George Grote.

A history of Greece: from the earliest period to the close of the generation contemporary with Alexander the Great online

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memory and the death of Phrynichus formal reward and Tote of rftimuMhip

preceded the trial of Antiphon, ws — Thra8ybahisofKalydon,ApoUod6nM

may gather from the oonoladlng words of Megaia— (I^rsias coot. Agorat & Ifl^

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three— Antiphon, Archeptolemus, and Onomakl^i — were
presented in name to the Senate by the generals (of whom
probablj Theramen^ was one) as having gone on a mission to
Sparta for purposes of mischief to Athens, partly on board an
enemy's ship, partly through the Spartan garrison at Dekeleia.
Upon this presentation, doubtless a document of some length and
going into particulars, a senator named Andron moved, — That
the generals, aided by any ten senators whom they may choose,
do seize the three persons accused, and hold them in custody for
trial : — That the Thesmothetse do send to each of the three a
formal summons, to prepare themselves for trial on a future day
before the Dikastery, on the charge of high treason — and do
bring them to trial on the day named ; assisted by the generals,
the ten senators chosen as auxiliaries, and any other citizen who
may please to take part, as their accusers. Each of the three was
to be tried separately, and if condenmed, was to be dealt with
according to the penal law of the city against traitors, or persons
guilty of treason.'

Though all the three persons thus indicated were in Athens,
or at least were supposed to be there, on the day when Anttphon
this resolution was passed by the Senate, yet before ^^^
it was executed Onomakl^ had fled ; so that ^d ^™°^
Antiphon and Archeptolemus only were imprisoned •»«ciit8d.
for trial They too must have had ample opportunity for leaving
the city, and we might have presumed that Antiphon would
have thought it quite as necessary to retire as Peisander and
Alexiklds. So acute a man as he, at no time very popular, must

p. 49S ; Ljkuig. oont Leokrat. c. S9, p. oertainlv in part false, and probably

Sip. whoUy falM. Aristarcnaa was then at

£yknrgns Mys that Pbryniehus was QBnoe, Aleziklte at Dekeleia.
assassinated by niffht "near the foon* ^ Onomaldte had been one of the

tain hard by the willow-trees '* ; which coUeagnee of Phryniohos. as general of

is quite contradictory to Thu^didds, the armament in loida, in the preoed-

who states that the deed was done in ing aatmnn rrhncyd. viiL 26X
daylight and in the market-place. in one of the Biographies of Thncy-

A^ratos, against whom the speech of didte (p. xzii. in Dr. Arnold's edition)

Lyslas is directed, pretended to have it is stated that OnomaUte was exe-

been one of the assassins, and daimed cnted along with the other two ; bnt

reward on that score. the docoment cited in the Psendo-

The story of Lyknigos that the Plntarch contradicts tUs.
Athenian people, on the proposition of > Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt p. 884:

Kritias, exhumed and bron^t to trial oompare Xenophte, Hellenic. L 7, 2S.
the dead body of Pfarynichus, and that Apolteis was one of the accusers

Aristarchus and Alenklte were put to of Antiphon : see Harpokrat^
death for undertaking its defence, is Iroo-Mrqt.

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312 jllqabcby of the four hundred. pabt n.

bave known that now at least he had drawn the sword against
his fellow-citizens in a manner which could never be forgiveiL
However, he chose voluntarily to stay : and this man, who had
given orders for taking off so many of the democratical speakers
by private assassination, received from the democracy, when
triumphant, full notice and fair trial, on a distinct and specific
charge. The speech which he made in his defence though it did
not procure acquittal, was listened to, not merely with patience,
but with admiration, as we may judge from the powerful and
lasting effect which it produced. Thucydid^ describes it as the
most magnificent defence against a capital charge which had ever
come before him ; ' and the poet Agathon, doubtless a hearer,
warmly complimented Antiphon on his eloquence, to which the
latter replied that the approval of one such discerning judge was
in his eyes an ample compensation for the unMendly verdict of
the multitude. Both he and Archeptolemus were found goil^
by the Dikastery and condemned to the penalties of treason.
They were handed over to the magistrates called the Eleven (the
chief's of executive justice at Athens) to be put to death by the
customary draught of hemlock. Their properties were confiscated :
their houses were directed to be razed, and the vacant site to be
marked by columns, with the inscription — *^The residence of
Antiphon the traitor — of Archeptolemus the traitor*. They
were not permitted to be buried either in Attica or in any
territory subject to Athenian dominion.^ Their children, both
legitimate and illegitimate, were deprived of the citizenship ;
and the citizen who should adopt any descendant of either of
them was to be himself in like manner disfranchised.
Such was the sentence passed by the Dikastery, pursuant to

1 Thncrd. TiiL 08 ; AristoteL Ethic. Rnhnken seems quite rlfi^t (DlsMr*

Eudein. iii. 6. it a i a v r 6 ^ t« CAktc* tat. De Antiubont p. 818, Beiak.) in

^Stvy—apiara. ^aivtrM, r£»9 fUxpi inov, COIUiderillg the OratioQ wept fMroora-

vHp avrwv ro^Tutv aiTt.a$tii-—0aydrov ««<»« to be Antlphon's defence of him-

SiKtiv AwoXoYnviuMvoi—" And he too for self, though Weittermann (Oeechichte

himdf,** Ae. Thncydidte had just der Griechisch. Beredsamkeit, p. 277)

before stated that Antiphon rendered controrerts this opinion. This oiation

the most raluable service as an adviser is alluded to In several of the artidei

to other litigants, but that he seldom in Harpokratidn.

spoke before the people or the Dikas- > So Themistoklte. as a traitor, was

teiT himself. The words tcaX ainSt r<, not allowed to be buried In Attica
following immediately, set forth his (Thnc. L ISS^mel. Nep. Vit. Themis-
great efficiency when he did for once tod.ii.lO). His friends are said to have
plead his own cause. brought his bones thither secretly.

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Chap, lxil mxecution of antiphon. 313

the Athenian law of treason. It was directed to be engraved on
the same brazen column as the decree of honour to the slayers of
Phiynichus. From that column it was transcribed, and has thus
passed into history.^

How many of the Four Hundred oligarchs actually came to
trial or were punished, we have no means of knowing ; TreAtment
but there is ground for believing that none were put HiSdred"
to death except Antiphon and Archeptolemus — perhaps genenlly.
also Anstarchus, the betrayer of (EnoS to the BoM>tians. The
latter is said to have been formally tried and condemned :'
though by what accident he afterwards came into the power of
the Athenians, after having once effected his escape, we are not
informed. The property of Peisander (he himself having
escaped) was confiscated, and granted either wholly or in part
as a recompense to Apollodorus, one of the assassins of
Phrynichus : • probably the property of the other conspicuous
fugitive oligarchs was confiscated also. Polystratus, another of

1 It ts gtren at length In Psendo- qnalitiM which determined the esteem

Ptatueh, Tit. X. On^ pp. 833, 884. of Thucrdidte. It shows that his

It was presenred by Oscilias, a sympathies went along with the oU-

SidUan and rhetorical teacher of the garchical party : and that while the

Angnstan age, who possessed sixty exaggerations of opposition speakers

cnutions ascnbed to Antiphon, twenty- or demagoguee, such as those which

Uto of which he considered to be he imputes to Kle6n and Hyperbolus,

apnxiona. provoked his bitter hatred, exaggera-

Antiphon left a daughter, whom lions of the oligarchical warfare, or

KaUttschms sned for in marriage, multiplied assassinations, did not

pursuant to the forms of law, being make him like a man the worse. But

entitled to do so on the score of near it shows at the same time his high

relationship (iwtiucdvaro). Kalles- candoor in the narration of tects ; for

chnis was himself one of the Four he gives an undisguised revelation

Hundred — perhaps a brother of both of the assassinations and of the

Kritias. It seems singular that the treason of Antiphon.

fSieT^L^fgyV'tVSLJ .."^rp^««"i"^<^i;iv«- '^'^

a tiauJ^ disfrinchisSd and debarred iJ^2?^iLi\SSi^S^»f^Htt^h J«

frmn all rights of citizenship. S?^ ^ named, but that Aristarchus

H\ro^y Mieve Harookratiftn, ^*^^S?* ^P^T' ^^*»"^i;^ ™*y

AnJbtmCwho made the mo8onin SS P«»»iWy Ihave been made prUoner in

AnSi«ntAlemtu SnTtH^ him P^*<* between the garrisou of Dekelela

i5?a"^mJSbSof& 2^sst\b^v'StLblishSfthtSri52

all««h.-wella.Thenunen.H(Harp. S"Sk"el21Sd~^'£i?^?SSS^

TbeSots of Dr. Arnold upon that T^'^nl^^L'^lIfNicfi P^SS' cT
panace (viii. 68) wherein Thucydidfis J-lS^V i ^^ • ^^fJ^tWi?

"Inferior to no man in virtue "-^weU SJSLS; "t h ^ Jf » AndokidAs de

deserves to be consulted. This pas- Mysterils, c 17, p. 60.
saj§;e shows, in a remarkable manner, > Lysias, De Oleft Saci4, Or. vIL ch.

what were the political and private 8, p^ 263 Beisk.

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the Four Hundred, who had only become a member of that body
a few days before its fall, was tried daring absence (which
absence his defenders afterwards accounted for by saying that he
had been wounded in the naval battle off Eretria) and heavily
fined. It seems that each of the Four Hundred was caUed on to
go through an audit and a trial of accountability (according to
the practice general at Athens with magistrates going out of
office). Such of them as did not appear to this trial were
condemned to fine, to exile, or to have their names recorded as
traitors. But most of those who did appear seem to have been
acquitted, partly, we are told, by bribes to the Logistee or auditing
officers — though some were condemned either to fine or to
partial political disability, along with those hopUtes who had
been the most marked partisans of the Four Hundred.'

1 "Qnadrinffentis ipsa domlnatlo
fnadi Don fmt ; imo qui cum Thera-
mene et Aristocrate iteterant, in
magno hooore habiti rant: omnibus
aatem lationes reddendn fuerunt;
qni solum Tertissent, proditores jndi-
oati rant, nomina in pnolico proposita"
(Wattenbach, De Quadringentonun
Athenis Facti'one, p. 65).

Prom the psephtsm of PatroUeidds
(passed six Tears subsequently, after
the battle of iE^ospotamos) we learn
that the names oi such among the Four
Hundred as did not stay to take their
trial were engraved on pillars distinct
from those who were med and con>
demned either to fine or to rarious
diaabiUties— Andokidte de Mysteriis,
sect. 75—78 — «ai ova hv6ftaTa ruv
rvTfitutovlmw rwhi iyydyparrTCU., ij oAAo
T4 wtpt rmv iv rfj bKtyapx^ vpa^$4vTmw
l«T» vov ytypofifUyor, vXriv ow6va
iv arijAatc ytypanr at rStv it)?
ir#^<« ^ctvAcTMi', Ac. (these last
names, as the most criminal, were
excepted from the amnesty of Patro-

We here see that there were two
categories among the condemned Four
Hundred :— 1. Tlbose who remained to
stand the trial of accountability, and
were condemned either to a fine which
they could not pay. or to some positive
disability. 2. Thoae who did not
remain to stand their trial, and were


with the first category

Along with the first category we
find other names besides those of the
Four Hundred, found guilty as their
partisans— £AXo n {.hvoiLa) ntp\ ruv iv

rg bkiyapxC^ wpax^iirrmv. Among then
partisans we may rank the soldiers
mentioned a little before, sect. TS—
oi irrpariwrat, olf ort jvc^ctrAr
«iri rwv Tvpavvtiv ir rg vdA«^ ra
fiiv oAAa ^if awtp roic aAAot« mXirmit.
f ivcir 6* cy r^ J>}MV ovk i^^¥ avnii ovM
^ovAcva'a(— where the preposition iwi
seems to signify not simi>ly contem-
poraneousness, but a sort of intlmata
connexion^ Ulce the phrase Hi vpo^
rarov oUtiif (sM Mattoitt, Gr. Gr. week
684 : KQhner, Gr. Gr. sect. tfllX

The oration of Lysias Pro PolTSttato
is on several points obscure ; but we
make out that Polystratus was one of
the Four Hundred who did not oome
to stand his trial of accountabilitv, and
was therefore condemned in his ab-
sence. Severe accusations were made
against him, and he was falsely
asserted to be the cousin, whereas he
was in reality only fellow demot, of
Phrynichus (sect. 20, 24, 11). The
defence explains his non-appearance
bv saying that he had been wounded
at the battle of Eretria, and that the
trial took place immediately after the
deposition of the Four Hundred (sect.
14, 24). He was hearily fined, and
deprived of his citizenship (sect. 15, S3,
38). It would appear that the fine was
greater than his property oould dis-
charge ; accordingly this fine, remahi-
ing unpaid, would become chargeable
upon his sons after his death, and
unless they could pay it, they would
oome into the situation of insolvent
public debtors to the state, which
would debar them from the exerdee of

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Indistinctly an we make oat the particular proceedingB of the

Athenian people at this restoration of the democracy, _ . ,

Z^ rwv, 1.1.% 1. 1 1 Favourable

we know from Thncydid^ that their prudence and judgment of

moderation were exemplary. The eulogy, which he i?^*Jj^]J?
hestows in such emphatic terms upon their hehaviour duct o^^
at this juncture, is indeed doubly remarkable : ^ first,
because it comes from an exile, not friendly to the democracy,
and a strong admirer of Antiphon ; next, because the juncture
itself was one eminently trying to the popular morality, and
likely to degenerate, by almost natural tendency, into excess of
reactionary yengeance and persecution. The democracy \vhs
now one hundred years old, dating from Eleisthends — and fifty
years old, even dating from the final reforms of Ephialtds and
Perikl^ ; so that self-government and political equality were a
part of the habitual sentiment of every man's boeom — ^heightened
in this case by the fact that Athens was not merely a democrat^,
but an imperial democracy, having dependencies abroad.' At a
moment when, from unpandleled previous disasters, she is barely
able to keep up the stru^le against her foreign enemies, a small
knot of her own wealthiest citizens, taking advantage of her
weakness, contrive by a tissue of fraud and force not less
flagitious than skilfully combined, to concentrate in their own
hands the powers of the state, and to tear fr*om their country-
men the security against bad government, the sentiment of equal
citizenship, and the long-established freedom of speech. Nor it

the rlffhts of eMMnihip, so long as than the battle of Kynoas^ma, in the

the debt remaliied unpaid. But while autumn of this year (sect. SIX but not

FolystratoB was aUre, his sons were very long after the overthrow of the

not liable to the state for the payment Four Hundred, and certainly (I think)

of hit fine : and tkqf therefore still long before the Thirty ; so that the

remained citisen» and in the full exer- assertion of Taarlor (Vit. LysisB, p. 65)

dee of their rights, though he was tiiat all the extant orations of Lysias

disfranchised. They were^ree sons, bear date after the Thirty must be

all of whom had served with credit as received with this exception.

^w1S;H*^Ltw«"T!f'«!rSiJ5 *™« testimony of Thucydid^ is

SSJiSS^^f i:h!IS*«i?-^«SmS5 «nply 'omtA^m to refute the vague

t?^i£^£S«Jli?^frSSJ J2SS^^ assSr&ons in the Oration XXV. of LySas

^LJ^ SSiSf^W. *L£t «2if S (AnMOV KaroXv^r. "AiroA. sects. 34, 86)

SSSLSSJ^iv^ f^^n^S'ih^ abSut great enormities now comm&ted

S^SS^?KSS *kLw ,S^ JhSi *»y the Athenians ; though Mr. Mitf ord

W.^S ™ SJ;m ^JSS^r^ <»?*«• these assertions £ if they were

ta hS^^^JSlLii^^J. ,I!SS? resi history, referring them to a time

Z^ ^ ^SSt^RSSj tnnSS; '<>»«• y«« afterwaVds (History of

l!;Ze.'S J'^^norS:'''^^. Qree<i. ch. xx. .. 1. vol. iv. p. 887).

speech was delivered at a time later > Thucyd. viiL 08.

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this all : these eonspiraton not only plant an oligarchical
sovereignty in the Senate-hoofie, but also snatain that sovereignty
by inviting a foreign garnaon from without^ and by betraying
Athens to her Peloponnesian enemies. Two more deadly injuries
it is impossible to imagine ; and from neither of them would
Athens have escaped, if her foreign enemy had manifested reason-
able alacrity. Considering the immense peril, the narrow escape,
and the impaired condition in which Athens was left notwith-
standing her escape, we might well have expected in the people
a violence of reactionary hoetili^ such as every calm observer,
while making allowance for the provocation, must nevertheless
have condemned ; and perhaps somewhat analogous to that
exasperation which, under very similar circumstances, bad
caused the bloody massacres at Korkyra.^ And when we find
that this is exactly the occasion which ThucydidSs (an observer
rather less than impartial) selects to eulogize their good conduct
and moderation, we are made deeply sensible of the good habits
which their previous democracy must have implanted in them,
and which now served as a corrective to the impulse of the
actual moment They had become ffitmiliar with the cementing
force of a common sentiment ; they had learnt to hold sacred tJie
inviolability of law and justice, even in respect to their worst
enemy ; and what was of not less moment, the frequency and
freedom of political discussion had taught them not only to
sabstitute the contentions of the tongue for those of the sword,
but also to conceive their situation with its present and pro-
spective liabilities, instead of being hurried away by blind
retrospective vengeance against the past

There are few contrasts in Qrecian history more memorable or
Oligarchy ^^'''^ instructive than that between this oligarchical
atltiiens, conspiracy— conducted by some of the ablest hands
at Samoi— at Athens — and the democratical movement going on
eontrast ^^ ^^^ same tune in Samos, among the Athenian
armament and the Samian citizens. In the former we have
nothing but selfishness and personal ambition from the begin-
ing : first) a partr.ership to seize for their owu advantage the
powers of government — next, after this object has< been accom-
plished, a breach among the partners, ansing out of disappoint-
1 See. about the events in Eorkyra, ch. L

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Chap. t.XTT. obbcian olioarcht and demogbact. 317

ment alike selfish. We find appeal made to noUiing but the
wont tendencies ; either tricks to practise upon the creduli^ of
the people, or extra-judicial murders to work upon their fear.
In the latter, on the contrary, the sentiment invoked ia that of
common patriotism and equal public-minded sympathy. That
which we read in ThucydidSs — when the soldiers of the arma-
ment and the Samian citizens pledged themselves to each other
by solemn oaths to uphold their democracy, to maintain harmony
and good feeling with each other, to prosecute energetically the
war against the Peloponnesians, and to remain at enmity with
the oligarchical conspirators at Athens — is a scene among the
most dramatic and inspiriting which occurs in his history.^
Moreover we recognize at Samos the same absence of reactionary
vengeance as at Athens, after the attack of the oligarchs, Athenian
as well as Samian, has been repelled ; although those oligarchs
had begun by assassinating Uyperbolus and others. There is
throughout this whole democratical movement at Samos a
generous exaltation of common sentiment over personal, and at
the same time an absence of ferocity against opponents, such as
nothing except democracy ever inspired in the Qrecian bosom.

It is indeed true that this was a special movement of generous
enthusiasm, and that the details of a democratical government
correspond to it but imperfectly. Neither in the life of an
individual, nor in that of a people, does the ordinary and every-
day movement appear at all worthy of those particular seasons in
which a man is lifted above his own level, and becomes capable
ot extreme devotion and heroism. Yet such emotions, though
their complete predominance is never otherwise than transitory,
have their foundation in veins of sentiment which are not even
at other times wholly extinct, but count among the manifold forces
tending to modify and improve, if they cannot govern, human
action. Even their moments of transitory predominance leave
a luminous tract behind, and render the men who have passed
through them more apt to conceive again the same generous
impulse, though in fainter degree. It is one of the merits of
Grecian democracy that it did raise this feeling of equal and
patriotic communion ; sometimes, and on rare occasions, like the
scene at Samos, with overwhelming intensity, so as to impassion

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all unanimous mnltitnde ; moie frequently, in feebler tide, yet
such as gave some chance to an honest and eloquent orator of
making successful appeal to public feeling against corruption or
selfishness. If we follow the movements of Antiphon and his
fellow-conspirators at Athens, contemporaneous with the demo-
cratical manifestations at Samos, we shall see thai not only was
no such generous impulse included in it, but the success of their
scheme depended upon their being able to strike all common and
active patriotism out of the Athenian bosom. Under the ** cold
shade" of their oligarchy— even if we suppose the absence of
cruelty and rapacity, which would probably soon have become
rife had their dominion lasted, as we shall presently learn from the
history of the second oligarchy of Thirty — no sentiment would
have been left to the Athenian multitude except fear, servility,
or at best a tame and dumb sequaci^ to leaders whom they
neither chose nor controlled. To those who regard different
forms of government as distinguished from each other mainly by
the feelings which each tends to inspire, in magistrates as wdl as
citizens, the contemporaneous scenes of Athens and Samoe wiU
suggest instructive comparisons between Grecian oligarchy and
Grecian demo4*racy.

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Thb oligarchy of Four Hundred at Athens (inBtalled in the
Senate-house about February or March, 411 B.a, and aa 411.
deposed about July of the same year), after four or five gnby
months of danger and distraction such as to bring her of Athens
almost within the grasp of her enemies, has now been J^**"
terminated by the restoration of her democracy ; with Hundred,
what attendant circumstances has been amply detailed. I now
revert to the military and naval operations on the Asiatic coast,
partly contemporaneous with the political dissensions at Athens,
above described.

It has already been stated that the Peloponnesian fleet of 94
triremes,^ having remained not less than 80 days idle ^^^^
at Rhodes, had come back to MilStus towards the end da!nSeS^
of March ; with the intention of proceeding to the ^t^^^
rescue of Chios, which a portion of the Athenian from
armament under Strombichidls had been for some
time besieging, and which was now in the greatest distress. The
main Athenian fleet at Samos, however, prevented Astyochus
from effecting this object^ since he did not think it advisable to
hazard a general battle. He was influenced partly by the bribes,
pai'tly by the delusions of Tissaphem^ who sought only to wear
out both parties by protracted war, and who now professed to be
on the point of bringing up the Phoenician fleet to his aid.
Astyochus had in his fleet the ships which had been brought over
for co-operation with Phamabaziis at the Hellespont, and which


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were thoB equally unable to reach their destinaticm. To meet
thia difficulty, the Spartan DerkyllidaB was sent with a body of
troope by land to the Hellespont, there to join Phamabazoa, in
acting against Abydoe and the neighbouring dependencies of
Athens. Abydoe, connected with Miletus by colonial ties, set the
example of revolting from Athens to Derkyllidas and Phamabazus ;

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