George Grote.

A history of Greece: from the earliest period to the close of the generation contemporary with Alexander the Great online

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the Four mistrust, and alarm began to spread even among
themselTM. their own members ; together with a conviction tliat
tton^Sp^ the oligarchy could never stand except through the
formed presence of a Peloponnesian garrison in Athens.
^enL Antiphon and Phrynichus, the leading minds ^ho

mente. directed the majority of the Four Hundred, despatched

envoys to Sparta for concluding peace (these envoys never reached
Sparta, being seized by the Parali and sent prisoners to Argosy as
above stated). They further commenced the erection of a special
fort at Eetioneia, the projecting mole which contracted and
commanded, on the northern side, the narrow entrance of Peireiu.
Against their proceedings, however, there began to arise, even in
the bosom of the Four Hundred, an opposition minority affecting
popular sentiment, among whom the most conspicuous persons
were Theramen& and AristokratSs.^

Though these two men had stood forward prominently as
contrivers and actors throughout the whole progress of tbe
conspiracy, they had found themselves bitterly disappointed by
the result Individually, their ascendency with their coUeagoed
was inferior to that of Peisander, Eallseschrus, Phrynichus, and
others; while, collectively, the ill-gotten power of the Four
Hundred was diminished in value, as much as it was aggravated
in peril, by the loss of the foreign empire and the alienation of
their Samian armament Now b^n the workings of jealousy
and strife among the succeesfid conspirators, each of whom had
entered into the scheme with unbounded expectations of personal
ambition for himself; each had counted on stepping at once into
the first place among the new oligarchical body. In a democracy
(observes Thucydid^) contentions for power and pre-eminence
provoke in the unsuccessful competitors less of fierce antipathy
and sense of injustice than in an oligarchy ; for the loeing
candidates acquiesce with comparatively little repugnance in the

1 Thnoyd. viiL 89, 00. The repre- oont. Agorat aeot 18— 17X is quite is

Mutation of the ohanicter and motiTet hannon? with that of Thaicydidte

of Tlienunente, as given by I^sias in (viii. 80) : compare Arlstophaa. Baa.

the Oxatlon confirn Eratosthenem 641—966; Xenoph. HeUen. il. L V—

(Ozat. ziL sect 06, 67, 79 ; Orat xiii. 30.



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CHAP. LXn. DISCORD AMONG THE FOUB HUNDRED.



287



unfavourable vote of a large miscellaneous body of unknown
citdzeus ; but they are angry at being put aside by a few known
comrades, their rivals as well as their equals : moreover, at the
moment when an oligarchy of ambitious men has just raised
itself on the ruins of a democracy, every man of the conspirators
is in exaggerated expectation, every one thinks himself entitled
to become at once the first man of the body, and is dissatisfied if
he be merely put upon a level with the rest^



1 Thncyd. viii 80. jfv 6i tovto i^
oxniJM wokiTuAv TOW A^ov ovroiCj Kor
liluf ti ^HXorifUais <K iroAAoi avrttv r^
Totot^ry vpoWxtirro, ir fircp xal /uiaAt<rra
i^AyofixCoL iit hutOKfiariai yepoftdtni dv6A>
Avrat. voyrct yap av9i|fup6r a{u>v(rir
e^X ^*^^ itroi. oAAa koi mkv wpSnot

tLipimmi yiyvofiivtitf jSfov rcL diro^oiy-
orra, mt ovx dirb tAv hfUtUtv, iXturaoviu-
wii Ti« ^p«i.

I ffive in the text what appears to
me toe proper sense of this passage,
the last words of which are obscure :
■ee the long notes of the commentators,
especially Dr. Arnold and Poppo. Dr.
Arnold considers rStv biioUv as a neuter.
and gives the paraphrase of the last
danse as follows :— *' Whereas under
an old established ffOTemment, they
(jambitious men of tslent) are prepared
to fkil ; they know that the weight of
the fTOTemment is against them, and
are thus spared the peculiar pain of
being beaten in a fair race, when they
and tlieir competitors start with equal
adTaatagee, and there is nothing to
le ss en ^ the mortification of defeat
iar6 rmv bfioUty ikaavoiifitvof is heitng
bittUn when the gam» U eotial, when the
UrmM 0/ tJU match areftUr.

I cannot concur in Dr. Arnold's
axplaaation of these words, or of the
anneral sense of the passage. He
ihinks that Thncy didds means to affirm
what iqmliee generally "to an oppo-
1 nunc " ' " * •



nori^ when it succeeds in

iev<^tioniring the established govem-
ment, whether the government be a
democracy or a monarchy, whether
the minority be an aristocratlcal party
or a popular one". It seems to me, on
the eontrary, that the affirmation bean
only on the special case of an oligarchi-
cal oonsplraoy snbTerting a democracy,
and thai the comparison taken is only
■pplleable to the state of tilings as ft
stood uider the preceding democracy.
Next, the explanation given of the
words by Dr. Arnold assumes that " to



be beaten in a fair race, or when the
terms of the match are fitir." causes
to the loser the maximwn of pain and
ofiFence. This is surely not the fact ;
or rather, the reverse is the fact. Tlie
man who loses his canse or his election
through ui^ust favour, jealousy, or
antipathy is more hurt than if he nad
lost it under circumstances where he
could find no iqjustice to complain of.
In both cases he is doubtiess mortified,
but if there be iqiustice, he is offended
and angry as well as mortified ; he is
disposed to take vengeance on men
whom he looks upon as his personal
enemies. It is important to distinguish
the mortification of simple failure from
the discontent and anger arising out of
belief that the fkilure has been unjustly
brought about: it is this discontent,
tending to break out in active opposi-
tion, which Thucydidds has present to
his mind in the comparison which he
takes between the state of feeling
which precedes and follows the sub-
version of the democracy.

It appears to me that the words ritw
htnimv are masculine, and that they
have reference (like vitrnt and la-ot in
the preceding line) to the privileged
minority of equal confederates who
are supposed to have Just got posses-
sion of the ffovemment. At Sparta
the word oi Smoioi acquired a sort of
technical sense to designate the smaU
ascendant minority of wealthy Spartan
citizens, who monopolised in their own
hands political power, to the praottcal
exdusfon of the remainder (see xenoph.
Hellen. iiL 8, 5 ; Xenoph. Besp. Lac
X. 7 ; xiiL 1 ; Demosth. oont Lept a
88). Now their o^oioc or peers, here
indicated by Thudrdidds as the peers of
a recentiy-tormed oligarchy, an not
merely equal among themselves, but
rivals one with another, and personaDy
known to each other. It is important
to bear in mind all these attributes as
tadtiy implied (though not literally
detdgnated or connoud) by the word



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288



OLiaARCHT OF THB FOUR HUNDRED.



Part n.



Such were the feelings of disappointed ambition, mingled with
Tbemmente ^despondency, which sprung up among a minority oi
dflomnds the Four Hundred, immediately after the news of the
proclamation of the democracy at Samos among the
armament Theramen^ the leader of this minority —
a man of keen ambition, clever but unsteady and
treacherous, not less ready to desert his party than to
betray his country, though less prepared for extreme atrocities



that the

Five

Thonnod

•haUbe

made a

reaUty.



Sfioioc or peen ; because the comparison
instituted bv Thucydidto is founded on
all the attributes taken together ; just
as Aristotle (Rhetoric iL 8 ; ii. 18, 4),
in speaking of the envy and jealouay
apt to arise towards tov( oMotovt.
considers them as aprcp<li<rraf and
irTayivl<rTas.

The Four Hundred at Athens were
all peers— equals, rivals, and personally
known among one another— who haa
just raised themselves by joint con-
spiracy to sapreme power. Theramends,
one of the number, conceives himself
entitled to pre-eminence, but flndS that
he is shut out from it ; the men who
shut him out beinc this small body of
known equals and rivals. He is inclined
to impuM the exclusion to personal
motives on the part of this small knot
—to selfish ambition on the part of each
—to ill-will— to jealousy— to wrongful
partiality ; so that he thinks himself
uOnred, and the sentiment of ii\)unr is
embittered by the circumstance that
those from whom it proceeds are a
narrow, known, and definite body of
colleagues. Whereas, if his exclusion
had taken place under the democracy,
by the suffrage of a large, miscellaneous,
and personally unknown collection of
citizens, he would have been far less
likely to carry off with him a sense of
ii^unr. Doubtless he would have been
mortified ; but he would not have looked
upon the electors in the light of jealous
or selfish rivals, nor would they form
a definite body before him for his
indignation to concentrate itself upon.
Thus Nikomachidte— whom Sokratds
(see Xenoph6n, Memor. iii. 4) meets
returning mortified because the people
had chosen another person and not
him as general— would have been not
onlv mortified, but angry and vindictive
beudes, if he bad been excluded by a
few peers and rivals.

Such, in my judgment, is the compari-
son which Toucyoidte wishes to draw
between the effect of disappointment



inflicted by the suffrage of a numerous
and miscellaneous body of citizen*—
compared with disappointment in-
flicted by a small knot of oligarchies!
peers upon a competitor among their
own number, especially at a moment
when the expectations of all these
peers are exaggerated, in oonaeqnence
of the recent acquisition of their power.
I believe the remark of the historian to
be quite just ; and that the disappoint-
ment in the first case is lees intense,
less connected with the sentiment or
injury, and less likely to lead to active
manifestation of enmity. This is one
among the advantages of a numerou
suffrage.

I cannot better illustrate the
jealousies pretty sure to break out
among a small number of ofioun or
rival peers, than by the deecriptioo
which Justin gives of the leading
officers of Alexander the Great im-
mediately after that monarch's dctith
(Justin, xii. 2) :—

" Cfeterum, ocdso Alexandro, non,
nt IsBti, ita et securi fuere, omnibus
nnum locum competentibus : nee minus
militee invicem setimebant, quorum et
libertas solutior et favor incertus erat.
InUr ip$o§ veto aqualUoi ditoordiam
augeb<Ut nemine tantum csteros exce-
dente. ut ei allquis se submitteret*

Compare Plutarch, Lysander, o. SS.

Haack and Poppo think that huaimr
cannot be masculine, because d «- d ntw
oiutUiv iXatraovfievoi would not then be
correct, but ought to be v «■ 6 rwr hftoCmr
i\aff<roviuyos. I should dispute, under
all drcumstances. the correctness of
this criticism: for there are quite
enough parallel cases to defend the use
of an6 here (see Thncvd. L 17 ; iiL 8S :
iv. 115 ; vi. 28, Ac.). But we need not
enter into the debate ; for the genitive
Twi' hfLoimv depends rather upon rk
avopaivovTa which precedes ttuui upon
i\a<riToriitMvoi which foUows ; and uie
prepositaon aw6 is what we should
naturally expect To mark this I have



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obap. lxii. thbramsn^ in opposition. 289

than manj of his oligarchical comrades — ^began to look out for
a good pretence to disconnect himself from a precarious enterpiise.
Taking advantage of the delusion which the Four Hundred had
themselves held out about the fictitious Five Thousand, he
insisted that since the dangers that beset the newly-formed
authority were so much more formidable than had been
anticipated, it was necessary to popularize the party by enrolling
and producing these Five Thousand as a real instead of a
fictitious body.^

Such an opposition, formidable from the very outset, became
still bolder and more developed when the envoys returned from
Sfiunos, with an account of their reception by the armament, as
well as of the answer, delivered in the name of the armament,
whereby AlkibiadSs directed the Four Hundred to dissolve
themselves forthwith, but at the same time approved of the
constitution of the Five Thousand, coupled with the restoration
of the old senate. To enrol the Five Thousand at once would
be meeting the army half-way ; and there were hopes that at
that price a compromise and reconciliation might be effected, of
which Alkibiad^ had himself spoken as practicable.^ In
addition to the formal answer, the envoys doubtless brought back
intimation of the enraged feelings manifested by the armament,
and of their eagerness, uncontrollable by every one except
Alkibiades, to sail home forthwith and rescue Athens from the
Four Hundred. Hence arose an increased conviction that the



pat a comma after iiwofinhfovrm. as well 1<^15X that daring this spring he

as after o^iotM*'. famished the armament at Samos with

To show that an opinion Is not wood proper for the construction of

eorrect, indeed, does not afford emrtain oars— only obtained by the special

evidence that Thacvdidte may not favoar of Archelaus king of Macedonia.

have advanced it ; for he mi}|:ht be and of which the armament then stooa

mistaken. Bat it ooght to count as in great need. He further alleKee that

good pretamptive eTidenoe, anleHS the he afterwards visited Athens while the

words peremptorily bind as to the Fonr Hundred were in full dominion ;

eontrary ; which in this case they do and that Peisander, at the head of this

not oligarchical body, threatened his life

1 Thoeyd. viiL 80, 1 Of this sentence for having furnished such valuable aid

ttom ^fioi^iuifoi down to xatfto-ravoi, I to the armament, then at enmitv with

only profess to onderstand the last Athens. Though he saved his life

elaose. It is useless to discuss the by clinging to the altar, yet he had

many ooiOectural itmendments of a to endure bonds and maidfold hard

eormpt text, none of them satisfactory treatment

SThucvd.viiLd6-S9. It is alleged bv Of these claims which AndoUdte

Andokidte (in an Oration delivered prefers to the favour of the subsequent

many years afterwards before the democracy, I do not know how much

people of Athens— De Beditu suo, sect is true.

6—19



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290



OUQARCHT OF THE FOUB HUHDRED.



Part IL



Measaresof

Antlpbon

and the

Four

Hundred —

their

•olicitatfons



dominion of the latter could not last ; and an ambition, on the
part of others as well as Theramen^ to stand forward as leaders
of a popular opposition against it in the name of the FiTe
Thousand.^
Against this popular opposition, Antiphon and Phrjnichnt
exerted themselves with demagogic assiduity to caress
and keep together the majority of the Four Hundred,
as well as to uphold their power without abridgment
They were noway disposed to comi)ly with this
requisition that the fiction of the Five Thousand
oonBtruction should be converted into a reality. They knew well
ofEltioneia ^^** ^^® enrolment of so many partners' would be
jtor the tantamount to a democracy, and would be in substance

of a Spartan at least, if not in form, an annihilation of their own
**"***'*• power. They had now gone too far to recede with
safety; while the menacing attitude of Samos, as well as the
opposition growing up against theai at home both within and
without their own body, served only as instigation to them to
accelerate their measures for peace with Sparta and to secure the
introduction of a Spartan garrison.

With this view, immediately after the return of their envoys
from Samos, the two most eminent leaders, Antiphon and



1 Thucyd. riiLdd, va^iarara 8k at"
Tov? infip* tA it^rp Sajiuf tow *AkKifiidiov
ttfXvpA ofTo, Kttl on avTOK ovk «56k(i k6*

i^tTO olv eU iteaa^tn vpocr driit rov
J^MO V < 0-C0-0 at.

This is a remarkable passage as
Indicating irhat is really meant by
rpoo-Tanjs rov i^iqfiov — " the It^der of a
popular opposition ". Theraiueuds and
the other persons here spoken of did
not even mention the name of the
democracy— they took up simply the
name of the Five Thousand— yet they
are still called vp6<rraTai rov £)}/uiov,
inasmuch as the Five Thousand were
a sort of qualified democracy, compared
to the Four Hundred.

The words denote the leader of
a popniar party, as opposed to an
oligarchical party (see Thucyd. iii. 70 ;
It. 6(5 ; ▼! 85), in a form of government
either entirely democratical, or at
least in which the public assembly is
frequently convoked and decides on
many matters of importance. Thucy*
didds does not apply the words to any



Athenian except in the case now before
us respecting I heramenfo : be dow
not use the words even with respect (o
KleOn, though he employs exprtrsaianB
wliich seem equivalent to it (ui. SS ; ft.
21) — avTUp oijAtayMy^ icar' wlvom ^it
Xpovov Siv KoX T^ irAi^ei vt9aM*rar*«,
d^c. This is very different from the
words which he applies to Perikl£»—
S»v yap JvvarMTarof rmv koB' itirrhw
Koi ayttv TJiv voAtrccar (i. 127).
Even in respect to Nikias, he puts him
in co^juuction with Pleistoanax at
Sparta, and talks of both of them as
OTrtv&omttTdtiaMffTariiv ifytfioriav
(V. 1(J),

Compare the note of Dr. Arnold
on vi. AS; and ^^'acLsmuth. Hellen.
Alterth. i. 2, Bellaffe 1, pp. 435— 4S&

'•* Thucyd. viii. Oi. rh iikv jraroorn^m
/uier<i\ovf roaovrovt, a^riicpvf ok Aiyfter
ifyoviuvoif &C.

AristoUe (Polit. ▼. 5, 4) calls
Phrynichus the dtmagoffU€ of the Foar
Hundred ; that is, the person who
most strenuously served their interests
and struggled for their favour.



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Chap. LXIL MBAbORES OF A2ITIPHON AND PHRTNIOHUS. 291

PhrynichiiB, went themselves with ten other coUeagnes in all
haste to Sparta, prepared to purchase peace and the promise
of Spartan aid almost at any price. At the same time the
construction of the fortress at Eetioneia was prosecuted with
redoubled zeal ; under pretence of defending the entrance of
PeirsBus against the armament from Samoe, if the threat of their
coming should be executed— but with the real purpose of
bringing into it a Lacedaemonian fleet and army. For this latter
object every facility was provided. The north-western comer ol
the fortification of Peirseus, to the north of the harbour and its
mouth, was cut off by a cross wall reaching southward so as to
join the harbour : from the southern end of this cross wall, and
forming an angle with it^ a new wall was built, fronting the
harbour and running to the extremity of the mole which
narrowed the mouth of the harbour on the northern side, at which
mole it met the termination of the northern wall of Peirseus. A
separate citadel was thus enclosed, defensible against any attack
from Peiranid — furnished besides with distinct broad gates and
posterns of its own, as well as with facilities for admitting an
enemy within it^ The new cross wall was carried so as to
traverse a vast portico or open market-house, the largest in
Peineus : the larger half of tiiis portico thus became enclosed
within the new citadel, and orders were issued that all the
com, both actually warehoused and hereafter to be imported
into Peineus, should be deposited therein and sold out from
thence for consumption. As Athens was sustained almost
exclusively on com brought from Euboeaand elsewhere, since the
permanent occupation of Dekeleia, the Four Hundred rendered
themselves masters by this arrangement of aU the subsistence of
the citizens, as well as of the entrance into the harbour ; either
to admit the Spartans or exclude the armament from Samo&'

iThncyd. tUL 90—92. rb rvixot See Leake*! Topographic Athens, pp.
TovT«, Kol wvAiSa^ <xor, coi 4o^ 869. 270« Germ. transL
iovi, Ktu, tvcio-ayMyaf ruw wXtfUmv, > Thncyd. viiL 9a ii^fKoUii'^vmy ii

I pregume that the last ezpreasioii I agree with the note in Bf. Didot's

refem to facilities for admitting the translation, that this portico, or halts

enemy either from the sea-side or from open on three sides, most be considered

the land-side— that is to say, from the as pre-existing ; not as having been

north-western comer of the old wall first bnilt now, which seems to oe the

of Peineaa, which formed one side sappodtion of Colonel Leake and the

of the new citadeL commentators generally.



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292 OUOABCHY OP THE FOUR HDNDRKD. PART IL

Hioagh Theramends, himself one of the generals named under
Unaooonnt- ^® VouT Hundred, denounced, in conjunction with
jWeback- his supporters, the treasonable purpose of this new
the Laoedie- citadel, jet the majority of the Four Hundred stood
monians. ^ ^^^ resolution, so that the building made rapid
progress under the superintendence of the general Alexikl^ one
of the most strenuous of the oligarchical faction.^ Such was the
habit of obedience at Athens to an established authority, when
once constituted — and so great the fear and mistrust arising out of
the general belief in the reality of the Five Thousand, unknown
auxiliaries supposed to be prepared to enforce the orders of Uie
Four Hundred — that the people, and even armed citizen
hoplites, went on working at the building, in spite of their
suspicions as to its design. Though not completed, it was so far
advanced as to be defensible, when Antiphon and Phrynichus
returned from Sparta. They had gone thither prepared to
surrender everything — not merely their naval force, but their
city itself— and to purchase their own personal safety by malri^g
the LacedflBmonians masters of Peirseus.' Yet we read with
astonishment that the latter could not be prevailed on to contract
any treaty, and that they manifested nothing but backwardness
in seizing this golden opportunity. Had AlkibiadSs been now
playing their game, as he had been doing a year earlier,
immediately before the revolt of Chios — ^had they been under
any energetic leaders to impel them into hearty co-operation with
the treason of the Four Hundred, who combined at thb moment
both the will and the power to place Athens in their hands, if
seconded by an adequate force — they might now have overpowered
their great enemy at home, before the armament at Samos could
have been brought to the rescue.

Considering that Athens was saved from capture only by the
slackness and stupidity of the Spartans, we may see that the
armament at Samos had reasonable excuse for their eagerness
previously manifested to come home ; and that Alkibiadds, in

1 Thucjd. Tiii. 91, 92. 'AXtfuckiau pnty fv|lfi^lml, koI &v«*o«vr ri. rifc »^

VTpar^p orra U riji hXiyapxiaK jcal Ac**? «x«i*'> tt rots yt vmftMm, o^mt «Scta

ftdfavTOi Kpht nvi iraipovf rrrpatifUrov, coTOi. ^

Ac. Jbid, iwtUti <K iK riff Acuccoo^Mfoc

SThocyd. Till. 91. oAAi «cai T«*« wpdtrfitit ovWy vpo^omc ia^x^pntvaw^



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CHAP. LXIL rORT OF £ETIONKIA~PHR¥NI0HU8 ASSASSINATED. 208

combating tliat intention, braved an extreme danger wbich
nothing but incredible good fortone averted. Why the
Lacedsemonians remained idle, both in Pdoponn^us and at
Dekeleia, while Athens was thus betrayed and in ijie very throes
of dissolution, we can render no account : possibly the caution of
the Ephors may have distmsM Antiphon and Phrynichus, from
the mere immensity of their concessions. All that .they would
promise was that a Lacedaemonian fleet of 42 triremes (partly
from Tarentum and Liokri) — ^now about to start from Las in the
Laconian Gulf, and to sail to Euboea on the invitation of a
dibaffected party in that island — should so fan depart from its
straight course as to hover near ^gina and Peirseus," ready to
take advantage of any opportunity for attack laid open by the
Four Hundred.'

Of this squadron, however, even before it rounded Otpe Malea,
TheramenSs obtained intelligence, and denounced it AisaMiiia-
as intended to operate in concert with the Four tionof
Hundred for the occupation of Eetioneia. Mean- — lZm^"
while Athens became daily a scene of greater discon- ™overin«***
tent and disorder, after the abortive embassy and near
return from Sparta of Antiphon and Phrynichus. '**'

The coercive ascendency of the Four Hundred was silently
disappearing, while the hatred which their usurpation had
inspired, together with the fear of their traitorous concert with
the public enemy, became more and more loudly manifested in
men's private conversations, as well as in gatherings secretly got
together within numerous houses ; especially the house of the
peripolarch (the captain of the peripoli, or youthful hoplites
who formed the chief police of the country). Such hatred
was not long in passing from vehement passion into act
Phrynichus, as he left the Senate-house, was assassinated by two



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