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THE



FORTNIGHTLY
REVIEW.



EDITSD BY



John Morley.



VOL, XII. NEW SERIES
July i to December r, 1872.

(VOL. ZVIU. OLD SBEISS.)

• • • - ;

* J - ' » • -

LONDON:
CHAPMAN AND HALL, 193, PICCADILLY.

1872.

[The Htght of Translation is reserved.']

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CONTENTS.



AUTHOB, PAOB

Bbiab, W. E The strike of the Farm Labourers . . 76

Increasing Difficulties of Tenant
Farmers, and their LegislatiTe Berne-

dies 309

1/ Bbbsly, B. S The Galway Judgment 39

Booth, Arthur J. Fourier, 1 630

„ II 673

Castblab, Emilio BepublicanMovementinEurope (France) 1

„ „ (Italy and Spain) 166

„ „ (Slavic Peoples) 325

Ck>LViN, Sidney Bethnal Ghreen Museum 458

Critical Notices . . . 117,239,367,754

CtooxsOK, Montague . . . ; The Morality of Married Life .... 397

Letter to the Editor 760

I /Editob Bousseau at Les Charmettes .<^ . . . 287

(/ „ and Theresa LeVaseeuif . . 438

/ „ in Paris (1744—66) .... 672

The New HeloTtea' 709

Fawoett, Henry The Nationalisation of the Land ... 627

^ Fbeeman, E. a Origin and Ghx>wth of Bomaneequo

Architecture 373

Galton, Francis Statistical Inquiry into the Efficacy of

Ptayer -. 125

I paABMSON, Frederic .... Mr. Brassey on Work and Wages . . 268
U On the Supposed Necessity of some

MetaphysioEd Problems 617

KKTflAT.L, T. F Thomas Lorell Beddoes ; 61

Layeleye, Emile de . . . . The Clerical Party in Belgium .... 503

Lawbennt^H Cause and Design 692

Leslie, T. E. Cliffe .... The Gold Questipn and the Movement

of Prices in Germany ....... 654

Lyaix, a. C The BeHgious Situation in India ... 161

Ltttok, Bobert Beethoven 19

SEOunr, Leo The Ministry of War under the Com-
mune 136

Stephen, J. Fitg'ames . . . Codification in India and England ^ . 644

Stioand, W TheWaroftheComunidades . ... 219

SxiBLiNa, J. Hutchison . . . Kant refuted by dint of Muscle . . . 413

StTLLY, James Fowler's Inductive Logic 624

t ^wiKBUJtNE, Algernon Charles Victor Hugo : L'Ann^e Terrible . . . 243

V Mr. Nicholas "Hannibal" 751

Tbollope, Anthony .... The Eustace Diamonds. ChaptersXLIX.

to LXXTT. . . 89, 191, 339, 474, 595, 723



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THE



FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW.



No. LXVn. New Sbeies.— July 1, 1872.



THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE.

The Latin Peoples.

11.

It would be a mistake to think that the republican movement in
France has only a political character. The schools of science have
also a powerful influence in the development of our ideas. Among
them all the most prominent is the Positive School, whose general
tendency is to substitute for theology and even metaphysics the
purely human ideas which are indicated by reason, strengthened by
experience, in harmony with nature, innate in the spirit, foreign to
every transcendental tendency, and opposed to the supernatural. The
series of fundamental ideas of this school is not at this moment a part
of our theme, but its influence is clearly seen in the political and social
tendency of the republican spirit of our time.* Since the fourteenth
century human reason has tended to rebel against the theocratic rule,
and the himian will to revolt against the feudal rule. This double spirit
of opposition led in the Latin peoples to a monarchical and plebeian
dictatorship ; in the Germanic-Saxon peoples, to an aristocratic and
Protestant dictatorship. But while this was taking place in the
political and social world, human reason was gradually freeing itself
by analytic efforts from theological ideas. The eighteenth century
did much to accomplish this work. Political systems absorb ideas,
as the plant the juices of the earth in which it grows. Three
capital facts indicated the termination of the old theocratic state ;
first, the expulsion of the Jesuits, the army of authority and
theology ; second, the reforms of Turgot, which tended to found
society upon a positive basis ; third, the American revolution. All
these facts were necessary preliminaries to the French revolution.
This revolution was bom in the midst of illusions, fancying it was
to harmonize its new ideas with the ancient monarchy; but the
annihilation of the monarchy was the first result of the revolution.
For the monarchy, based on the hereditary transmission of social
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2 THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE.

fnnctions^ represented tbe last relic of the ancient caste^ which was
incompatible with the new intellectual and moral condition of the
human race. The Convention founded a new society free from all
theological ideas and opposed to feudal institutions. The hatred
of monarchical Europe coalesced to attack it, forced it into dictator-
ship; the dictatorship drove it to internal terrorism, to sustain
against French rebels and foreign enemies a universal war. But the
dictatorship was carried too far, and even led into reaction by the
disciple of Rousseau, by the master of St. Just, by the heir of the
political idea of Louis XI., by the forerunner of I^apoleon — ^the
implacable and cruel declaimer, Robespierre. The war gave birth to
a great army, and the army to great generals. While the army
fought on the frontier for the national defence it was patriotic and
republican; but as fast as it moved away it took on a pretorian
character, and, forgetting the country, it identified itself with the
chief who gave it victory. This chief converted it into a docile
instrument of his own ambition. Blindly reactionary, Napoleon
restored the military and theocratic rule ; but this rule, which was
opposed to the intellectual condition of the age, could only sustain
itself by force, and could only derive the necessary force from war.
Reduced to this necessity, its work became every day less popular,
and resistance every day more popular. The power of Napoleon
passed like a dream, and his name will be handed down to posterity
with the names of the great reactionary rulers, like Julian the
Apostate and like Philip II. But he left the monarchy standing,
and the Bourbons thought that it was their ancient monarchy, firmly
based upon faith, and transmissible from generation to generation,
like an heir-loom, to their anointed family. The revolution of July
demonstrated the impossibility of the hereditary principle, and con-
sequently the impossibility of the monarchy. In the new social
situation there were contnidictory elements which the public judg-
ment would sooner or later eradicate, such as the compatibility of
national sovereignty and monarchical power, of religious liberty and
Catholic supremacy. The confdsions and anomalies of the la[w
required many commentators and expert practitioners, whence arose
the influence of advocates, who sustained the influence of the middle
classes. The monarchy confessed its weakness when the parliament
continually sought amidst its own debates the men who were to fill
the places in the government, and to sustain the administration as
well as the responsibility of aflairs. In every way power abandoned
its ancient intellectual direction of the people, and lost its hereditary,
that is to say, its monarchical character. In consequence the theo-
cratic and military and colonial rule, if not destroyed, was greatly
weakened. Industry gained by the employment of new mechanical
forces. The central idea of the literature of the age has been that



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THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE. 3

the eras of feticlies, of polytheism, of monotheism, and even of theism^
have passed for ever, to be succeeded by the era of science. In the
scientific world there has been a transformation. History has
become philosophical. Mathematics have taken on a synthetic
character. Astronomy has widened space, and discovered new
planets. Biology has revealed the most hidden secrets of the human
organism. The natural sciences have systematized the series of
species. All these stages of progress are sure to give science a
political power greater than it now possesses. There are many
savants who ridicule or who oppose this power, because they do not
comprehend it, as the priests did not comprehend the immense social
destiny which Gregory VII. was preparing for them. But
science, applied to the welfare of humanity, will one day obtain the
voluntary assent of men, just as religion formerly did. The spiritual
and temporal power of the Middle Ages will be restored ; only in
place of maintaining that attitude of opposition which grew up
between them, through the theological character of the one and the
military character of the other, they will be fused into mutual
support. The spiritual power will be dedicated to education, and
the temporal power to action. The European republic will replace
despotism and anarchy. This system, in which may be seen some of
the social ideas of St. Simon, and in the application of which it will
be difficult to avoid aristocracies, or at least hierarchies subversive of
natural ec^uaHty, has given origin, not only in France, but in
England as well, to many sects, which, apart from their technical
divergences, are all liberal and republican.

The name of Littr^ would alone be sufficient to do honour to a
school ; and this is one of the distinguished names of the positivist
school, although he does not agree with its founder in all the phases
of his system and the entire development of his doctrine. There
are other schools within the republican democracy, which respond to
other scientific tendencies. Hegel especially has exercised in
France the great influence which his synthetic genius merits. With
him the state is the synthesis of the family and of civil society, and
the moral quality of individuals is merely incid^ital. A republican
system could with difficulty be evolved from this doctrine, although
the entire philosophy of Hegel, especially in its historical conclu-
sions, tends to the republic, the necessary organism of fundamental
right. Vacherot, the disciple of Hegel, in his work on democracy,
comes to the conclusion that the republic is the only form of govern-
ment adequate to liberty, and demands for the republic centralization.
But I hold that a centnilized republic, directed by a sovereign
assembly and by a single executive power, the emanation of
universal stiflfrage, which shall have power to name judges and
governors, and to direct the entire administration and policy of the

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4 THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE.

state, may be called a republic, but it will be a republican tyranny,
and will end by falling into the hands of a Ceesar or of an oligarchy
of office-holders.

Pierre Leroux is an eminent philosopher who has combated with
severe logic the superstitions of that false religious education which
forbids to the Latin peoples the comprehension and understanding
of right. Profoimdly spiritualistic, after demonstrating how little
the moral law gains by founding itself on principles inadmissible to
reason, he seeks God in the conscience and in the universe, and his
providential law in nature and in history ; and having established
these sublime ideas, he deduces a theist religion with a pure moral
code bom of the conscience and sanctioned by a future life, in which
the spirit concludes, after progressive ascensions, in attaining
absolute good. This philosopher belonged in 1848 to the number of
those who comprehended and who desired the republic. But he saw
no republicans, and for that reason postponed the new form of
government to a time when republicans should be educated and
fitted to receive it, as if that education were possible in the bosom of
monarchies, which are bound by their interests to do everything
possible to keep the people in degradation and ignorance. Leroux
now admits the necessity of establishing and organizing a republic,
and has written a book dedicated to this object. This book is more
occupied with the question of power than of right, more with the
minute organization of the republic than with the new ideas which
should animate it. He proposes in this book to suppress the presi-
dency, in which he is right, for the presidency of a single citizen
will always lead toward a monarchy ; but be proposes also excessive
powers for the assembly, in which he is wrong, because sooner or
later every powerful assembly will tend to parliamentary dictator-
ship.

Let us continue the examination of the chiefs of the republican
schools of France. An incomparable writer, a most eminent literary
artist, of an eloquence whose tones are numberless, and a richness of
ideas, and, above all, a feeling, which gives to his writings the unity
of movement of a Greek tragedy, Michelet, who is above all a his-
torian, in his account of ancient times, sympathises continually with
the hates and griefs of the oppressed, as if his spirit suffered with all
those who have suffered in the past, dragging their chains and
receiving their wounds, till he becomes the prosecutor, the judge,
and the executioner of tyrants sentenced by his righteous anger.
He divides the modem world into two eras — the era preceding and
the era succeeding the French revolution. The former is the era of
grace, in which a God, who has grown up among the superstitions
of the Middle Ages, distributes his arbitrary gifts ; while the latter
is the era of justice, in which the idea of God, purified by human



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TllE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT IN EOROPE. O

reason and incarnated in society^ distributes among all men com-
munion of right. In one of his formulas he says, " The word Priest
means monarchy; the word Schoolmaster means republic/' Elo-
quent also, and enlightened by great ideas, less energetic but more
tender than Michelet, a thorough mystic, priest of the idea of God,
before which he offered all his thoughts as if they were prayers,
looking at space as the temple and the conscience as the sanctuary
of the Creator, Quinet thought that the republic could not establish
itself firmly in France for want of a moral foundation similar to the
basis of the republic in America ; and he also thought that this basis
must be found in a new religion, promulgated and diffused by the
revolutionary state : a great and fatal error. States never produce
religions. Spontaneous movements of the spirit, religions are born
from the conscience, are diffused by preaching, are purified by dis-
cussion, which fixes them firmly in the voluntary assent of enlight-
ened spirits. The State cannot destroy and cannot create a religion.
Moses and not Pharaoh created the religion of the Father ; Christ
and not Tiberius that of the Son ; Luther and not Charles V. that
of the Spirit. On the contrary, religions have been bom in open
opposition to the State. They have never arrived at the summit of
power without having first sprung up and grown in the conscience.
It is imfortunate that the Latin peoples find their liberties united
with an authoritative and hierarchical Church ; but it is impossible
to replace this Church with another which shall rely on the sanction
of the State. To raise and regenerate the world morally, it is
necessary to enlighten it, to warm it with the glow of ideas which
issue spontaneously from the conscience, and by their moral force
possess themselves of the minds of men. Only in a moral doctrine,
morally founded, can the republic be solidly established.

To these scientific schools may be added the school we may call
the American. It is natural that an ideal so well known as that of
the United States should have supporters in a nation so open to all
ideas as is the French. On the soil of America, which seemed
called to regenerate the planet, at the same time that the human
mind was regenerating itself, without stamp of antiquity, without
prestige of historical traditions, far from all aristocratic privileges,
all ecclesiastical hierarchy, all monarchical authority, the descend-
ants of the Puritans, intent only on \miting society with pure
reason, founded a liberal and popular government, where human
rights were placed above aU ideas, above aU institutions and laws,
and the social authority distributed itself like the warmth of life
among all citizens, imiversal suffrage inspired in intellectual liberty
demonstrated its practical truth in popular sovereignty, and man
was the entire master of aU his faculties, £uid the family was
sovereign by the sanctuary of the fireside, the self-governing muni-



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6 THE BEPUBUCAN MOVEMENT IN EUROPE.

cipaliiy was the germ of the State, the flovereign States were inde-
pendent in their sphere, united by natural gravitation to a strong
nationality, justice was administered by all for all in the tribunal of
the jury, and the Church, independent of the public authorities,
served as the visible conscience of society. In these wise combina-
tions of liberty with equality they harmonized antagonisms which
seemed eternal — stabiKty with progress, order with liberty, pure
democracy with obedience to the law, the widest freedom of different
social tendencies with a powerful nationality and ardent patriotism,
the humamitarian with the cosmopolite spirit, indomitable inde-
pendence of the individual with religious respect to authority — as if
this experiment of progressive ideas were meant to demonstrate to all
doubters how the sophistries and errors of reaction are dissipated in
the pure light of independence and free reason.

This ideal had ardent apostles in France. A writer of aristocratic
origin popularised the excellences and triumph of democracy. Sober
in style, rich in ideas, De Tocqueville revealed the marvellous
qualities of this government of the people by the people. A demo-
cratic state composed of great masses could be a state of order. The
municipality serves as a school to all the citizens ; justice serves as a
check to the authorities ; the laws are stronger than nature itself.
To create and sustain this great and liberal democracy, general ideas,
which appeared the patrimony of the Latin race, are adopted by the
Saxon race by virtue of the universal education of the republic.
A taste for science and the arts reached and influenced the masses.
That exag^rated individualism which might degenerate into great
selfishness disappears beneath the weight of free institutions. Every
honest profession is, in the land of liberty, an honourable profession.
Manners become modified by equality. The relations of masters
and servants become more intimate, because both participate in the
same dignity of citizenship. Wages are augmented by association.
The equality of conditions gives simplicity to manners. The New
World seems destined to demonstrate to the Old that there is no
danger in the accomplishment of the two coiiditions necessary to
himian rights — ^liberty and equality.

These ideas during the empire were made known to the people in
a book, by Laboulaye, much read and much admired, called " Paris
em Am^rique.** The practical exercise of natural liberties is seen
there in its purity and truth. The proprietor sees that the republic
assures him his income ; the working man, that it azures him the
reward of his labour ; the priest, that it respects his conscience and
his sacred liberty of speech ; the mother, that it educates her children
carefully in magnificent schools ; the citizens, that it calls them to
public life according to their various capacities, and guarantees their
rights ; that it opens to them all public offices ; that it inspires them»



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THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMEIHT IK EUBOPE. 7

with a full conscioufiOkeas of their being, and with a severe sentiment
of their responsibility. By its grace of style, by its moving narra-
tive, by its growing interest, the book of Laboulaye is a living
lesson given to the people in the difficult and necessary art of self-
government.

These books have been followed by books of travel, in which the
excellences of American democracy are practically shown. The
supporters of this school of federalism and of the republic have
rendered great service to civilisation and liberty. America has been
for the people in their conception of democratic rule what England
was for the middle classes in the foimdation of constitutional govern-
ment. The apostles of the American school in France, especially its
two illustrious chiefs, De Tocqueville and Laboulaye, have not success-
fully cultivated, in reality, the idea to which, in theory, they have
been so purely and platonically devoted. De Tocqueville belonged
in 1848 to the Constitutional Commission. In what were his profound
studies of the American constitution made known ? Laboulaye is
now a member of the French Assembly. In what does his adhesion to
the American ideal appear P The thinker has only to give account
of his thoughts ; the politician should convert his ideas ^ into acts.
The public man should repeat before the people what he has said
in his books and his writings, and he should repeat in Parliament
what he has said to the people. De Tocqueville and Laboulaye ought
to have been the foimders of the federal republican party in France.

Can they be excused by the unitary character of France ? I have
never thought of denying it. But France has also federal traditions.
Ancient Gaul was federal, like ancient Germany. Federal, also,
was the communal movement which brought into life the burgher



Online LibraryGeorge Henry LewesThe Fortnightly → online text (page 1 of 91)