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recommend the acquisition of the knowledge of the Atman
as the best means for purifying the souls of sinners.
Though these two Khadas are chiefly filled with quota-
tions, which, as the commentator states, are taken from an
Upanishad, still the manner of their selection, as well as
Apastamba's own words in the introductory and concluding
Sutras, indicates that he knew not merely the unsystematic
speculations contained in the Upanishads and Arawyakas,
but a well-defined system of Vedantic philosophy identical
with that of Badardyawa's Brahma-sutras. The fact that
Apastamba's Dharma-sutra contains indications of the ex-
istence of these two schools of philosophy, is significant
as the Purva Mimawzsa occurs in one other Dharma-sutra
only, that attributed to VasishMa, and as the name of the
Vedanta school is not found in any of the prose treatises
on the sacred law.

Of non-Vedic works Apastamba mentions the Purda.
The Dharma-sutra not only several times quotes passages
from ' a Puraa ' as authorities for its rules 2 , but names in
one case the Bhavishyat-purd;za as the particular Puraa
from which the quotation is taken 3 . References to the

1 Ap. Dh. I, i, 14, 8, 9-10. * Ap. Dh. I, 6, 19, 13 ; I, 10, 39, 7.

3 Ap. Dh. II, 9, 24, 6.


Pura#a in general are not unfrequent in other Sutras on
the sacred law, and even in older Vedic works. But
Apastamba, as far as I know, is the only Sutrakara who
specifies the title of a particular Puraa, and names one
which is nearly or quite identical with that of a work
existing in the present day, and he is the only one, whose
quotations can be shown to be, at least in part, genuine
Paurawic utterances.

Among the so-called Upa-pura/ras we find one of con-
siderable extent which bears the title Bhavishya-purawa
or also Bhavishyat-purawa l . It is true that the passage
quoted in the Dharma-sutra from the Bhavishyat-purawa
is not to be found in the copy of the Bhavishya-purawa
which I have seen. It is, therefore, not possible to assert
positively that Apastamba knew the present homonymous
work. Still, considering the close resemblance of the two
titles, and taking into account the generally admitted fact
that most if not all Purawas have been remodelled and
recast 2 , it seems to me not unlikely that Apastamba's

1 Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 400.

2 Max Miiller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 40-42. Weber, Literaturgeschichte,
pp. 206-208. Though I fully subscribe to the opinion, held by the most illus-
trious Sanskritists, that, in general, the existing Puriwas are not identical with
the works designated by that title in Vedic works, still I cannot believe that
they are altogether independent of the latter. Nor can I agree to the assertion
that the Puraas known to us, one and all, are not older than the tenth or
eleventh century A. D. That is inadmissible, because Benin! (India, I, 131)
enumerates them as canonical books. And his frequent quotations from them
prove that in 1030 A. D. they did not differ materially from those known to us
(see Indian Antiquary, 19, 382 seqq.). Another important fact bearing on
this point may be mentioned here, viz. that the poet Baa, who wrote shortly
after 600 A. D., in the Aiharsha^arita, orders his Panrawika to recite the
Pavanaprokta-puria, i.e. the Vayu-puraa (Harshaarita. p. 61, Calcutta ed.).
Dr. Hall, the discoverer of the life of Marsha, read in his copy Yavanaprokta-
puraa, a title which, as he remarks, might suggest the idea that Bawa knew
the Greek epic poetry. But a comparison of the excellent Ahmadabad and
Benares Devanagari MSS. and of the Kajmtr .Sar.ida copies shows that the
correct reading is the one given above. The earlier history of the Purawas,
which as yet is a mystery, will only be cleared up when a real history of the
orthodox Hindu sects, especially of the .Sivites and Vishwuites, has been written.
It will, then, probably become apparent that the origin of these sects reaches
back far beyond the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. It will also be proved


authority was the original on which the existing Upa-
purawa is based. And in favour of this view it may be
urged that passages, similar to Apastamba's quotation,
actually occur in our Paura;zic texts. In the Gyotish-
pra^ara section of several of the chief Purawas we find,
in connection with the description of the Path of the
Manes (pitrzya#a) *, the assertion that the pious sages,
who had offspring and performed the Agnihotra, reside
there until the general destruction of created things
(a bhutasawplavat), as well as, that in the beginning of
each new creation they are the propagators of the world
(lokasya sawtanakara-4) and, being re-born, re-establish
the sacred law. Though the wording differs, these passages
fully agree in sense with Apastamba's Bhavishyat-pura/za
which says, ' They (the ancestors) live in heaven until the
(next) general destruction of created things. At the new
creation (of the world) they become the seed.' In other
passages of the. Purawas, which refer to the successive
creations, we find even the identical terms used in the
quotation. Thus the Vayup., Adhy. 8, 23, declares that
those beings, which have gone to the Ganaloka, ' become the
seed at the new creation ' (puna/z sarge . . . bi^arthawz td
bhavanti hi).

These facts prove at all events that Apastamba took his
quotation from a real Purawa, similar to those existing.
If it is literal and exact, it shows, also, that the Purawas of
his time contained both prose and verse.

Further, it is possible to trace yet another of Apastamba's
quotations from ' a Purawa.' The three Purawas, mentioned
above, give, immediately after the passages referred to,
enlarged versions of the two verses 2 regarding the sages,
who begot offspring and obtained ' burial-grounds,' and

that the orthodox sects used Puraas as text books for popular readings, the
PurawapaMana of our days, and that some, at least, of the now existing Puraas
are the latest recensions of those mentioned in Vedic books.

1 Vayup., Adhy. 50, 208 seqq. ; Matsyap., Adhy. 123, 96 seqq. ; Vishwup. II,
8. 86-89; H H - Wilson, Vishmip., vol. ii, pp. 263-268 (ed. Hall).

* Ap. Dh. II, 9, 23, 4-5.


regarding those who, remaining chaste, gained immortality 1 .
In this case Apastamba's quotation can be restored almost
completely, if certain interpolations are cut out. And it
is evident that Apastamba has preserved genuine Paurawic
verses in their ancient form. A closer study of the unfortu-
nately much neglected Purawas, no doubt, will lead to
further identifications of other quotations, which will be
of considerable interest for the history of Indian literature.

There is yet another point on which Apastamba shows
a remarkable agreement with a theory which is prevalent
in later Sanskrit literature. He says (Dh. II, n, 29,
11-12), * The knowledge which Sudras and women possess,
is the completion of all study,' and ' they declare that this
knowledge is a supplement of the Atharva-veda.' The
commentator remarks with reference to these two Sutras,
that ' the knowledge which .Sudras and women possess/ is
the knowledge of dancing, acting, music, and other branches
of the so-called Artha^astra, the science of useful arts and
of trades, and that the object of the Sutras is to forbid
the study of such matters before the acquisition of sacred
learning. His interpretation is, without doubt, correct, as
similar sentiments are expressed by other teachers in parallel
passages. But, if it is accepted, Apastamba's remark that
'the knowledge of .Sudras and women is a supplement
of the Atharva-veda,' proves that he knew the division of
Hindu learning which is taught in Madhusudana Sarasvati's
Prasthanabheda 2 . For Madhusudana allots to each Veda
an Upa-veda or supplementary Veda, and asserts that the
Upa-veda of the Atharva-veda is the Arthajastra. The
agreement of Apastamba with the modern writers on this
point, furnishes, I think, an additional argument that he
belongs to the later Vedic schoolmen.

In addition to this information regarding the relative
position of the Apastambiya school in ancient Sanskrit
literature, we possess some further statements as to the

1 An abbreviated version of the same verses, ascribed to the Paurawikas,
occurs in 6ankaraarya's Cornm. on the A'^andogya Up., p. 336 (Bibl. Ind.).
* Weber, Ind. Stud. I, 1-24.


part of India to which it belongs, and these, as it happens,
are of great importance for fixing approximately the period
in which the school arose. According to the Brahmanical
tradition, which is supported by a hint contained in the
Dharma-sutra and by information derivable from inscrip-
tions and the actual state of things in modern India, the
Apastambiyas belong to Southern India, and their founder
prooably was a native of or resided in the Andhra country.
The existence of this tradition, which to the present day
prevails among the learned Brahmans of Western India
and Benares, may be substantiated by a passage from the
above-mentioned commentary of the ATarawavyuha 1 , which,

1 ./Tarawa vydhabhashya, fol. 15", 1. 4 seqq. :

in* HT*ft3fteu ^jf %^wrenr (?

nran^<*Hm*iTfcre* f^rnri (?)
: (?) i ^TT^% ^nmftftHTT ^snr I * ^ n^nlft \

H <\ u


fum^i ^ w^^Tf?r*Trfn^: n ^u

fr?!^ TTTF i



B d U

[fa] -arais ^ ^TT^T ^nfT^R^ fain MM

(sic) i


(sic) w II 9 H

(sic) i


though written in barbarous Sanskrit, and of quite modern
origin, possesses great interest, because its description of
the geographical distribution of the Vedas and Vedic
schools is not mentioned elsewhere. The verses from
a work entitled Maharava, which are quoted there, state
that the earth, i.e. India, is divided into two equal halves
by the river Narmada (Nerbudda), and that the school of
Apastamba prevails in the southern half (ver. a). It is
further alleged (ver. 6) that the Ya^ur-veda of Tittiri and
the Apastambtya school are established in the Andhra
country and other parts of the south and south-east up to
the mouth of the Godavart (godasagara-zivadhi). According
to the MahSrwava the latter river marks, therefore, the
northern frontier of the territory occupied by the Apa-
stambiyas. which comprises the MaraYy&a and Kawara
districts of the Bombay Presidency, the greater part of the
Nizam's dominions, Berar, and the Madras Presidency,
with the exception of the northern Sirkars and the western
coast. This assertion agrees, on the whole, with the actual
facts which have fallen under my observation. A great
number of the Dejastha-brahmaas in the Nasik, Puwa,
Ahmadnagar, Satard, Sholapur, and Kolhapur districts,
and of the Kawara or Karateka-brahmaas in the Belgam,
Dharvad?, Kaladghl, and KarvadT collectorates, as well as
a smaller number among the /Httapdvanas of the Konkawa
are Apastambiyas. Of the Nizam's dominions and the
Madras Presidency I possess no local knowledge. But
I can say that I have met many followers of Apastamba
among the Telirigana-brahmaas settled in Bombay, and
that the frequent occurrence of MSS. containing the Sutras
of the Apastambiya school in the Madras Presidency
proves that the there must count many adherents.
On the other hand, I have never met with any Apastam-
biyas among the ancient indigenous subdivisions of the
Brahmanical community dwelling north of the Mara//a
country and north of the Narmada. A few Brahmaas of
this school, no doubt, are scattered ove.r Gujarat and
Central India, and others are found in the great places of


pilgrimage in Hindustan proper. The former mostly have
immigrated during the last century, following the MaraMa
chieftains who conquered large portions of those countries,
or have been imported in the present century by tne
Mara/7/a rulers of Gwalior, Indor, and Baroda. The settlers
in Benares, Mathura, and other sacred cities also, have
chiefly come in modern times, and not unfrequently live on
the bounty of the Mara/M princes. But all of them
consider themselves and are considered by the Brahmaas,
who are indigenous in those districts and towns, as aliens,
with whom intermarriage and commensality are not per-
mitted. The indigenous sections of the Brahma#as of
Gujarat, such as the Nigaras, Khea&vals, Bhargavas,
Kapilas, and Motalas, belong, if they are adherents of the
Yagur-veda, to the Madhyandina or K^va schools of the
White Ya^ur-veda. The same is the case with the Brah-
maas of Ra^putana, Hindustan, and the Pagab. In
Central India, too, the White Ya^ur-veda prevails; but,
besides the two schools mentioned above, there are still
some colonies of Maitr&yaiyas or Manavas 1 . It seems,
also, that the restriction of the Apastambiya school to the
south of India, or rather to those subdivisions of the Brah-
manical community which for a long time have been settled
in the south and are generally considered as natives of the
south, is not of recent date. For it is a significant fact that
the numerous ancient landgrants which have been found all
over India indicate exactly the same state of things. I am
not aware that in any grant issued by a king of a northern
dynasty to Brahmawas who are natives of the northern half
of India, an Apastambiya is mentioned as donee. But
among the southern landgrants there are several on which
the name of the school appears. Thus in a j&sana of king
Harihara of Vidyanagara, dated 5akasawvat 1317 or
1395 A.D., one of the recipients of the royal bounty is
'the learned Ananta Dikshita, son of Rmabha//a, chief

1 See Bha(i Da^i, Journ. Bombay Br. Roy. As. Soc. X, 40. Regarding the
Maitrayawiyas in Gujarat, of whom the A"araavytiha -speaks, compare my
Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1879-80, p. 3.

C 2


of the Apastambya (read Apastambfya) j-akha, a scion of
the Vasish///a gotra 1 .' Further, the eastern A'alukya king
Vi^ayaditya II 2 , who ruled, according to Dr. Fleet, from
A.I). 799-843, presented a village to six students of the
Hirawyake^i-sutra and to eighteen students of the Apa-
stamba, recte the Apastamba- sutra. Again, in the above-
mentioned earlier grant of the Pallava king Nandivarman,
there are forty-two students of the Apastambha-sutra 3
among the 108 sharers of the village of Udaya/andra-
mangalam. Finally, on an ancient set of plates written in
the characters which usually are called cave-characters, and
issued by the Pallava king, Si;#havarman II, we find among
the donees five Apastambhiya-Brahma7/as, who, together
with a Haira;/yakesa, a Va^asaneya, and a Sarqa-vedi,
received the village of Mangadur, in Vengorash/ra 4 . This
inscription is, to judge from the characters, thirteen to
fourteen hundred years old, and on this account a very
important witness for the early existence of the Apastam-
biyas in Southern India.

Under the circumstances just mentioned, a casual remark
made by Apastamba, in describing the -SYaddhas or funeral
oblations, acquires considerable importance. He says (Dh.
II, 7, .17, 17) that the custom of pouring water into the
hands of Brihmaas invited to a Sraddha prevails among
the northerners, and he indicates thereby that he himself
does not belong to the north of India. If this statement
is taken together with the above-stated facts, which tend
to show that the Apastamblyas were and are restricted to
the south of India, the most probable construction which
can be put on it is that Apastamba declares himself to be
a southerner. There is yet another indication to the same
effect contained in the Dharma-sutra. It has been pointed

1 Colebrooke, Essays, IT, p. 264, ver. 24 (Madras ed.)

2 See Hnltzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, vol. i, p. 31 seqq., and Indiaa
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq.

5 Apastambha may be a mistake for Apastamba. But the form with the
aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapaia's commentary
on the KaMaka Gr/hya-siitra.

4 Ind. Ant. V, 135.


out above that the recension of the Taittiriya Arax/yaka
which Apastamba recognises is that called the Andhra
text or the version current in the Andhra country, by
which term the districts in the south-east of India between
the Godavari and the Krishna, have to be understood '.
Now it seems exceedingly improbable that a Vedic teacher
would accept as authoritative any other version of a sacred
work except that which was current in his native country.
It would therefore follow, from the adoption of an Andhra
text by Apastamba, that he was born in that country, or,
at least, had resided there so long as to have become natu-
ralised in it. With respect to this conclusion it must also
be kept in mind that the above-quoted passage from the
Mahan/ava particularly specifies the Andhra country
(andhradi) as the seat of the Apastambiyas. It may be
that this is due to an accident. But it seems 'to me more
probable that the author of the Maharwava wished to mark
the Andhra territory as the chief and perhaps as the
original residence of the Apastambiyas.

This discovery has, also, a most important bearing on the
question of the antiquity of the school of Apastamba. It
fully confirms the result of the preceding enquiry, viz. that
the Apastambiyas are one of the later /fara;/as. For the
south of India and the nations inhabiting it, such as
Kalirigas, DraviVas, Andhras, ATolas, and Pa-vrfyas, do not
play any important part in the ancient Brahmanical tra-
ditions and in the earliest history of India, the centre of
both of which lies in the north-west or at least north of the
Vindhya range. Hitherto it has not been shown that the
south and the southern nations are mentioned in any of the
Vedic Sawhitas. In the Brahmawas and in the Sutras
they do occur, though they are named rarely and in a not
complimentary manner. Thus the Aitareya-brahma;/a
gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and
among them that of the Andhras 2 , in whose country, as

1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. 527 seqq. ; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. j^,
note 2.

a Aitareya-brahmawa VII, 18.


has been shown, the Apastambiyas probably originated.
Again, Baudhayana. in his Dharma-sCitra I, i, quotes some
verses in which it is said that he who visits the Kalingas
must purify himself by the performance of certain sacrifices
in order to become fit for again associating with Aryans.
The same author, also, mentions distinctive forbidden prac-
tices (aara) prevailing in the south (loc. cit.). Further,
Pamni's grammatical Sutras and Katyayana's Varttikas
thereon contain rules regarding several words which pre-
suppose an acquaintance with the south and the kingdoms
which flourished there. Thus Pa;/ini, IV, 2, 98, teaches the
formation of dakshi//atya in the sense of ' belonging to or
living in the south or the Dekhan,' and a Varttika of
Katyayana on Pamni, IV, i, 175, states that the words
Kola and Pawrfya are used as names of the princes ruling
over the Kola, and Pa#</ya countries, which, as is known
from history, were situated in the extreme south of India.
The oth'er southern nations and a fuller description of the
south occur first in the Mahabharata J . While an acquain-
tance with the south can thus be proved only by a few
books belonging to the later stages of Vedic literature,
several of the southern kingdoms are named already in the
oldest historical documents. Ajoka in his edicts 2 , which
date from the second half of the third century B.C., calls
the Kolas, Tandy as, and the Keralaputra or Ketalaputra
his pratyantas (pra^anta) or neighbours. The same
monarch informs us also that he conquered the province
of Kalinga and annexed it to his kingdom 3 , and his
remarks on the condition of the province show that it was
thoroughly imbued with the Aryan civilisation 4 . The same
fact is attested still more clearly by the annals of the Keta
king of Kalinga, whose thirteenth year fell in the i65th
year of the Maurya era, or about 150 B.C. 5 The early

Lassen, Ind. Alterthnmsknnde, I, 684, and ed.
Edict II, Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 449-450, 466.
Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-473.
See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 346.

Actes du 6* m- Congre* Int. d. Orient, vol. iii, 3, 135 seqq., where, however,
the beginning of the Maorya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Ajoka.


spread of the Aryan civilisation to the eastern coast-
districts between the Godavari and the Kr/sha is proved
by the inscriptions on the Bha//iprolu relic caskets, which
probably belong to the period of 200 B.C. 1 Numerous
inscriptions in the Buddhist caves of Western India 2 , as
well as coins, prove the existence during the last centuries
before, and the first centuries after, the beginning of our
era of a powerful empire of the Andhras, the capital of
which was probably situated near the modem Amaravati
on the lower Kmha. The princes of the latter kingdom,
though great patrons of the Buddhist monks, appear to
have been Brahmanists or adherents of the ancient orthodox
faith which is founded on the Vedas. For one of them is
called Vedisiri (vedijri), ' he whose glory is the Vedi,' and
another Yawasiri (ya^wajrl), 'he whose glory is the sacri-
fice,' and a very remarkable inscription on the Nanaghat a
contains a curious catalogue of sacrificial fees paid to
priests (dakshiwa) for the performance of .Srauta sacrifices.
For the third and the later centuries of our era the informa-
tion regarding Southern India becomes fuller and fuller.
Very numerous inscriptions, the accounts of the Buddhist
chroniclers of Ceylon, of the Greek geographers, and of the
Chinese pilgrims, reveal the existence and give fragments,
at least, of the history of many kingdoms in the south, and
show that their civilisation was an advanced one, and did
not differ materially from that of Northern India.

There can be no doubt that the south of India has been
conquered by the Aryans, and has been brought within the
pale of Brahmanical civilisation much later than India
north of the Vindhya range. During which century pre-
cisely that conquest took place, cannot be determined for
the present. But it would seem that it happened a con-
siderable time before the Vedic period came to an end, and
it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the

1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, p. 323 seqq.

f See Burgess, Arch. Surv. Reports, West India, vol. iv, pp. 104-114 and
vol. v, p. 75 seqq.

3 Op. cit, vol. v, p. 39 seqq. Its date probably falls between 150-140 B.C.


authentic history of India begins, about 500 B. C., with the
Persian conquest of the Paw^aband Sindh. It maybe added
that a not inconsiderable period must have elapsed after
the conquest of the south, before the Aryan civilisation had
so far taken root in the conquered territory, that, in its
turn, it could become a centre of Brahmanical activity, and
that it could produce new Vedic schools.

These remarks will suffice to show that a Vedic A'arawa
which had its origin in the south, cannot rival in antiquity
those whose seat is in the north, and that all southern
schools must belong to a comparatively recent period of
Vedic history. For this reason, and because the name
of Apastamba and of the Apastambiyas is not mentioned
in any Vedic work, not even in a Kalpa-sutra, and its
occurrence in the older grammatical books, written before
the beginning of our era, is doubtful 1 , it might be thought
advisable to fix the terminus a quo for the composition of
the Apastambiya-sutras about or shortly before the begin-
ning of the era, when the Brahmanist Andhra kings held
the greater part of the south under their sway. It seems
to me, however, that such a hypothesis is not tenable, as
there are several points which indicate that the school and
its writings possess a much higher antiquity. For, first,
the Dharma-sutra contains a remarkable passage in which
its author states that 5vetaketu, one of the Vedic teachers
who is mentioned in the Satapatha-brahmawa and in the
.AV/andogya Upanishad, belongs to the Avaras, to the men
of later, i. e. of his own times. The passage referred to,
Dh. I, 3, 5, 4-6, has been partly quoted above in order to
show that Apastamba laid no claim to the title fiishi, or
seer of revealed texts. It has been stated that according
to Sutra 4, ' No AVshis are born among the Avaras, the
men of later ages, on account of the prevailing transgression
of the rules of studentship ; ' and that according to Sutra 5,

1 The name Apastamba occurs only in the gaa vidadi, which belongs to

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