George Grote.

A history of Greece: from the earliest period to the close of the generation contemporary with Alexander the Great online

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had been proposed to appomt the l>our
Uundre<l by roiauon out of the Five
lliousand " (viii. Ujt).

Dr. Arnold here throws oat a sop-
position which by no means con:oruis
to the exact sense oi the words of
Thucydiiies — ci^/oi 6^ airtv, ovoaoc c«i
ovAa iraptxovrat. These Words dis-
tinctly signify ttiat ail who tumisbed
heavy arms tkuuid be c/ tk* /i«c
Thousand ; Mhould Uionff qf right to tkmt
body: which is something different
from being eligiUe into the number of
Five Thousand, either by lot, rotattoo,
or otherwise. The language of limey-
didte, when he describes (in the pas-
sage referred to by Dr. Arnold, c. v3)
the projected formation of the Four
Hundred by rotation out of the l<lv»
Thousand, is very different— ««i ix

TOVTWC 4y M^pCi TOirf rtTpOKOOioVt €0%^'

•«(, Ac M. Boeckh (PubUc Economy
of Athens, b. U. ch. 21, p. 268, Eng. TYJ
is not satisfactoiy in hii descriptton of
this event.

The idea which I conceive of tlis

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determined by tbe first assembly beld in tbe Pnyx. The Archona,
the Senate of Five Hundred, &c., were renewed : after which
many other assemblies were also held, in which Nomotheto,
Dikasts, and other institutions essential to the working of the
democracy were constituted. Various other votes were also
passed ; especially one, on the proposition of Eritias, seconded
by Theramen^^ to restore Alkibiadds and some of his friends
firom exile ; while messages were further despatched, both to him

Five Thoannd, m a number esritthiff
from the commencement onW in talk
and imagination, neither realized nor
intended to be realized, coincides with
the full meaning of this passage of
Thucydidto, as well as with even-thing
which he had before said about them.

I will here add that bw6v9i onAa
wap^xot^ai means persons furnishing
arms either for themselves alone, or
for others also (Xenoph. Uellen. ill 4,

As to the second point, the signifi.
eation of roitoBira^, I stand upon the
general use of that word in Athenian
political language : see the explanation
earlier in this History, ch. xlvi It it
for the commentators to produce some
jit8ti6cation of the unusual meaning
which they assign to it— "persons to
model the constitution — commissioners
who drew up the new constitution,** as
Dr. Arnold, in concnnvnce with the
rest, translates it Until some justitt-
tatiou is produced, I venture to believe
that yofioeiTtu is a word which would
nut be used in that sense with refer-
ence to nominees chosen by the demo-
cracy, and intended to act with the
democracy: for it implies a final, de-
cifdve, authoritative determination—
whereas the ^vyyp«u^«tf, or "commis-
sioners to draw up a constitution,"
were only invested with the function
of submitting something for approba-
tion to the public assembly or com-
petent authority; that is, assuming
that the public assembly remaineil an
efficient reality.

Moreover the words koi raWa would
hardly be uned in immediate sequence
to ro/i^^rraf if the latter word meant
that which the commentators sup-
pose— "Commissioners for framing a
constitntion and the other thing* totearda
the etnutittuion ". Such commissioners
a re surely far too prominent and initia-
trve in their function to be named in
tills way. Let us add that the most

material items in the new constitution
(if we are so to call it) have already
been distinctly spedfled as settled by
public vote, before these voiao$4tm. are
even named.

It is important to notice, that even
the Thirtv, who were named six years
afterwards to draw up a constitution,
at tbe moment when Sparta was mis-
tress of Athens and when the people
were thoroughly put down, are not
called KOftotfcrai, but are named by
a circumlocution equivalent to fvy-
Ypai^«(« — *£io^ r^ jiyfty, rptoicorr*
av6pat iXivBait ot rove warpiovs v6itiovt
{vyypa^ovai, KoB' o<^c woKiT€iiinvci. —
Atpe9tfKr<« ik, i^* ^r* (vyypiijfat v6itmn
K<M ovonroc voAtT«i{<rotvro, rovrovc ^th^
&«i cfMAAor {vTypo^ttv rt kaI kvo^ut'
rviw, &c (Xenophdn, Hellen. iL 8,
2—11) Xenophdn calls Kritias and
Chariklfts the NomotheUe of the Thirty
(Memor. L S, 80X but this is not demo-

For the signification of wofioBiri^
(applied most generally to 8ol6n, some-
times to others either b/ rhetorical
looseness or by ironical taunt) or
voiLoBirat.^ a numerous body of persons
chosen and sworn s e e Lysias cont.
Nikomach. sect 8, 88, 87; Andokidte
de Mysteriis. sect. 81—86, c 14, p 88—
where the NomothetsB are a sworn
body of Five Hundred, exercising con-
jointly with the senate the function of
accepting or rejecting the laws pro-
posed to them.

1 Plutarch, Alkibiadte. c 88. Cor-
nelius Nepos (Alkibiad. c 6, and
DiodArus, xiiL 88—42) mentions Thera-
menibi as the principal author of tbe
decree for restoring Alkibiad6s from
exile. But the precise words of the
elegy composed oy Kritias, wherein
the latter vindicates this proceeding
to himself, are cited by Plutarch, and
are verv good evidence. Doubtless
many of the leading men supported,
and none opposed, the proposition.

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and to the annument at Samos, doabtle» continuing the receul
nonunation of generals, apprising them of what had recently
occurred at Athens, as well as bespeaking their full concurrence
and unabated efforts against the sonunon enemy.

Thucydides bestows marked eulogy upon the general q>irit of
Modemtioii moderation and patriotic harmony which now reigned
antUMO^L *** -^^^^ *^<1 which directed the political proceedings
aud of the people.^ But he does not countenance the belief

^piri^ now (as he has been sometimes understoodX nor is it true
prevalent, jj^ point of fact, that they now introduced a new
constitution. Putting an end to the oligarchy, and to the rule of
the Four Hundred, they restored the old democracy, seemingly
with only two modifications— first, the partial limitation of the
right of suffrage ; next^ the discontinuance of all payment for
political functions. The impeachment against Antiphon, tried
immediately afterwards, went before the Senate and the Dikas-
tery, exactly according to the old democratical forms of procedure.
But we must presume that the Senate, the Dikasts, the Kumo-
thets, the Ekklesiasts (or citizens who attended the assembly), the
public orators who prosecuted state criminals or defended any law
wheu it was impugned, must have worked for the time without pay.

Moreover the two modifications above-mentioned were of litUe
practical effect. The exclusive body of Five Thou-
Thonsand— sand citizens, professedly constituted at this juncture,
ne"e™***' was neither exactly realized nor long retained. It
exactly was constituted even now more as a nominal than as

a real limit ; a nominal total, yet no longer a mere
blank as the Four Hundred had onginally produced it, but con-
taining indeed a number of individual names greater than the
total and without any assignable line of demarcation. The mere
fact that every one who furnished a panoply was entitled to be
of the Five Thousand — and not they alone, but others besides *
— shows that no care was taken to adhere either to that or to-

1 Thucjrd. viii. 97. vol ovx ^kiota and on the explanation giTen of it by

Sil rhtf vpi>Toy XP^^^^ ^^ Y* ^Mo** 'A^- Dr. Arnold (see cb. xlv.X

roZoi ^oii'oi^ai t^ iroAtrfvaoKrcc yutrpia > The WONB of Thucydidts (tUL 97>—

yap ^ re if rove okiyov^ koX tovs iroAAoi^c ctroi £4 a v r w r, Airovoi jccu onka wapt-

Ivyxpao-tc iytvm, xol ix woir^v ntv x^^^"* — Bhow that this body waa not

vpayiUrmv ytifofidtrnv rovro vpMrov atr/f composed txeliuively of those who fur*

vty«e rV voAiv. nished panoplies. It could nerer h&v»

I refer the reader to a note on this been intended, for example, to exchtde

passage in one of my former volumes, the Hippeis or knightr.

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any other precise number. If we may credit a speech composed
by Lysias,^ the Four Hundred had themselves (after the demoli-
tion of their intended fortress at Eetioneia, and when power was
passing out of their hands) appointed a committee of their
number to draw up for the first time a real list of The Five
Thousand : and Polystratus, a member of that committee, takes
credit with the succeeding democracy for having made the list
comprise nine thousand names instead of five thousand. As this
list of Polystratus (if indeed it ever existed) was never either
published or adopted, I merely notice the description given of it
to illustrate my position, that the number Five Thousand was
now understood on all sides as an indefinite expression for a
suffrage extensive, but not universal. The number had been first
invented by Antiphon and the leaders of the Four Hundred, to
cloak their own usurpation and intimidate the democracy : next,
it served the purpose of Tberamen^ and the minority of the
Four Hundred, as a basis on which to raise a sort of dynastic
opposition (to use modem phraseology) within the limits of the
oligarchy — ^that is, without appearing to overstep principles
acknowledged by the oligarchy theij^selves : lastly, it was
employed by the democratical party generally as a convenient
middle term to slide back into the old system, with as little
dispute as possible ; for Alkibiades and the armament had sent
word home that they adhered to the Five Thousand, and to the
abolition of salaried civil functions.'

But exclusive suf&age of the so-called Five Thousand, espe-
cially with the expansive numerical construction now The n^e
adopted, was of little value either to themselves or to ^JI^^J^
the state ; ' while it was an insulting shock to the eniiuged
feelings of the excluded multitude, especially to brave onivenal
and active seamen like the Parali Though prudent «iti«««Wp
as a step of momentary transition, it could not stand, nor was
any attempt made to preserve it in permanence — amidst a
community so long accustomed to universal citizenship, and
where the necessities of defence against the enemy called for
energetic efforts from all the citizens.

1 LysiM, Orat. zx. pro Polysttato, c * Thacyd. tW. 9L ihiiiv Karaar^vat,
'4, p. 67> Beisk. fjLrr6xov9 roooihwf , £rrucpvf ay ^fior

^ Thucyd. tliL 88. iiyovfiMWi, Ae,


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Even as to the gratnitons fanctions, the members of the FiTe
Thousand themselyes would soon become tired, not less than the
poorer freemen, of serving withont pay, as senators or in other
ways : so that nothing but absolute financial deficit would
prevent the re-establishment, entire or partial, of the pay. And
that deficit was never so complete as to stop the disbursement of
the Diobely, or distribution of two oboli to each citizen on
occasion of various religions festivals. Such distribution con-
tinued without interruption ; though perhaps the number of
occasions on which it was made may have been lessened.^

How far, or under what restriction, any re-establishment of
«^ civil pay obtained footing during the seven years

of th« between the Four Hxmdred and the Thirty we cannot

d^miejt say. But leaving this point undecided, we can show
all except that, within a year after the deposition of the Four
^^' Hundred, the suffrage of the so-called Five Thousand

expanded into the suffi'age of all Athenians, without exception,
or into the full antecedent democracy. A memorable decree,
passed about eleven months after that event — at the commence-
ment of the archoDship of Glaukippus (June or July, 410 B.aX
when the Senate of Five Hundred, the Dikasts, and other dvil
functionaries were renewed for the coming year, pursuant to the
ancient democratical practice — exhibits to us the full democracy
not merely in action, but in all the glow of feeling called forth by
a recent restoration. It seems to have been thought that this
first renewal of archons and other functionaries, under the
revived democracy, ought to be stamped by some emphatic
proclamation of sentiment, analogous to the solemn and heart-
stirring oath taken in the preceding year at Samos. Accordingly,
Demophantus proposed and carried a (psephism or) decree^*
prescribing the form of an oath to be taken by all Athenians to
stand by the democratical constitution.

I See the valoable financial iuscrip. AiM««oKta«— o. 1, S, pp. eW— 700 B«Ml
tlooB In M. Boeekh'8 Corpue ln«crip- t Abontttiedateoi tbifpeeptrioBOC

tionum. Fart L Noe. 147, 148, which decree, eee Boeckh. Staatwhewiihalteng

attest considevable diebnnemenU fur der Athener, toL IL p. 188 On the com-

the Diobely in 410— 40» B.C. ment upon sondry ineonptloiis w-

Nor doee it seem that there was pendedtohi8work,notinoladed!Btbe

much diminution during these same Snglish translation by Sir O. Lewi^ ;

years in the pritate expenditure and also Meier, De Bonis Damnatoram^eeet.

oetentatton of the ChorSgi at the feeti- ti. pp. 0—10. Wachsmuth ecroneoosly

vals and other ezhibittons: see the places the date of it alter the lUi^—

Oration zzL ol I^riUtf — *A.wKoyia see HeUen. AUerth. U, iz. p. 987.

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Chap. LXQ. dbiocratical oath pbssoribei>. 307

The terras of liis psephism and oath are striking. " If any
man subvert the democracy at Athens, or hold any p^,.
magistracy after the democracy has been subverted, D«m^!hL^
he shall be an enemy of the Athenians. Let him be ^^^^^"'^
put to death with impunity, and let his property be o>th^
confiscated to the public, with the reservation of a
tithe to Ath6n& Let the man who has killed him, and the
accomplice privy to the act, be accounted holy and of good
religious odour. Let all Athenians swear an oath under the
sacrifice of full-grown victims, in their respective tribes and
demes, to kill him.* Let the oath be as follows : — 'I will kill
with my own hand, if I am able, any man who shall subvert the
democracy at Athens, or who shall hold any office in future after
the democracy has been subverted, or shall rise in arms for the
purpose of making himself a despot, or shaU help the despot to
establish himself And if any one else shall kill him, I will
account the slayer to be holy as respects both gods and demons,
as having slain an enemy of the Athenians. And I engage, by
word, by deed, and by vote, to sell his property and make over
one-half of the proceeds to the slayer, without withholding any-
thing. If any man shall perish in slaying, or in trying to slay
the despot, I will be kind both to him and to his children, as to
Harmodius and Anstogeiton and their descendants. And I
hereby dissolve and release all oaths which have been sworn
hostile to the Athenian people, either at Athens, or at the camp
(at Samos), or elsewhere.'* Let aU Athenians swear this as the
regular oath immediately before the festival of the Dionysia, with
sacrifice and full-grown victims ;* invoking upon him who keeps

iA»doldd^d«lijst<Hti,nct>»^ To what partieiilar antl-eoBstlts-

» (e. 16, p. 48 iaLh-6 r iiwwtnlpmt Hv UoomI oathfl lOlQaioii Si here made w

TtArm. «ot4««yr«, k«u A vvy^wXtil^cc. cannot tdL All ttioee of the oUitar-

imt Irrw «u «vay4«. A|t^««i r ehicftl eonepliaton, hoth at Sunoe and

'A*«ir«t*«f avflivrac icmtt Upmip at Athens, are doabtlets intended to be

TdUter, ««ra fvXac ««t ««tA abrogated ; tad this oathjllke that of

I^i^avt, iswKTwiMtir T^v TtAm vou^ theamuunent at Samoa (Thnojd. vttt.

vrm, 7b\ ie intended to be i w on i vjwwfj

The oommentof Sieren (Conmenta- one, Inclading thoee who had befote

— De Xeaophontit Hellenids. beeni " ' *"

. been member* of the oUgaichkal eoa-

BerUn, 1888, pp. 18, 10) on the event* ef ipiraey. Perfaape it may also be in-

tida ttee if not elear. tended to abrogate the covenant twon

s AndolddledeMyaterilt,8ict»fr- by the members of the poUtioal doba

90 (ci IS, > 48 B.X ^«A««« 8* VcM or (vrmiuxriai amoBg themselTes in m

hftmitawrm jk0iroow # iv r^ vrpm.- fu ae it pledged them to anti-oonitlta-

t»»48y ^ IkholH wm iMyrOi rf tional aa* (Tliaoyd. viiL 54-81).

Hiuf rup 'AtfivMiw*', kirn ««i a^^iMM. * AndoUdSe de Mysteriia, sect M—

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it good things in abundance, but upon him who breaks it
destruction for himself as well as for his fBimily."

Such was the remarkable decree which the Athenians not only
passed in senate and public assembly, less than a year after the
deposition of the Four Hundred, but also caused to be engraved
on a column close to the door of the Senate-house. It plainly
indicates, not merely that the democracy had returned, but an
unusual intensity of democratical feeling along with it. The
constitution which aU the Athenians thus swore to maintain by
the most strenuous measures of defence must have been a
constitution in which aU Athenians had political rights — ^not one
of Five Thousand privileged persons excluding the rest^ This
decree became invalid after the expulsion of the Thirty, by the
general resolution then passed not to act upon any laws passed
before the archonehip of Eukleidls, unless specially re-enacted.
But the column, on which it stood engraved, still remained, and
the words were read upon it at least down to the time of the orator
Lykurgus, eighty years afterwards.^

The mere deposition of the Four Hundred, however, and the

Flight of transfer of political power to the Five Thousand,

most of the which took place in the first public assembly held

S^i^nr' ^^^^ *^« <l«^eat off Eretria, was sufficient to induce

Handredto most of the violent leaders of the Four Hundred

forthwith to leave Athens. Peisander, Alexikl^

and others, went off secretly to Dekeleia;' Aristarchus alone

made his flight the means of inflicting a new wound upon hii

90 (c 16, p. 48 R.). ravra H huovivrup oratois, we should find tt 111 this pM-

*A.0^¥m.iOiwdvTttKaS^U(iit¥TtX9U»v, lage of AndoUdda. He calls tfalspae-

rbv v6ui.iJiow ooKov. np6 Aioi'v<rudv, &c. phism of Demophaatos a law of ftton

I Those who think that a new con- (sect. 00) : see above in this uistoiy,

stitotion was e^tablished (after the chap. zL

deposition of the Foot Hundred) axe » Thacjd. tUL 08. Moat of these

perplexed to fix the period at which fugitives returned sixyeanaftecwarda.

the old democracy was restored. K. after the battle of .^gospotaml, when

F. Hermann and others suppose, with- the Athenian people again "^

F. Hermann and others suppose, with- the Athenian people again becaae

out any special proof, that it was re- subject to an oliigaroby tn the persoos

stored at the time when Alkibiadte of the Thirty. SeTeraiofthembeeaaM

returned to Athens in 407 ac SeeK. F. members of the senate which wocked

Hermann, Griech. Staats-AlterthOmar, under the Thirty (Lyrias ooni. AgoudL

s. 167, not 18. sect. 80, c 18, p. 496)i

s Lykurffus, adv. Leokrat. sect 181, Whether Aristotelte and CharikMs

e. 81, p. 225 ; compare Demosthen. adv. were amonc the number of th* Voar

Leptin. sect 188. o. 84, p. 606. Hundred who now went into odle^ at

If we wanted any proof, how per- Wattenbach affirms (De Qnadrinfmt

fectlv reckless and nnmeaning is the Ath. Factftont, p. 0^ sswni noi ofiarty
mention of the name of Sol^ by the

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Chap, lxil flioht or thb ouaABcmcAL leaders. 309

country. Being aDiong the number of the generalfl, he availed
himself of this authority to march — ^with some of the rudest
among those Scythian archers, who did the police duty of the
city — ^to (Enod on the Boeotian frontier, which was at that
moment nnder siege by a body of Corinthians and Boeotians
united. Aristarchus, in concert with the besiegers, presented
himself to the garrison, and acquainted them that Athens and
Sparta had just concluded peace, one of the conditions of which
was that (EnoS should be surrendered to the Boeotians. He
therefore, as general, ordered them to evacuate the place, under
the benefit of a truce to return home. The garrison, having been
dosely blocked up, and kept wholly ignorant of the actual
condition of politics, obeyed the order without reserve ; so that
the Boeotians acquired possession of this very important frontier
position — a new thorn in the side of Athens, besides Dekeleia^^

Thus was the Athenian democracy again restored, and the
divorce between the city and the armament at Samos Theramente
terminated, after an interruption of about four months 5**j;jL ♦«
by the successful conspiracy of the Four Hundred. It aocnae the
was only by a sort of miracle— or rather by the in- JSStenof
credible backwardness and stupidity of her foreign S!?Jh^
enemies — ^that Athens escaped alive from this nefarious eipecially
aggression of her own ablest and wealthiest citizens. Jj tSdtmt*
That the victorious democracy should animadvert upon •*,**''**;
and punish the principal actors concerned in it — ^who theembaa^y
had satiated their own selfish ambition at the cost of *** Sparta,
so much suffering, anxiety, and peril to their coimtry — was
nothing more than rigorous justice. But the drcumstances of
the case were peculiar: for the counter-revolution had been
accomplished partly by the aid of a minority among the Four
Hundred themselves — Theramen^ Aristokrat^ and others,
together with the Board of Eldei-s called Probiili— all of whom
had been, at the outset^ either principals or accomplices in that
system of terrorism and assassination, whereby the democracy
had been overthrown and the oligarchical rulers established in
the Senate-house. The earlier operations of the conspiracy,
therefore, though among its worst features, could not be exposed

1 TlroeycL riil. 89—90. 'Aptaropxof , di^p iv roU fidKivra xal ck vAciorov

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to inquiry and trial, without compromising these parties aa
lellow-criminals. Tberamen^ evaded the difficulty, by selecting
for animadversion a recent act of the majority of the Four
Hundred, virhich he and his partLsans had opposed, and on which,
therefore, he had no interests adverse either to justice or to the
popular feeling. He stood forward to impeach the last embeaaj
sent by the Four Hundred to Sparta— sent with instructions to
purchase peace and alliance at almost any price— and connected
with the construction of the fort at Eetioneia for the reception
of an enemy's garrison. This act of manifest treason, in which
Antipbon, Phrynichus, and ten other known envoys were
concerned, was chosen as the special matter for public trial and
punishment, not less on public grounds than with a view to his
own favour in the renewed democracy. But the fact that it was
Theramenes who thus denounced his old friends and fellow-
conspirators, after having lent hand and heart to their earlier and
not less guilty deeds, was long remembered as a treacheroua
betrayal, and employed in after-days as an excuse for atrocious
injustice a^nst himself.^

Of the twelve envoys who went on this mission, all ezoqyt
Phrynichus, Antipbon, Arcbeptolemus, and Onomakles, seem to
have already escaped to Dekeleia or elsewhere. Phrynichus (aa
I have mentioned a few pages above) had been assassinated
several days before. Respecting his memory, a condemnatory
vote had already been just passed by the restored Senate of Five
Hundred, decreeing that his property should be confiscated and
his house razed to the ground ; and conferring the gift of
citizenship, together with a pecuniary recompense, on two
foreigners who claimed to have assassinated him.^ The other

1 LysbuB cont. Eratosthen. a 11, p. of the sentence passed upon Antif^ioB:

4t7,8ect.6e - «8. iSovAoiMFOf 6e (Theia- see Plntarcb, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 384

mente) ry viLtriptf vXi^^ci viorbf hoKtlv B. : compare Schol. Aiistoph. Lyaistr.

ttvM, 'AyrK^wyra xol *Apx<vr^A<fu>v, 318.

^ikrimnn^ ovrws o&t^ jeanryopwc dWx- Both Lysfas and Lyknrnis, the

rttFcvj civ Toaovrov Ik xaxiaf IjXBtv, otatoTS, contain Statements i^oot tte

«oT« Sfia iii¥ <«.d rj^v vp^ Iiccikovc wCcmw death of Phrynichos which an not In

v^ «ar«SovAM<r«To, <id U t^iw vp6« hMinony with ThuQjdidds. Both these

Afidf roi^f ^CXovt iiwiiXMtnv. orators agree in reporting the names of

Compare Xenophdn, Hellen. iL 8, the two foreigners who claimed to have

80—88. slain PhrTnichos, and whose ohUm was

s That these Totes respecting the aUowed by the people afterwards in a

Online LibraryGeorge GroteA history of Greece: from the earliest period to the close of the generation contemporary with Alexander the Great → online text (page 36 of 62)