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3 Roger Kynaston was the son of Griffith Kynaston of Stokes and
Margaret, daughter of Roger Hoord of Walford, Salop. He married
Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Powys. Another son was Philip Kynaston
of Walford, who married a daughter of Robert Corbet of Moreton, Salop.

Others on the commission (July 10, 1453) were William Kynaston,
John Hanmer, and Nicholas Eyton. Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461). See
also an Indenture in Ancient and Modern Denbigh, 91. On January 12,
1459, Richard Grey, Lord Powys, was licensed to grant to him and others
a moiety of a manor in Southampton. Ibid. 475. Lord Powys was a
Yorkist at Ludford. See also Montgomery Collections, Vol. XV. 5.



104 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.

a steady Yorkist, and may well have helped Salisbury in
the fight. On the other hand, the queen had not at first
distrusted him. For in July, 1453, when she was battling
vigorously with the flames of disorder, he was associated
with the stout Lancastrian John Hanmer on a commission
" to bring certain people before the king's Council to answer
certain charges."

The earl of Salisbury reached Ludlow in safety after
Bloreheath. A few days later he was joined by his son,
the earl of Warwick, who, at the head of a well-disciplined
body of veterans from the Calais garrison, had traversed
the breadth of England unmolested. Edward, earl of March,
eldest son of the duke of York, was also at Ludlow. So also
were Lord Grey of Ruthin, Richard Grey (Lord Powys) 1 ,
and Sir Walter Devereux. In fact the duke of York had
summoned hither the stoutest of his supporters, " that
their coming together might make a mightier array 2 ." It
appears from what immediately followed, however, that the
response to his appeal was very disappointing.

The Lancastrians, having concentrated at Worcester,
The Yorkists marched on Ludlow with a numerous army, " for
at Ludford every town hath waged and sent forth, and are

ready to send forth, as many as they did when
the King sent for them before the field of Ludlow 3 ." The duke
of York took up an entrenched position at Ludford Bridge, in
front of Ludlow, digging a deep ditch and fortifying it with

1 They were attainted at Coventry. Devereux and Grey of Ruthin
submitted the morning after Ludford. It is therefore not strictly true
that, apart from the Nevilles, Lord Clinton was the only nobleman with
the duke.

Richard Grey (d. 1466) was the son of Henry Grey, earl of Tankerville
(d. 1450) — this earldom lapsed with the loss of France — and Antigone,
a natural daughter of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester. Henry Grey was
the son of Sir John Grey, who was created earl of Tankerville by Henry VI
(d. 1421) and Joan, daughter and co-heiress of Edward Charlton (d. 1421)
the great-grandson of Sir John Charlton (d. 1353) who married the sister
and heiress of Griffith de la Pole, Lord of Powys. Powysland Collections, 1.
passim. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 121.

2 Rot. Pari. v. 348.

3 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 168; "cum grandi comitatu."
Paston Letters, 11. 4.



v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 105

guns and stakes 1 . On October 9 the king was at Leominster.
Next day the duke of York issued a manifesto protesting
his loyalty to the king's person. He was already aware of
his weakness. On previous occasions, notably in 1452 and
1455, he had raised in the Marches a force sufficiently strong
to overawe the Government ; yet now, in his own stronghold,
reinforced by Salisbury's victorious contingent and Warwick's
veterans, he could muster only " such as he had blinded and
assembled by wages, promises, and other exquisite means."
His " party was over- weak," says Gregory. He was so
despondent that on the near approach of the enemy he
" brought in certain persons before the people to swear
that the king was deceased, doing mass to be said, and
offering all, to make the people the less to dread to take
the field 2 ." Henry offered a pardon to all who would join
his standard within six days. On October 12, the two
The rout, armies were posted one on each side of the

12 Oct. 1459. Teme, and at dusk a few shots were exchanged.
During the night the Yorkist force dissolved. Taking
advantage of the royal pardon many deserted to the king,
among them some of the troops brought by Warwick from
Calais. Others fled under cover of darkness, including the
Yorkist leaders. The duchess of York and her two youngest
sons, George and Richard, became prisoners and were placed
under the care of Anne, duchess of Buckingham, the duke
of York's sister. " There was not so much a battle as
a semblance of a battle 3 ."

The duke, with his second son Edmund, earl of Rutland,
" fled from place to place in Wales, and broke down the
bridges so that the king's men should not come after
them," and having ".bought a ship for much money, passed
over to Ireland 4 ." When parliament met at Coventry on

1 Gregory, 205.

2 Rot. Pari. v. 348-9. Whethamstede, 1. 343.

8 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 168. Gregory, 205. English
Chronicle, edit. Davies, 83. Rot. Pari. 348. Third Croyland Continuator
453-4. Hearne's Fragment, 284.

4 Gregory, op. cit. Polydore, 104.



106 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.

November 20, it was as yet uncertain whether he had suc-
ceeded in escaping the clutches of the pursuing Lancastrians.
Salisbury, Warwick, and the duke of York's eldest son
Edward, earl of March, fled to Calais.

When the Lancastrians reached Ludlow " they drank
enough of wine that was in taverns and other places, and
full ungodly smote out the heads of the hogsheads of wine,
that men went wet-shod in wine, and then they robbed
the town and bare away bedding and other stuff 1 ." The
morning after the calamity, Lord Grey of Ruthin submitted
to the king ; also Walter Devereux, " and with him many
knights and squires in their shirts and halters in their hands,
falling before the king, and all had grace and mercy both
of life and limb 2 ."

The traditional view ascribes the rout of the Yorkists at
Ludford to the sudden defection of the professional troops
which, under the command of Andrew Trollope, had been
brought over from Calais by Warwick. " That made
the Duke full sore afraid when he wyste that sum olde
soudyers went from him unto the kynge 3 ." The moral
effect of the discipline of a few professional soldiers upon
amateur retainers would be considerable. Wavering or
defection on their part would have enormous influence,
and might easily have provoked a rout. It is likely, too,
that his father's contingent of Yorkshiremen would be
particularly sensitive to the conduct of Warwick's veterans.
So much must at once be admitted.

But why should this abrupt and damaging treachery
have occurred at this particular juncture ? The Croyland
Continuator attributes it to the fact that Trollope had been
deceived by Warwick into believing that they had been
brought over to fight for the king. " For finding that

1 Gregory, 207. Chronicle, edit. Davies, 83.

2 This was Edmund Grey, afterwards earl of Kent ; " to the king's
grete plesir," Paston Letters, 1. 500. Also Gregory, 207. For the close
relationship between Devereux and the young earl of March, during the
latter's residence at Ludlow, see Ellis's Letters, First Series, 1. No. 5.

3 Gregory, 207.



v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 107

contrary to their expectations they had really been brought
to act against the king they left the duke 1 ." This explana-
tion cannot be entertained with confidence ; for Trollope
must have been well enough acquainted with the trend of
party feud, and the unequivocal position of Warwick as
a partisan of York, not to be deluded so easily. Two
important contemporary writers pass by the defection in
silence 2 ; most of them emphasise the weakness of the duke
of York's own following. We shall probably not diverge far
from the truth, therefore, if we ascribe both the defection
and the rout to this primary cause, — the weakness of
York.

The abject expedients to which the duke resorted on
the near approach of the royalists suggest very forcibly
that the desertion was part of the general demoralisation
which had been apparent for some time. Hitherto he had
always found in the Marches an enthusiastic response to
his appeals, and had relied upon them with complete assur-
ance and security. Devereux and Lord Powys had, indeed,
shown a tardy adherence, but the aloofness of Sir William
Herbert was probably typical of the attitude of many others.
This freezing apathy, where he had been wont to find such
warm sympathy, was due to the foresight and assiduity of
Margaret and Jasper during the three preceding years.
The completeness of their triumph now was the measure of
the success of their preliminary efforts there.

The queen, during her frequent visits to the borders, had
jasper Tudor's temporarily undermined the Mortimer influence
movements. j n tfie Marches. Nor should we underrate
the invaluable contribution of Jasper Tudor. His diligence
in West Wales not only secured those parts for the
Lancastrians, but also provided a force which threatened
the Yorkists in the rear. His movements are no doubt
obscure. There is no record of him till his arrival at the

1 Third Croyland Continuator, 454.

2 English Chronicle, edit. Davies. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles.



108 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.

Coventry parliament on December 6, a few weeks after
Ludford. But he could hardly have been inactive while
such great events were on the anvil. His force must have
been advancing upon Ludlow from Pembroke while the
king and queen attacked in front ; and we may reasonably
argue that his was the army that went in pursuit of the duke 1 .
If this was so, it accounts for two significant facts in the
situation which have hitherto been neglected, namely,
that Jasper did not appear in the parliament at Coventry
till a fortnight after the opening of the session, and that
he came there with a large following 2 . It is conceivable,
and not at all improbable, that the Yorkists had become
aware of his approach, and that this inspired them with
additional fear, and increased their panic.

Immediately after their triumph the king and queen had
summoned a parliament at Coventry. Here the Yorkist
leaders were attainted. Lord Powys and Sir Walter Deve-
reux were spared their lives though their estates were con-
fiscated; Richard Croft of Herefordshire and Roger Kynaston 3
were pardoned. Among those attainted was Sir Thomas
Vaughan 4 . Sir Walter Devereux had apparently been
active gathering men for the duke of York ; for on November
8, 1459, certain persons were indicted before Sir John
Fortescue for having each received at Weobley 5 , Hereford-
shire, " a gown of Walter Devereux contrary to the statute
of liveries." He was bound to the king in 500 marks for
his rebellion, which sum was paid to Humphrey, duke of

1 Polydore, 104. Gregory.

2 Paston Letters, I. 499, Dec. 7, 1459. " Yesterday in the mornyng
came inne th' erle of Pembroke with a good feleschip."

3 Rot. Pari., 368. Roger Kynaston, having " rered werre ayenst youre
Highnes in the Feld of Luddeford," was pardoned, but fined.

4 Paston Letters, I. 499. Chronicle, edit. Davies, 84. William Worces-
ter, 771. Rot. Pari. 349, 368. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 536, 539. See a letter
from the two sons of the duke of York to their father, written from
Ludlow, complaining of Croft's " odious rule." Ellis's Letters, First Series,
1. 9-10.

5 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 531. Weobley was of course the home of Devereux.
The date given is April 1, 1459. The activity of Devereux was therefore
a few months before the Ludlow campaign.



v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD 109

Buckingham, " for his costs in attendance on the king in
Kent and against other rebels 1 ."

A glance at the grants bestowed by the Crown in the
flush of victory will help us to understand who

Sir William . J r

Herbert's were its friends at this period. Of these the

most prominent in Wales was unquestionably
Sir William Herbert. And if we had no further proof of
his Lancastrian proclivities, the favours showered upon him
on this occasion should be sufficient. His reward was
a grant for life of the offices of sheriff of the county of Gla-
morgan and Morgannwg, steward of the lordship and its
members 2 , steward of the lordships of Abergavenny, Elvel,
Ewyas Lacy, Dinas, Usk, and Caerleon, and constable of
Usk, " in the king's hands by the forfeiture of Richard,
duke of York, and Richard, earl of Warwick." The grant
was amplified in the following March, when he received power
to appoint to all offices in these lordships 3 .

Owen Tudor received an annuity of one hundred pounds
W ei S h from certain manors in Kent and Surrey 4 ,

loyalists. ^ little later he was given the custody of Moel-

wick and other parks in the lordship of Denbigh 5 . While
the court was still at Coventry (12 Dec. 1459) Sir Henry
Wogan esquire, and William ap Owen of Pembrokeshire,
were commissioned to investigate the treasonable pro-
ceedings of certain individuals in the lordship of Haver-
fordwest 6 . Therefore, the Wogans who later became

1 Ibid. 548, 552.

2 Ibid. February 5, 1460.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls; ibid. 574, March 5, 1460. It appears from this
entry that Sir William Herbert was already in possession of these offices in
virtue of grants from York and Warwick. The fact only shows how skil-
fully he had manoeuvred during these years of crisis. Sir Thomas Neville,
a younger brother of the earl of Warwick, was sheriff of Glamorgan in 1451.
Cardiff Records, 1. 51.

4 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 532. Dec. 19, 1459.

6 Rymer, 435. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 547. The date, February 5, 1460, was
that on which Herbert received various offices in South Wales.

6 The persons mentioned are Ievan ap Ievan Gadarn and David ap Rees
ap Llywelyn. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 561. The entry gives additional proof of
the success of Jasper in West Wales.



no THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.

enthusiastic Yorkists were so far supporters of Jasper and
the king. John Owen was made steward and constable
of Narberth, forfeited by the duke of York 1 . John Milewater
was made receiver of the duke's lands in the Marches and
Herefordshire, and of Warwick's lordship of Glamorgan 2 .
John Middleton, " king's yeoman harbinger," became keeper
of Cleobury Park, Salop, York's confiscated property 3 .
Henry ap Griffith, who was amongst the Welsh squires
pardoned by the queen in 1457, at the same time as Herbert,
and who, like him, was on the Yorkist side at Mortimer's
Cross, was given the stewardship of Ewyas Lacy 4 . Builth
was reserved for the Prince of Wales, as well as Montgomery,
Ceri, and Cedewain ; and he was also given 500 marks
yearly out of the issues of Usk, Caerleon, Glamorgan, and
Abergavenny, " to the intent that knights and squires may
be retained with the king and prince, that the said lordships
may be brought back the more speedily to the king's obedi-
ence 5 ." Lastly, Nicholas ap Rees, " for his good service
in the repression of the rebellion," was granted the office
of rhaglaw of the lordship of Denbigh 6 .

The arduous task of reducing the Marches to subjection
had yet to be accomplished. Bands of rebels wandered
through Wales inciting the people to rebellion, while the
castle garrisons on York's estates refused to surrender.
Consequently, frequent commissions were issued to bring
the recalcitrant lordships to obedience, and to reduce the
castles to the king's hands 7 .

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 585. May 29, 1460.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 530, 533. Dec. 13-18, 1459.

3 Ibid. 548-9. Dec. 12, 1459. In the following February a
general pardon was issued to a Sir John Middleton and his son John, and
to Richard Middleton.

4 Ibid. 554. March 22, 1460. Cf. ibid. (1453) 51.

5 Ibid. 550. Feb. 5, 1460. These also were forfeited by the duke of
York. Thomas Cornwall became steward of Radnor.

6 Ibid. 543. Jan. 13, 1460.

7 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 602-6. Among those appointed on commissions in
Wales and the borders were Jasper Tudor, the duke of Buckingham,
Sir John Skydmore, Thomas Cornwall, Richard Croft, Thomas ap Roger,
Maurice ap Griffith, Thomas FitzHarry.



v] THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD in

Denbigh 1 offered a stubborn resistance to the victorious
Denbigh. Lancastrians. Jasper may have begun the

siege before leaving Wales for the Coventry parliament.
On the rising of parliament, and having signed the oath of
allegiance, he immediately repaired to Wales to extinguish
this last flame of rebellion. Meanwhile, he had been appoin-
ted constable of the castle and steward of the lordship 2 .
At the end of seven weeks the garrison was still defiant.
On February 22, Jasper was given a special commission
with extensive powers to bring about its speedy reduction.
When this had been done he was to hold the town " as
of our gift," to take all the movable goods belonging to the
garrison, and to distribute them according to his own
discretion among the soldiers. Meanwhile he was assigned
a force of men-at-arms and archers 3 , with full power to raise
more troops in Wales, and to pardon or execute, the rebels,
" and on the first approach of our first-born Prince Edward
in Wales, to receive into our favour any rebels of the castle
of Denbigh or outside, except certain English and Irish
holding and defending the same castle against us ; except
also certain Welshmen outlawed and attainted." These
measures proved effective. The castle submitted before
March 13 4 . On that day a special grant of £1000 was made

1 Denbigh was given to Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, by Edward I
in 1284. He restored the castle or rebuilt it on a new site, for there is
apparently a Norman motte three miles from Denbigh. Rhuddlan also was
not on the site of the ancient motte. He parcelled the estate among vassals
with the exception of a few manors. He died in 13 10. According to the
Inqnis. postmortem, the lordship embraced Abergele, Rhuvoniog, Cymmerch ,
etc. The next lord was Thomas, earl of Lancaster, who married Alice Lacy.
He was succeeded by Hugh Despenser, from whom it passed to Roger
Mortimer. He was executed in 1 330. On his death, Denbigh was bestowed
upon William de Montacute (d. 1344), but on the reversal of the Mortimers'
attainder in 1356, it was restored to that family. By the marriage of
Anne Mortimer (daughter of Roger Mortimer, earl of March, d. 1398)
with Richard, earl of Cambridge, Denbigh passed to the duke of York,
and thence to the Crown. See Ancient and Modem Denbigh, passim. It
seems to be a unique instance of Lancastrian land not restored to Lan-
caster.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 534. Jan. 5, 1460.

3 Rymer, XI. 445. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 550, 565.

4 Rymer, XI. 444-446. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 574-578.



ii2 THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD [ch.

on account of the expenses incurred in reducing the town
and other places in Wales, the sum to be raised from the
Welsh estates of the duke of York and the earl of Warwick.
In April, Jasper was made a knight of the Garter in recog-
nition of his splendid services.

The Coventry parliament had to consider a novel petition
from Wales 1 . It stated that in Chester, Flint,

Official (I ' '

extortions and other counties in Wales great extortions

and misprisions " were continually being done
by the sheriffs and other royal officers " which have estate
term of life in the said offices, and that the king's subjects
dare not sue nor complain upon the said misdoers for the
defaults as long as those men are in office." The petition
was received sympathetically. Former petitions from Wales,
almost without exception, were directed against Welshmen,
and proceeded from the official element in town and shire.
This petition, on the contrary, made direct reference to the
" unjust exactions and cruelties of English officials in Wales."
The voice of Wales was beginning to be heard, and it may
not improbably have been due to the influence of Jasper
Tudor, and to the assistance he had already received in
Wales.

It is instructive to compare with this petition a " precipe "
of Richard, earl of Warwick, to his sheriff and officers in
Glamorgan, saying that he had received complaints of official
oppression of the abbots of Margam abbey by " certain
of our bailiffs and ministers with a great multitude of men
and horses 2 ."

1 Rot. Pari. 366. Cf. Glamorgan Charters, 1618, March 24, 1450. Another
petition, Robert Whitney of Hereford being one of the petitioners, appealed
for more drastic action against lawlessness. Rot. Pari. 368, 1459-1460.

2 Glamorgan Charters, loc. cit.



v]



THE CAMPAIGN OF LUDFORD



"3



APPENDIX.

The Vaughans of Bredwardine.
Sir William Walbeoffe

Rosser Vawr m. Joyce

I
Roger Vaughan m. Jane, daughter and
co-heiress of Ralph
Baskerville

Florence m. Walter Sais (temp. Edward III)
heiress of
Bredwardine

Roger (Hen) m. dau. of Sir John
I Devereux

Gwladys m. Roger Vaughan
dau. of David Gam.
Her second husband
was Sir William ap
Thomas



Watcyn Vaughan
of Bredwardine



Sir Roger Vaughan
of Tretower



Thomas ap Rosser
slain at Banbury



h



Watkin Vaughan
of Herast



Thomas Vaughan
I

V



Roger
Vaughan



Watcyn
Vaughan



Watkin
Vaughan



Richard
Vaughan

William
Vaughan



1

Henry

Vaughan



Roger Vaughan
of Clairow



E. W. R.



CHAPTER VI

MORTIMER'S CROSS

At Ludford Bridge the Yorkists received a short but
rude shock. Nearly a year elapsed before their complete
recovery. Meanwhile vague rumours were on the wing that
a mysterious conference had taken place at Dublin, the vast
import of which was not revealed till Warwick, Salisbury,
and the earl of March landed at Sandwich, towards the end
of June, 1460, and thence marched to London, which they
reached on July 2nd. Warwick had risked a perilous voyage
from Calais to the Irish capital to contrive this new scheme
with the duke of York.

Leaving his father, the earl of Salisbury, to blockade
Battle of the Tower, Warwick advanced swiftly on

Northampton. Northampton, then the Lancastrian head-
quarters. Margaret was taken completely unawares and
fled to Wales, trusting to the Lancastrian lords to do battle
for the dynasty. On July 10, 1460, the battle of North-
ampton was fought. The air was thick and dark with
treason ; for hardly had the fight begun when Lord Grey
of Ruthin 1 admitted the earl of March and the Yorkist
vanguard into the royalist entrenchments. In the sordid
annals of even these sterile wars there is no deed of shame
so foul. The Lancastrians were overwhelmed. The duke
of Buckingham, lord of Brecon, was among the slain. King
Henry, a pitiable wreck, had to accompany Warwick to
London.

1 This lord was the murderer of Tresham in 1450.



ch. vi] MORTIMER'S CROSS 115

Queen Margaret, who had moved to Eccleshall, reached
Cheshire in safety. " Beside the castle of

Queen J

Margaret Malpas a servant of her own 1 , that she had

in Wales.

made both yeoman and gentleman, and after-
wards appointed to be in office with her son, the prince,
spoiled her and robbed her and put her so in doubt of her
life and her son's life also. And then she came to the castle
of Harlech 2 in Wales, and she had many great gifts and was
greatly comforted ; for she had need thereof, for she had
a full easy many about her, the number of four persons 3 .
And most commonly she rode behind a young poor gentleman
of fourteen years of age. And there hence she removed full
privily unto the Lord Jasper, lord and earl of Pembroke,
for she durst not abide in no place that was open, but in
private.

" The cause was that counterfeit tokens were sent unto
her as though they had come from her most dread lord the
king, Henry VI ; but it was not of his sending, neither of
his doing, but forged things ; for they that brought the
tokens were of the king's house, and some of the prince's
house, and some of her own house, and bade her beware
of the tokens, that she gave no credence thereto. For at
the king's departing from Coventry toward the field of
Northampton he kissed her and blessed the prince, and
commanded her that she should not come unto him till
that he sent a special token unto her that no man knew
but the king and she 4 ."

With the assurance of one who had rendered his cause
unquestionable service Warwick seized the government and
immediately gave his attention to Wales and the Marches,

1 William of Worcester, Annates, gives the name of " John Cleger,
a servant of Lord Stanley," 773.

2 See also English Chronicle edit. Davies, 98-9, which states that she
was robbed of ten thousand marks. Stow, 409, and Chron. of the White
Rose.

3 " Eight," according to Eng. Chron. edit. Davies.

4 Gregory 208-9. William of Worcester, Annates, 773-4. Eng. Chron.


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