"Summarii di Storia Veneziana" MS.). This was
written in Venice. The news therefore reached
Rome before April 18.
(23) Page 15. See, for instance, the Bull of
Clement VI., Sicut exhibits nobis^ Novemb. 15,
1344, granting to Louis of Spain (a French admiral)
Notes 1 6 1
the sovereignty and temporal jurisdiction of the
Canary Islands, with which he was clothed or feudally
invested, and presented with a golden sceptre. This
was followed by the homage-liege of the grantee, who
declared himself to be the pope s vassal (Raynaldi,
" Annales Ecclesiastici," ann. 1344, Nos. xxxix and
But Mr. John Fiske is entirely mistaken when,
in his "Discovery of America," vol. i., p. 458,
note, he quotes " Valasci Ferdinandi ad Innocentium
oclavum de obedientia oratio," in support of the
opinion that Jo5.o II. did homage to Innocent VIII.
for the countries discovered by Bartholomew Diaz.
Velasco pronounced that Oration of Obedience on
December 9, 1485 (Burchard, "Diarium," Thuasne s
edition, vol. i., p. 169) ; whilst Diaz did not return
from his famous voyage to the Cape of Good Hope
until two years later, in December, 1487 (Barros,
" Decada Primeira da Asia," Lisboa, 1752, vol. i.,
(24) Page 1 6. Gomara relates that the negotia
tions for the grant were carried on by the embas-
sadors whom Ferdinand and Isabella had sent a few
months before in charge of the Ambassy of
Obedience to Alexander VI. : " Y sus embaxadores
que pocas meses antes avian ydo a dar el para bien y
obediencia al Papa Alexandro sexto, le hablaron y
dieron las cartas del rey y reina con la relacion de
1 62 Notes
Colon" ("Historia de las Indias"). Here, as is
usual with that unreliable historian, Gomara is mis
taken. Those ambassadors did not reach Rome till
May 25, 1493, and at that date the three Bulls had
been issued three weeks !
(25) Page 16. We do not know on what
authority Herrera, in his Decade I., p. 40, says
that Ferdinand and Isabella intimated at the same
time that great scholars deemed the application of
Their Majesties to the Court of Rome for a title to
the territories already in their possession, to be un
necessary. This opinion may have been held in
Spain ; but it is highly improbable that it was ever
suggested to the Pope by the Catholic Sovereigns.
At all events, there is no evidence of such a theory
having existed in those days.
(26) Page 17. So named, like nearly all Bulls,
from its opening words.
(27) Page 17. We have found the text of the
Bull Inter cater a of May 3, 1493 ( tnere are two
Bulls commencing with these words) only in
Navarrete, " Coleccion de los Viages que hicieron
por mar los Espanoles," Madrid, 1825, vol. ii.,
pp. 23-27, and, in facsimile, in the " Documenta
seledta," described here below. It has never been
(28) Page 18. We call it "first Bull Exi?ni<s?
because the Bull of November 16, 1501 (Navarrete,
vol. ii., p. 454) also begins with Exim ue devotionis.
(29) Page 18. "Annales ecclesiastici," 1751,
vol. xi., pp. 213-214, borrowed from "Alex, vi., 1.
i. literar. commun. n. 234." Raynaldi by mistake
gives to that Bull the first place in the series. He
has overlooked the reference in it, viz. : " prout in
nostris inde confectis litteris plenius continetur,"
which can only apply to the great Bull of May 3.
The first author who, to our knowledge, gave
the text of this Bull Eximia is not Raynaldi, but
Solorzano, in his " De Jure Indiarum," Madrid,
1629, folio, vol. i., pp. 612-613, but with the
erroneous date of "quarto Nonas Maij."
(30) Page 21. It is a reference to the Bull Inter
(31) Page 23. The words from "should" to
" Paul, are not in the Vatican text. We borrow
them from the text inserted by Solorzano in his
" De Jure Indiarum," vol. i., p. 613, where they
are given in Latin as follows: "Si quis autem hoc
attentare praesumpserit, indignationum omnipotentis
Dei, ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius
se noverit incursurum." This sanfto penalis is also
to be found in the two Bulls Inter ctstera. We
insert it to show that Solorzano, most probably,
took his text from a full transcript of the original
Bull Eximite devotionis^ which is no longer to be
found in the Spanish archives.
(32) Page 24. The Latin text which served
(with the exception above mentioned) for this trans
lation, is taken from c Documenta seledta et tabu-
lario secreto Vaticano quae Romanorum pontifi-
cium erga Americae populos curam ac studia turn
ante turn paullo post insulas a Christophoro Columbo
repertas testantur phototypia descripta (curante
J. C. Hey wood). Romae. Typis Vaticanis, 1893,
1 64 Notes
folio, pp. 21-22, where it is reproduced in facsimile
from " Regest. Vatic., vol. 879."
(33) P a e 2 4- We know by the " Codex Diplo-
maticus" that there was attached to that Bull a
leaden seal, fastened with silk strings red and saffron
colour : " bulla plumbea in filiis sericiis [sic pro
filis sericis] rubei croceique colons more Romanae
Curiae impendente " (B. F. Stevens s edition of the
u Codex," doc. xxxvi., p. 182). It is not known
what has become of this original Bull, which was
doubtless the one which De Spratz delivered in
person to the Catholic Sovereigns. It may have
been still in existence when Solorzano wrote his
"De Jure Indiarum," in 1626, for, after giving the
text of the Bull of May 4 (vol. i., p. 610), he says :
" Haclemus Alexander VI. cuius Bulla originalis
in Regijs Archivis servatur ; " that is, the original
Bull was preserved in the Royal Archives. But in
his " Politica Indiana," vol. i., p. 43, he states that it
is in the " Archives del Real Consejo de las Indias."
At present it is not in either.
The original Bull of May 4, according to the
copy authenticated by Pedro Garcia, Bishop of
Barcelona, at Barcelona, July 19, 1493, en ded as
follows : " Gratis de mandate Sanclissimi domini
nostri pape pro reverendissimo A. de Mucciaiis
E oftonotario ?], Io[hannes] Lur [?], A. Consenino,
. Podochatarus. D. Galletus. Registrata in camera
apostolica. Amerinus." (Gratis, by command of our
most holy Lord the Pope. For the most reverend
A. de Moccialis, protonotary (?) lo. Lur (?), A.
Consenino, L. Podochatari, D. Galletti. Recorded
in the Apostolical Chamber, Amerino.) The four
last names are wanting in Navarrete s transcript of
what he calls : " Original en el Archive de Indias
A. de Moccialls is Antonio Mucciarelli, Dean of
the Apostolical Scribes (Burchard, " Diarium,"
Thuasne s edition, vol. ii., pp. 352, 380), L. Podo-
cbatariis Ludovico Podocataro, Pontifical Secretary,
who became Archbishop of Nicosia, and Cardinal
(Bonamici, " de Script, eccles.," p. 200) ; D. Galetti
is Domenico Galleti, Apostolical Scribe, who died in
1501 (Burchard, vol. iii., p. 170). We assume
that these two, together with the other two signers,
afted as proxies for Mucciarelli. As to Amerinus,
he is either Giovanni or Giacomo Amerino, both of
whom were solicitors or clerks for Apostolical letters
( Burchard, passim]. We have been unable to ascer
tain who the others were, and even to decipher the
name of one of them.
(34) Page 29. Ruy de Pina, " Chronica d el
rei Joao II." j in the " Colleccao de livros ineditos de
Historia Portugueza," Lisboa, 1792, folio, vol. ii.,
cap. Ixv., p. 177. Garcia de Resende, <c Livro das
Obras," Lisboa, 1555, folio, cap. clxii, f. xcvij.
(35) P a g e 2 9- We possess the oration delivered
by Ferdinand de Almeida on the occasion of that
Embassy of Obedience, which, unfortunately, is not
dated. Mention is made therein of the maritime dis-
1 66 Notes
coveries of the Portuguese, but without any allusion
to those of the Spaniards (" Bibliotheca Americana
Vetustissima," p. 36, and " Additamenta," p. i).
(36) Page 31. "Almirante del dicho mar
Oceano, que es nuestro, que comienza por una raya
e linea que Nos habemos hecho marcar, que pasa
desde las islas de los Azores y las islas de Cabo Verde,
de Setentrion en Austro, de polo a polo. Por
manera que todo lo que es allende de la dicha linea,
al Occidente, es nuestro y nos pertenece " (Las
Casas, " Historia de las Indias," lib. i., cap. Ixxx.,
vol. i., p. 488. Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 60), says " de
los Azores y las islas de Cabo Verde : from the
Azores and Cape Verd islands." That is, the Line
of Demarcation, according to Navarrete, would
have passed between the two archipelagos, thus
locating it by about 26 west longitude of Green
wich. But we distrust his text.
(37) P a S e 3 2< Heading certificate of the Bull of
May 4 in the " Codex Diplomaticus."
(38) Page 32. "Bibliotheca Americana Vetus
tissima, Addit.," p. 2. According to a tradition,
there was formerly a marble slab over the inside
door of the Vatican archives, containing an inscrip
tion which threatened with full excommunication
whosoever should dare cross the threshold of that
consecrated place. It was, we must say, the most
efficacious means in those days to protect that precious
repository of archives. When in 1880 we heard
that the inscription had been replaced by another,
more in the spirit of the time, we at once repaired to
Rome, and read it, as follows :
Notes 1 67
LEO XIII PONT MAX
HISTORIC STVDIIS CONSVLENS
TABVLARII ARCANA RECLVSIT
Unfortunately it remained a dead letter to us,
owing to the fadl that the documents of the Ponti
ficate of Alexander VI. (Borgia) were not com
municated to the public. Cardinal Hagenruther,
who had charge of those archives, promised never
theless to institute researches for our benefit. Some
time afterwards, Monsignor Carini informed us that
nothing of interest to us had been found.
(39) P a g e 34- " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis-
sima, Additamenta," pp. viii-ix.
(40) Page 36. " Omnes Insulas et terras firmas
inuentas et inueniendas, detedlas et detegendas versus
Occidentem et Meridiem . . . sive terrae firmae et
insulae inuentae et inveniendae sint versus Indiam
aut versus aliam quacumque partem. . . ."
(41) Page 37. Decade I., lib. ii., cap. iv., p. 40.
(42) Page 37. We are aware that Ferdinand and
Isabella 1 received the title of " The Catholic Sove
reigns " only in December 1494 (Marin Sanudo,
" Diarij," vol. i., p. 424), but that is the name by
which they are generally designated by historians.
(43) Page 38. " Examen Critique," vol. iii., pp.
54-55 ; " Cosmos," Otte s translation ; London,
1849, vol. ii., p. 655, note.
1 68 Notes
(44) Page 41. " London Times," No. of Feb
ruary 6, 1896, p. 8.
(45) Page 42. " Analefta juris pontificii," No.
for May-June, 1882, col. 293-294.
(46) Page 42. Baronius, "Annales ecclesiastici,"
t. xix., p. 404.
(47) Page 42. "Fcedera," 1739, vol. i., p. 5.
(48) Page 42. " Ut pro dilatandis Ecclesiae ter-
minis . . . pro Christiana Religionis augmento."
(49) Page 43. " Analefta juris pontificii,"
1882, No. 185, cols. 256-283; Scheffer-Boichorst,
in " Mittheilungen des Instituts fiir osterreichische
Geschichtsforschung," Supplement iv., 1893, pp.
101-122. On the other hand, Miss Kate Norgate,
in her learned history, " England under the Angevin
Kings, * vol. ii., p. 96, says that the Bull Lauda-
billter " is now admitted by all Irish scholars."
(50) Page 43. " Prashera ego, et major filiis
meus rex juramus, quod a Domino Alexandro Papa,
et ejus successoribus recipiemus et tenebimus regnum
Angliae, et nos, et nostri successores in perpetuum
non reputabimus nos Angliae reges veros, donee ipsi
nos catholicos reges tenuierint " (" Analecla," ubi
(51) Page 44. " Vestrae j urisdiclionis et regnum
Angliae et quantum ad feudatarii juris obligationem,
orbis dum taxat obnoxius teneor et astringor" (Ba
ronius, " Annales Ecclesiastici," vol. xix., sub anno
(52) Page 44. For instance, Ruy de Pina re
lates that in the time of Edward IV. (circa 1482),
the Duke de Medina Sidonia having caused ships
to be equipped in England by John Tintam and
William Fabian, intended to open trade with the
Guinea coast, Joao II. sent ambassadors to protest
against the undertaking. These having exhibited
the title whereby the King of Portugal was sove
reign of Guinea : " ho titulo que el Rey tinha
no senhorio de Guine," Edward IV. prohibited his
subjects from such a trade. " Chronica d el rei
D. Joao II.," chap, vii., in u Collecao de livros
ineditos de Historia Portugueza," Lisboa, 1792,
folio, vol. ii., p. 25. Robertson, who cites the fa6l
("Hist, of America," 1828, note x., p. 531), after
Garcia de Resende, quoted by Hakluyt, justly infers
that this title was the Pope s Bull for the dominion
(53) P a g e 44- To Innocent VIII., Feb. 18, 1485,
May 8, 1487, June 14, 1492 ; to Alexander VI.,
Decemb. 14, 1492, Jan. 14, 1493. See Burchard s
" Diarium," Thuasne s painstaking and praiseworthy
edition, vol i., pp. 141,257-259,492; ii., pp. 18,36.
If we add Scotland, under the Stuarts, there are more
of those Ambassies of Obedience.
(54) Page 45. " Commentarius de creatione,
coronatione . . . Alexandri VI. ad Ferdinandum et
Helisabeth," Roma, Eucharius Silber, 1493, 8vo.
Porcio does not say so in so many words, but we
must infer it from his intention to sum up in the
same manner the other Discourses of Obedience
which were delivered on that occasion.
(55) P a g e 45- Burchard s "Diarium," vol. ii.,
(56) Page 45. Cardinal Moran himself recog
nizes that u from the first half of the I3th century
to the close of the i5th century, it was principally
through this supposed grant of the Holy See that
the English government sought to justify their claim
to hold dominion over Ireland " (" Irish Ecclesiastical
Record," Nov., 1872). See also the curious remarks
ofSolorzano, about the Bull Laudabiliter in his "De
Jure Indiarum," Madrid, 1629, folio, vol. i., pp.
(57) P a g e 46- Rymer, "Fcedera," vol. xii., p. 595.
(58) Page 50. " Preterea aliud breve super con-
cessione dominii et bonarum illarum insularum nuper
ab hominibus Regiis inventarum per nos facia pre-
fatis Regibus " " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis-
sima, Additamenta," p. 2, note 2.
(59) P a g e 5 1 Burchard, op. aV., vol. ii., p. 74.
(60) Page 51. Infessura, apud Eccard, "Corpus
Histor.," vol. ii., col. 2,012, and Thuasne s Burchard,
vol. ii., pp. 8 1 and 681. See also some supplement
ary details borrowed from the original MS. of
Burchard, preserved in the Vatican (Piper, " Ein
unedirtes Stiirts aus dem Tagebuche Burchard s,"
in the " Romische Quartalschrift," Rome, 1894, pp.
According to Zuniga (apud Clemencin, " Elogio
de la Reina Isabel," p. 377, note), the Catholic
Sovereigns continued to admonish Alexander VI.
In 1498 they sent to him Inigo de Cordoba and
Dr. Felipe Ponce, to " beg of him, among other
things, to send away from Rome his daughter-in-law
and her children, to lead himself an honest life
(" honestase su persona y vida "), to reform his house
hold, and to prevent ecclesiastical prebends and
dignities being sold."
(61) Page 54. See " Un rarissime americanum,"
in " Bulletin du Bibliophile," 1897, No. of February,
pp. 70-76, with a facsimile.
(62) Page 55. Zurita says (" Anales de Aragon,"
vol. vi., fol. 35, v.) that Portuguese sailors who had
accompanied Columbus were taken by force and put
on board some vessels of the fleet. Columbus had
with him an Englishman and an Irishman of Gal-
way, but, so far as known, not a single Portuguese.
See the list of his crews in the first voyage, in our
"Discovery of North America," pp. 663-667.
(63) Page 55. Zurita states that Ruy de Sande
left Torres Vedras for Barcelona April 3, 1493.
(64) Page 57. By Munoz, in 1779, by order of
Charles III. of Spain.
(65) Page 59. Zurita, op. /., f. 30, says that
Lope de Herrera left Barcelona April 22, 1493.
(66) Page 59. " Ya sabeis como vos hobimos
escrito que Rel ey de Portugal enviaba a Nos sus
mensageros a entender sobre lo que le hobimos
escrito con Lope de Herrera, que ficiese pregonar en
su Reino que ninguno fuese a la parte que es nuestra
y pertenece a Nos " (Letter of Ferd. and Isabella to
Columbus, Navarrete, vol. ii. p. 108).
(67) Page 6 1. " Aqui son venidos sus Embaja-
dores que vinieron tres dias ha " (Letter of Aug. 18,
1493, op- >, P- 9 6 )-
(68) Page 61 . Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixviii., p. 98.
j- (69) Page 62. " Habiamos saber los grados en
que estan las islas y tierra que fallastes y los grados
del camino por donde fuistes," Sept. 5, 1493.
Navarrete, doc. Ixxi, vol. ii., p. 109.
(70) Page 62. " Con ellos se ha mucho platicado
en el negocio, y creemos que no se podra concertar,
porque ellos no vienen informados de lo quees nuestro,
y creemos que querran consultar con el Rey de
Portugal." (Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxi., p. 108.)
(71) Page 63. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxi., p. 109.
(72) Page 63. In a letter from one Duarte
d Almeida addressed to the King of Portugal, men
tion is said to be made of u hun livro do Almirante
das Indias, que fizera de Don Christ. Colon, seu pay
das demarcoes dos mares e terras de Vossa Alteza
cos de Castilla " " Raccolta Colombiana," Desi-
moni, " Question! Colombiane," p. 78.
(73) P a g e 64. Diego Gracian de Aldrete " inter-
pretatione linguarum exoticarum fuit ", (Antonio,
" Bibl. Nova," vol. i., p. 286.)
(74) Page 64. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. xi., pp.
404-406. It is the Bull which Herrera quotes
(Decade I., p. 44) under the erroneous date of
Sept. 26. There is a Latin text of that Bull in
Solorzano, " De Jure Indiarum," edit, of 1629,
vol. i., pp. 613-614, under the date of " Anno mille-
simo quadringentesimo nonagesimo tertio, sexto
Kalend. Octobris." But we think that it is only a
version made by him of the Spanish translation of
Gracian de Aldrete.
(75) P a g e 65. Burchard, " Diarium," vol. i.,
p. 367, and the case of the archbishop of Cosenza,
(76) Page 66. " Tarn a capitibus de Bojador et
de Naon usque ad Indos, quam etiam ubicumque et
in quibuscumque partibus, etiam nostris temporibus
(77) Page 66. "A todas y cualesquier islas y
tierras-firmes halladas y por hallar, descubiertas y
por descubrir, que navegando 6 caminando hacia el
Occidente 6 el Mediodia, son 6 fueren 6 aparacieren,
ora esten en las partes Occidentals 6 Meridionales
y Orientales y de la India " (Navarrete, loc. cit.).
(78) Page 71. Zurita says that this Garcia was
"Garci Lopez de Carvajal hermano de Bernardin
de Carvajal," the Spanish ambassador at Rome.
(79) Page 71. " Libro das Obras," fol. 32, re6to.
(80) Page 72. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxv.,
(81) Page 73. Ibidem, p. 133, and our " Chris-
tophe Colomb," vol. i., p. 359.
(82) Page 74. " Sabese la concesion del Papa
Alexandro ; la division del mundo como una naranja
entre el Key de Portugal y los abuelos de S. M."
(Letter from Alonso de Zuazo to the Emperor,
Jan. 22, 1518; " Documentos ineditos de Indias,"
vol. i., p. 296). "Desuerte, que dividiendose, como
se divede el mundo en trescientos y sesenta grados,
vinieron a caber a cada uno ciento y ochenta, y esta
division fue causa de los nuevos pleytos que despues
huvo sobre las islas Malucas " (Solorzano, " Politica
indiana," Madrid, 1776, fol., lib. i., cap. iii., 14,
vol. i., p. 9).
$3) Page 76. Although Jaime Ferrer had sent
with his parecer a spherical figure of the world, "so
that the truth of his reasonings might more clearly
appear," he uses an expression which leads us to infer
that the sphericity of the earth was not to be taken
into account in establishing the Line of Demarca
tion. "It is necessary," says Ferrer, to draw a
straight line in latitude [sic pro longitude?] from pole
to pole, only in our hemisphere." (s menester facer
una linea refta in latitud de Polo a Polo solamente
\ en este nuestro hemisferio. Navarrete,vol.ii., p. 99).
(84) Page 76. Edward G. Bourne, in the
"Annual Report of the American Historical Asso
ciation for 1891," pp. 103-130.
(85) Page 78. Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 136.
Notes 1 75
(86) Page 81. Bartholomew Columbus, who
was with him at Hispaniola since September 29,
1494. " Christophe Colomb," vol. ii., p. 198.
(87) Page 8 1. Navarrete, vol. ii., doc. Ixxix,,
(88) Page 82. Ibid., doc. xci., p. 171.
(89) Page 83. "1494, Madrid. Cedula de los
Reyes Catolicos ordenando que en las cartas de
marear que se hicieron en lo sucesivo se ponga la
linea de particion convenida con el Rey de Portugal,
de un polo al otro 370 leguas de las islas de Cabo
Verde a la parte de Poniente, mientras van carabelas
de una y otra parte con astrologos, pilotos y mari-
neros a hacer el definitive trazado de la linea." The
original draft still exists in the collection of manu
scripts of Vargas Ponce, preserved in the library of
the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, vol. liv.,
p. ii. The month and day in the date are left
blank, which shows that the cedula never was issued.
It is to be regretted, for we should then have a
geographic proof of what Spain, provisionally, con
sidered the terminus of the 370 leagues.
(90) Page 83. The Treaty of Tordesillas was
not confirmed by the Pope until January 24, 1506,
by a Bull from Julius II. Nor do we hear of any
attempt to carry those stipulations into effect until
January 22, 1518. At the latter date, Alonso de
Zuazo writes from Santo Domingo to the Emperor :
"Enviaron ciertos pilotos para hacer una demarca-
cion, e asentar estas lineas e punto donde habian de
estar, como esta sea division de longitudes en que
los pilotos ninguna cosa saben ni alcanzan, no
pudieron ni supieron hacer cosa cierta, e asi se vol-
vieron sin hacer ninguna cosa." (Certain pilots were
sent to mark the demarcation and fix those lines
and places where they ought to be. As this was a
division by longitudes of which pilots neither know
nor practice anything, they could do nothing nor
knew anything certain to do and therefore returned
without having accomplished anything). " Docu-
mentos ineditos de Indias," vol. i., p. 296). There
are no documentary traces anywhere else of such an
attempt. Yet, see infra, note 92.
(91) Page 84. "Christopher Columbus his own
book of privileges," London, B. F. Stevens, folio, in
our Historical Introduction, pp. Iviii-lix.
(92) Page 85. Juan Bautista Gesio, the Italian
cosmographer in the employ of Philip II., states, in
a Comunicacton of Nov. 24, 1579 (apud Calvo,
vol. i., p. 1 6), that "segun el informo de doce
cosmografos castellanos y Portugueses, nombrados
[when ?] para figar esa linea de limites, los primeros
tomaron por base la isla de San Antonio, las mas
occidental de las del Cabo Verde ; los segundos, la
de Sal, la mas oriental de dichas islas."
(93) P a e 86. Baron de Rio Branco, "State
ment submitted by the United States of Brazil to
the President of the United States of America." New
York, 1894, 8vo, vol. iii., pp. 8 and 79, which con
tains the full text of both treaties.
(94) Page 89. " Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis-
sima Additamenta," p. 152 ; " Discovery of North
America," p. 717.
(95) Page 89. " A nuestro especial amigo, Jaime
Ferrer, el Cardenal de Espana : Jaime Ferrer espe
cial amigo: Nos querriamos fablar con vos algunas
cosas que cumplen : por ende rogamos vos que vista
esta letra nuestra portais y vengais aqui a Barcelona,
y traed con vos el Mapamundi y otros instrumentos
si teneis tocantes a cosmografia " (Navarrete, vol.
i-> PP- 97-9 8 )-
(96) Page 89. On this map the new Line of De
marcation, extending from pole to pole, was marked
in red, whilst the portion of the globe allotted to
Portugal by the Treaty of Tordesillas was traversed
by lines painted yellow. Unfortunately, both the
map and globe are lost ("Discovery of North
America," p. 405).
(97) P a g e 9 1 - The stade of Macrobius, Strabo,
etc., which Ferrer takes as a basis for his calculations,
is the Olympic stade, now mathematically ascertained
to have been equal to 192, 2 7. " Die Ausgrabungen
zu Olympia. V. Ubersicht der arbeiten und funde
vom Winter und Friihjahr, 1879-1880 und 1880-
1881. XLIII tafeln, herausgegeben von E. Curtius,
F. Adler, G. Treu und W. Dorpfeld," Berlin, 1881,
folio, p. 37, and Plate xxxi.-xxxu.
(98) Page 92. Viz.: Aurelius Theodosius
(99) Page 92. Eratosthenes. Let us remark
that the great Greek mathematician did not count
each degree as equal to 700 stades, as the circum