaps just now the chief hope
of Russia, is the religious movement, which began
very soon after the revolution of 1917. The Church
had been identified with the State, and its priests
were state functionaries. Hence they were charged
with devotion to the old regime, the churches were
pillaged, and in one province one-tenth of the priests
assassinated, often with the greatest cruelty. The
church of Holy Russia is not international like
Catholicism, but intensely national, and it was the
first to regain its morale. This was shown in an im-
mense assembly in the streets of Moscow in 1918
"when every individual present was there at the peril
of his life." "In this vast assembly was found every

* See Prince Troubetzkoy's The Bolshevist Utopia and the Re-
ligious Movement in Russia, Hibbert Journal, Jan., 1920.



rank of society, and classes did not exist. All would
lay down their lives for the faith of Russia, and this
was the rebirth of the national self-consciousness,"
for it is religion that is bringing classes into friendly
relations. When everything else went to pieces, the
Church alone retained its integrity, cemented by the
blood of thousands of new martyrs. The Church un-
dertook the great national work of combating an-
archy. There was no other national assembly
throughout the nation, and it was profoundly felt
that the safety of Russia could only be secured by
spiritual regeneration. When the army was disin-
tegrating, the Church alone dared to remind the sol-
dier of his oath and tried to stem the shameful flight
of troops, and the assassination of officers, and also
fought the war of classes in the army.

The great work of the Moscow Council was to re-
store the patriarchal power, which has combined to
an unusual degree the religious and national motives.
Its members were inspired by the Patriarch, Hermog-
enes, who saved Russia during the anarchy after the
fall of the old dynasty of the czars in the 17th centu-
ry. Thus while Moscow was still bombarded, the
Church drew up her answer to the fratricidal con-
flict, and a Patriarch was enthroned under a dome
pierced by a Bolshevik shell. The new Patriarch,
Tykone, a gentle soul and the very embodiment of the
highest morale, proved a wonderful helmsman of the
Church through the hurricane. He rose to the height
of all that was required, anathematized the govern-



ment in a document which many priests were killed
for reading, called the execution of the Czar a crime
"without a name and with no excuse," condemned the
treacheries, brigandage, and murder of those in pow-
er, and came to represent a power that stirred Rus-
sia to its depths by the grandeur of the moral forces
that have been set into action under the slogan,
"Christ is risen."

The soviet principle of rule by representation by
different industrial groups, instead of by delegates
chosen from geographical and political localities,
has a vitality and possibility of development in it
which statesmen reared under the present system can
never begin to realize. Many tentatives the world
over had prepared the way for it and have helped
make its diffusion so rapid. Every form of trades
unionism has brought a new sense of craft brother-
hood, helped on by all trade schools and the new
vocational consciousness and loyalty culminating in
syndicalism. In Russia the Zemstvos, which had long
given a progressively restricted form of self-govern-
ment of local communities, awoke to a new activity
early in the war uniting in an All-Russian Union, to
first provide food and then to supply munitions to the
soldiers, till all classes realized the insufficiency of
the Prussianized government and its often traitorous
officials which had kept the army without supplies.
The soviet strove and in no small degree succeeded in
becoming the heir to the spirit and tendencies of the
Zemstvos. In China the gildic organizations, which

. 334


have for centuries supplemented the inefficiency of
the political government, and which are largely re-
sponsible for the unique stability of Chinese society,
have, especially in the student movements of that
country now so dominating in their influence, devel-
oped the keenest interest in the soviet principle as
something China will sooner or later profit by.

The soviet principle has in it almost unlimited pos-
sibilities, relatively few of which Bolshevism, which
adapted and adopted it, has yet realized. To limit
salaries or income generally is no intrinsic part but
rather a perversion and arrest of it. Mankind will
never for long tolerate a system which forbids the
recognition of individual differences in value of ser-
vices performed. The middle and even the upper
classes will have little difficulty in coming to terms
with it wherever it has become established, and slowly
will transform the dead and low-leveling tendencies
which were proclaimed as its initial radical form. It
will inevitably change its character in the cultural
task that confronts it of reorganizing the industries
and other institutions of the world, and its radical
factors are sure to be reduced. Meanwhile govern-
ment by political parties, the older rival system, is
everywhere showing its deficiencies. The paralysis
of our Senate and chief executive has probably done
most to breed a deep if yet half-unconscious distrust
of our present democratic representative system.
Even those most loyal to it are disturbed by a deep
new anxiety not only as to its efficiency but as to its



being intrinsically the 'best way of effecting the rule
of the people. To-day our government is less re-
spected and less trusted than ever before in our his-
tory. Ignorance and partisan rancor have combined
to make it incapable of effective action when more
and greater issues than ever before are pressing for
settlement, and every thoughtful man is pondering
in his heart whether a group of intelligent business
men and laborers would not be better trustees of the
vital and ever widening interests of this country. We
are trained to abhor control by "the interests" as
suggestive of monopolies and trusts; but are even
these worse than control by interests of parties, the
platforms of which differ so little and the conflicts
of which have ceased to be for principles and become
almost solely for the vast and growing patronage
that falls to the victor.

The danger of tyranny by kings and autocracies has
gone forever, and the world is committed to democ-
racy of some sort, which is now not only safe but tri-
umphant. A world-wide Declaration of Independence
from predatory capitalism was the psychological next
step. The soviet principle asserts the inalienable
right of man against the exploitation of profiteer and
monopolist and the tyranny of soulless corporations.
The strength and prestige of these the war has im-
paired in Europe so that a new balance of power
between capitalism and productive labor is in process
of being found, and the struggle thus involved seems
likely to be more severe in this land than in any



other. Eussia naturally made the first epochful effort
to work out the soviet principle, but at present it
seems doubtful whether it can carry it through to
its logical consequences. The practical genius of
Lenin began, as it needs must, with the ideal of pro-
letarian control, for in that country labor conditions,
not only in the agrarian regions but especially in the
factories, were the worst possible. But the perma-
nent exclusion of the middle and upper classes from
their share of power is impossible. As the prole-
tarian "majority" come into control, the other classes
will rapidly fall into line and must be given their
true place in any new order that will stand. Every-
thing now depends on the ability of the soviet leaders
to organize upward till each class has its proper

In fine, psychology sees one way, and one only, of
setting a backfire to Bolshevism and its perversion
of the soviet idea, and that is by effecting the reor-
ganization of industry on a broad cooperative basis
and giving the world an object lesson of harmony and
efficiency in production, with the recognition of the
primacy of the human factor, in order to substitute
mutual good will for unrest and conflicts. We should
rely no longer on the summary intrusion of courts,
should give up the idea of transferring industrial prob-
lems to governmental bureaucracies, and still more
we should avoid everything which will cause the more
isolated and independent organization of laborers
versus employers, for this intensifies the class con-



sciousness of both and can only result in more set
crystallized forms of opposition. We should waste
no time in trying to limit the worker's inalienable
right to strike and to bargain collectively, and should
attempt no more raids or deportations. Labor and
capital must speedily abandon their long and invet-
erate antagonisms and unite their interests and sym-
pathies, each recognizing the rights, functions, place,
and needs of the other. Bolshevism with its crude
and violent solution is already and will still more be
upon us, and most of the best that has been accom-
plished, and yet better things which now seem possi-
ble, will be lost, and we shall sink back to a cruder and
more primitive condition and the economic and social
w r orld will have to rebuild itself almost from the bot-
tom unless we are prepared to meet this crisis. If,
on the other hand, we have the morale to organize
industries on the basis of a fair wage and fair profit,
so that each member of a concern shall be advantaged
by all, and with full identification of interests and a
new consciousness of unity, Bolshevism can make no
appeal, for we shall have already attained the goal
which it will take it decades if not generations to

The alternative the world now faces is either a new
industrial peace or Bolshevism. We must change
the present system or it is doomed to destruction
with a long and painful period of reevolution. At
present no one is doing so much to drive the world to
Bolshevism as the exploiter of labor on the one hand,



and the rabid laborite on the other. It is hard to say
which is the most dangerous or inimical to society,
for both are promoters of the very class war on which
Bolshevism thrives. All conciliatory spirits in either
camp, who really seek concord, can make concessions,
can see the other side, contribute ever so little to
better mutual understanding and harmonization of
aims and efforts, are helping to save the world from
the great relapse that now threatens it. Either we
must put an end to labor unrest or Bolshevism will
fan it into a world conflagration. A labor party once
in control would inevitably sovietize any country.
But how low and proletarian a level the reconstruc-
tion will start from must differ greatly, and would
depend chiefly upon the degree of solidarity effected
between employer and employees. Thus only a new
high morale can save us from a radical industrial
revolution. On this the course of the world's future
history now chiefly depends.

Now (early in 1920) the world problem is which
will reach industrial good-will in the sense of J. R.
Commons first, Bolshevism or the older political capi-
talistic states, led now by this country. Both rivals
have certain advantages easy to tab off. Labor is in
the saddle with Bolshevism. The latter now has the
strongest army in the world and probably also the
best-disciplined, for since the Kerensky debacle and
the military chaos that followed it, Trotzky has
brought a wonderful and almost regenerating new
morale into the army. The great majority of these



soldiers want peace and will readily return to its con-
ditions with every prospect that the same spirit of al-
most military discipline will be developed in indus-
try, war being only an emergency measure to be laid
aside as soon as it has accomplished its purpose, ex-
actly as the "terror" was. The proletariat, however,
laks brain power in just those great industrial and
social transformations now in process which need
brains more than they have ever been needed in the
world before. But the Bolshevik leaders appreciate
and are now making desperate efforts to supply this
need, partly by the high salaries they are paying to ex-
perts, also by their reorganization of schools and their
efforts to make education compulsory up to sixteen, by
the establishment, at least on paper, of seventeen uni-
versities in place of the former seven, while many in-
tellectuals and also not a few of the former rich and
noble classes are turning to its service. Profoundly
as they antagonize Capital, they not only have appro-
priated enormous amounts of it in Russia but are
seeking almost frantically to lure foreign capital by
special inducements and security to come to their
aid in developing their matchless resources, although
at the same time debasing the currency of the country
almost beyond precedent by flooding it with ever
cheaper paper which there is no intention, still less
any possibility of redeeming. The soviet government
has specifically renounced propaganda and left that to
the Third International, which its leader, Zinoviev,
declares to be its chief aim. The most active members



of the Third International are missionaries .with an
enthusiasm that suggests the early Jesuits. It is
they that burn to preach the gospel of communism in
all lands. Nowhere so much as in Russia at the pres-
ent is the need for capital and credit so great, but it
must everywhere be entirely subordinated to labor,
and we are told that under such a system strikes will
be forever impossible. The old Russian aristocracy is
in many places making the best terms it can with the
soviet government, and both are very often victims
of profiteers, while death, disease, and lowered vi-
tality from insufficient food and shelter are so deci-
mating the country that Lenin says communism must
kill the microbe or it will conquer communism. Bol-
shevism has an enormous task before it can establish
order and restore the wonderfully delicate balances
of the agencies of demand and supply, which, as J.
M. Keynes has shown, were never so intricate be-
tween every country in Europe as before the war.

Our own task, on the other hand, just now seems
harder yet, for here neither capital nor labor can sub-
ject the other and we must harmonize the two, arbi-
trate, and find some method of obliterating the long
and bitter traditions of conflict. If soulless capital
and monopoly were supreme and labor reduced to
serfdom, we should have the counterpart of Bolshe-
vism and the problem would be simplified. But this
is impossible and intolerable.



Peculiar dangers of lapse to lower levels in religion Sympathy be-
tween Catholicism and Teutonism In how far the former is un-
democratic The need and opportunity for a new dispensation in
religion, with hints as to its probable nature.

The best and highest things are by their very nature
hardest to keep at the top of their condition and are
peculiarly prone to lapse to a low level. Of nothing
is this quite so true as it is of religion, which without
constant revival dies into the rigidity of dogma and
formalism. Religion is still suspicious of science et
dona ferentes, which it once persecuted. It is espe-
cially jealous of evolution, as if God were a hypocrite
saying one thing in His inspired word which is irrec-
oncilable with the revelation He made of Himself in
the older Bible of nature. For the so-called higher
criticism which shows that Scripture was itself a nat-
ural and inevitable product of man's cultural develop-
ment the very large conservative wing of the Church
has little but objurgations. The most liberal of all
the Christian denominations still harks back to Chan-
ning, Emerson, and perhaps Parker, and in place of
the earlier radical Protestantism which character-
ized it, tends to a mild aestheticism, and is declining
because it is uneugenic and does not make good by
adding proselytes to make up for its losses from race



suicide. With the casting off of old forms it lost the
saving sense of reality, and lives with a touch of Nar-
cissism in a beautiful dream-world it has made for it-
self. It disapproves revivals, and its seminaries have
not led as they ought to have done in the advance-
ment of liberal Christian scholarship. It clings tena-
ciously to the dogma of a personal objective God and
individual immortality, hopes for Heaven but has al-
lowed the doctrine of Hell, its vital counterpart, to
lapse to innocuous desuetude, while even in the liber-
ality it has so long plumed itself upon it is very often
surpassed by individual leaders in other denomina-
tions commonly thought more conservative. In the
genteel and charming invalidism of this originally
most virile and promising movement Protestantism
is without any kind of organized advance guard but
is led onward toward freedom by noble volunteers
and stragglers.

The most conservative or Catholic wing of Chris-
tianity is still patristic in its theology and looks to
St. Thomas for its philosophy. Always more Petrine
than Pauline in its spirit, it is masterly in organiza-
tion, and as an institution has never, to say the least,
been distinguished by love of science, and is espe-
cially hostile toward everything that savors of evolu-
tion, which it regards as the one great modern heresy.
It excommunicated Spinoza once and later Loisy, and

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Online LibraryG. Stanley (Granville Stanley) HallMorale, the supreme standard of life and conduct → online text (page 22 of 25)