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9, 1464, there is noted a "Pardon to Thomas Vaughan, esquire, keeper
of the Great Wardrobe of Henry VI, one of the mainpernors of Jasper,
for the custody of Cantrecelly and Penkelly." He and William Hastings
were coupled in a grant of the presentation to the next vacant prebend
in the college of St George's, Windsor.

On March 29, 1465, certain lands in Cardiganshire were granted to
Thomas Vaughan "one of the yeomen of the king's Chamber" for his
services to the king and his father. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 438. This apparently
was he of the name who was killed at Edgecote.

1 Paston Letters, 11. 119. But Norfolk did not stay in Wales, for he
was at Newcastle on December 11, 1462. Ibid. 1 21-123. He was at
Holt again in March, 1464.

2 Paston Letters, op. cit. 'Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 157.
Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. xviii.

3 William of Worcester, 780. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 158.


white staves in their hands 1 ." Subsequently he assisted
in the operations which culminated in the taking of Alnwick
in May, 1463.

Lord Herbert's exploits in the north are duly recorded
by contemporary Welsh poets. Lewis Glyn Cothi nowhere
gives a more glowing picture than that in which, with
pardonable poetic licence, he describes his hero urging
forward his men, " his frame ablaze on prancing steed,
and his eyes glistening like glowing embers 2 ."

In the summer of 1463 Herbert's attention was once
„ . _, more directed to Wales, where the ashes of

Herbert s

power in war were still smouldering. In Tune he was


made constable of Harlech and chamberlain and
chief justice of Merionethshire, with all powers pertaining to
the office of chief justice of North Wales, so as to be able
to deal more effectively with the recalcitrant garrison
there 3 . During Herbert's lifetime the country was to be
separated from the jurisdiction of the justice of North
Wales. Vindictiveness was certainly not a feature of
Edward IV's treatment of his Welsh Lancastrian foes.
If any of them even now were disposed to give in their
allegiance Lord Herbert, Lord Ferrers, Richard Herbert,
and Trahaiarn ap Ievan ap Meurig were empowered to
grant them a full pardon 4 .

1 William of Worcester, Annates, 780. Margaret had already sailed
for Brittany, "going between Wales and Ireland with four ships."

2 A'i wyneb yn dan ar farch anwar,
A'i olwg mawrwych val dig marwar,

A'i fon, a'i ddwyfron, a'i ddar, a'i saled,
A'i wayw yn lluched neu yn dan llachar.

Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. xviii.
s At the same time he became steward of Carmarthenshire and Car-
diganshire, Usk, Dinas, Caerleon, Builth, Ewyas and Clifford, grants
which had been previously conferred upon him by Margaret. Cal. Pat.
Rolls, June 17, 1463; 271.

4 Ibid. June 23, 1463; 280. This Trahaiarn, whom we have met with
before, is addressed by Guto'r Glyn as one of the loyal supporters of
Herbert, "his lance and his shield." Iolo MSS. 705.

It is worthy of notice that some of the powers conferred upon Herbert
encroached upon the jurisdiction of Lord Hastings, chamberlain of North


But in spite of Herbert's vigilance and Edward's clemency,
„ L Tasper's enthusiasm, his hardihood, and his

Further or

trouble in towering gift of patience, had not yet failed

Wales, 1464. . • 1 • r 11 • 1 -ii •

to inspire his followers to indomitable resistance.
During the winter of 1463-4 material was laid for another
conflagration. The duke of Somerset who, since his pardon
by Edward at the end of 1462, had been kept in semi-
confinement, became privy to a scheme which involved
simultaneous risings in Wales and in the north of England.
He was to engineer the rebellion in the northern counties
of England ; while Roger Puleston and John Hanmer
were entrusted with the leadership in North Wales. In
South Wales Jasper relied upon Philip Mansel of Gower,
Hopkyn ap Rhys of Llangyfelach near Swansea, and Lewis
ap Rhydderch ap Rhys of Strata Florida 1 . They were
probably assisted by Philip Castle of Pembroke who was
attainted soon afterwards " because, in spite of previous
pardons, he assisted Jasper 2 ." It will be recollected that
he and Thomas Mansel had been commissioned to equip
some ships during the siege and reduction of Pembroke.

The rising in Wales was apparently premature. John
Battle of Dwnn, who was now sheriff of the two West

Drysiwyn. Wales counties, and captain of Carmarthen and

Aberystwyth, with the help of Roger Vaughan, overwhelmed
the insurgents at Drysiwyn in the valley of the Towy,
between Carmarthen and Llandilo, before they could become
dangerous. These Yorkists were subsequently rewarded
with the confiscated estates of the luckless Lancastrians 3 .

1 This Lewis we presume to be the Lewis ap Rhys of Strata Florida,
designated "armiger of Carmarthenshire," who was reported to have been
executed with Owen Tudor after the battle of Mortimer's Cross.

2 Rot. Pari. (1464-5), 511-512.

3 Rot. Pari. (1464-5), 5 1 1-5 12. In the records the name is given as
"Dryffryn," and is stated to be in Carmarthenshire. The spot alluded
to is no doubt that mentioned in the text. Drysiwyn was a royal castle.
Its constable in 1439 was Thomas Staunton, who was also master-forester
of Glyn Cothi. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 245.

Lord Ferrers was constable of Aberystwyth in 1463. Record Reports,
1887, 423. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 270, 336.

1 52 THE WAR IN WALES [ch.

It was this engagement at Dryslwyn, probably, that
PhilIip brought Edward once more to the borders

Mansei. f \y a les. He was at Gloucester on February 9,

and " punished his rebellious against the law 1 ." Philip
Mansei and Hopkyn ap Rhys were attainted and their
estates forfeited 2 . Roger Vaughan entered into possession of
the former's lands, namely, Oxwich, Scurla Castle, Nicholston,
Reynoldston, Manselton, parts of Llanrhidian, and certain
rents from Kidwely ; and also of Llangyfelach and Kilvey,
near Swansea, the property of Hopkyn ap Rhys 3 . John
John Dwnn received two parcels of the duchy

Dwnn. Q f Lancaster in the lordship of Kidwely.

Henry Dwnn received an annuity of £20 from the issues
of Kidwely, Carnwallon, Iscennin, which were also parcel
of that duchy in West Wales 4 .

We have no details to show how widely the infection of
disloyalty spread in North Wales. Even the measures
taken to combat it are swathed in a mantle of obscurity.
Whatever was done fell to the lot of the duke of Norfolk,
as appears from the following letter, which was written
on March 1, from the duke's headquarters at Holt castle :

" My lord (the duke of Norfolk) hath great labour and
North cost here in Walys for to take divers gentlemen

Wales. which were consenting and helping on to the

duke of Somerset's going, and they were appealed of other
certain points of treason, and this matter. And because
the king sent my lord word to keep this country, is
the reason why my lord tarryeth here thus long. And
now the king hath given power to my lord whether he will

1 Privy Seals. Paston Letters, II. 144-5; and supplement to Intro-
duction, 82.

2 Rot. Pari. 5 1 1-2. The attainder was reversed by Henry VII. Ibid.
1483, 278-9. Their confederate Lewis ap Rhydderch is not mentioned
there. For details of the local history of the Mansels, see Glamorgan
Charters, passim.

* Cal. Pat. Rolls, March 23, 1465 ; 426. A Philip ap Rhys was
Governor of Strata Florida in 1443, with Lord Audley and Meredith ap
Owen. Glam. Charters, v, 1590.

4 Rot. Pari. v. 534. Also Cal. Pat. Rolls, March 11, 1465.


do execution on these gentlemen or pardon them, as he
pleases, and as far as I can understand yet they shall have
grace. And as soon as these men come in my lord proposes
to go to London which will be probably in a fortnight.
The men's names that be impeached are these, — John
Hanmer, William his son, Roger Puleston, and Edward
ap Madoc. These be men of worship that shall come in."
The writer was John Paston, the younger 1 .

Somerset's hazardous undertaking in the north of
England also met with disaster. He had drawn a large
contingent from North Wales with the assistance, as we
have seen, of those patient and energetic kinsmen of Jasper
Tudor, Roger Puleston and John Hanmer. " He stole
out of Wales with a prevy many toward Newcastle 2 ."
At Durham he was detected and barely escaped being
arrested in bed. " He escaped away in hys schyrt and
barefote, and ii of hys men were take 3 ." He then took
a leading part in the campaigns of Hedgeley Moor (April),
and Hexham (May). After the latter engagement he
was captured by the servants of John Middleton 4 , and
executed. The temporalities of the sees of St Asaph and
Bangor were forfeited on account of the bishops' participation
in these Lancastrian movements 5 .

Herbert was once more empowered to pacify the Lan-
castrians of Wales. In October, 1464, he obtained a com-
mission to receive into the king's allegiance all rebels,
with few exceptions, within Harlech castle and Merioneth-
shire 6 .

Jasper as usual kept in the background during these
commotions. He was a consummate engineer of rebellion,

1 Paston Letters, IX. 15 1-2.

2 Gregory, 223. Rot. Pari. 511-512, which gives his attainder.

3 Gregory, op. cit.

4 William of Worcester, Annales. Brief Latin Chronicle, 178.

5 Rymer, 1464-5 ; 534, 539. A list of the chief men in the north after
Hexham does not contain the names of either Jasper or Herbert. Ellis,
Letters, Second Series, 1. 131.

6 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 355.


who considered his own person too valuable an asset to
jasper Tudor's his cause to allow himself to fall into the
adventures. clutches of his enemy. Fortunately for him he
had many friends in the Principality, while Harlech was
still a haven of refuge. His comrades, though dwindling
in numbers, were sufficiently loyal to ensure his safety.
If we are to credit contemporary poetry, his bard Tudur
Penllyn, and his intimate friend Griffith Vaughan of Corsy-
gedol, North Wales, could have revealed his places of hiding.
They knew where he slept the night before his departure,
and from what spot on Barmouth shore he sailed away to
bide his time, and await the morrow of better hope 1 . ' He
moved," says Hall, " from country to country in Wales,
not always at his heart's ease, nor in security of life or
surety of living. Such an unstable and blind goods is
fortune 2 ."

Ellis Griffith, the Welsh Tudor chronicler, gives more
specific details, if we can trust them : " In that time (after
the pacification of the north) Jasper, according to what
I heard from my elders, took the ship which belonged to
a gentleman who lived at Mostyn, in the parish of Chwitford
in Flintshire, at a place called Pwll Picton. The earl
(Jasper) was constrained to carry a load of pease -straw on
his back as he went to the ship lest he should be recognised
because there were not wanting those who searched for
him, and he betook himself to Brittany more by his own
naval skill than by the skill of the sailors of Picton 3 ."

Lord Herbert was now further enriched with a grant

1 Cardiff MSS. Tudur Penllyn.

2 Hall, 261.

3 "Yn yr amser y ffoes Jasbar. . . .y neb megis ac i klywais i vy henna-
viaid yn dywedied a gymerth ysgraf i wr boneddic a oedd yn trigo yn
Mostyn o vewn plwyf Chwitford yn sir y fflint ynny man a elwir pwll
pictun yn yr amser y gorvu ar yr iarll ddwyn baich o welld pyse ar i gefyn
wrth vyned ir ysgraf hrag ovon i neb i gannvod ef kannis nid oedd eissiau
pobyl ynni esbio ef ar hyd y gwledydd ynno neithyr y vo a ddiengis ir
mor ynnyr sgraf hon ai harweddodd ef oddiynno i vryttain vechan yn
vwy drwy gowreindeb yr iarll nog o gowreindeb llongwyr picktun."

Ellis Griffith, History of Wales, in the Mostyn MSS.


of Crickhowel and Tretower, to be held in chief by the
service of one knight's fee ; also of the " honour, castle,
manor and borough of Dunster, together with other posses-
sions of Sir James Luttrell, Sir Walter Rodney, and Sir
John Seymour, in Somerset and Devon 1 ." The text of the
grant is instructive in parts :

" Whereas William Herbert holds to himself and his
heirs the castles manors and lordships of Crickhowel and
Tretower as of the king's castle and lordship of Dinas and
Blaenllyfni which are parcels of the earldom of March,
the king now releases all claim in the said castles, and grants
that he may hold them in chief by the service of one knight's
fee. His tenants shall be quit of attendance at courts
within the said lordships, and he shall have power of ad-
ministering justice."

In 1464 parliament again called upon the Harlech garrison
to submit. It was now known that John Dowbeggyng and
Thomas Daniel, among the most unpopular of Henry VI's
ministers, had taken refuge there. The summons stated
that David ap Ieuan ap Eynon and Rheinallt ap Griffith
ap Bleddyn harboured refugees, that they inspired commo-
tions and gatherings against the king, and that the castle
was used as a means of enabling the Lancastrians to enter
the kingdom at their ease. Edward also issued a proclama-
tion to the Mayor and Sheriff of Chester, which was to be
read in the city on three consecutive days, threatening the
defenders with the penalty of death unless they submitted
before January 1, 1465 2 .

During these years the garrisons of the North Wales
towns were strengthened on account of the ever-present
danger from the Lancastrians, and from Harlech in particular.
Thomas Montgomery, constable of Carnarvon, had to keep
24 soldiers there throughout the reign, while from 1455
to 1458 there existed a separate town garrison of 12 under

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 268; June 12, 1463. Also ibid. 286; June 16, 1463.
* Rot. Pari. 512.

156 THE WAR IN WALES [ch. vii

a distinct captain 1 . At times the two garrisons were united.
There were similar town and castle garrisons at Beaumaris
during these years, numbering 12 and 24 respectively,
under the direction of the constable. So also at Conway.


The following were protected in the Act of Resumption of 1464-5.
John Wynne, officer of the household ; Walter Mathew, Richard
Gwynedd, Howel David, and John Howel, officers of the household ;
John Goch, yeoman of the larder ; Morris Gethin, of the amobrship
of the North Wales counties ; William Gronow, of an annuity of
six marks of the toll of Presteign ; Rees Vaughan, of an annuity
of £j of the toll of Radyr ; John Newborough, keeper of the artillery
and gunner of the North Wales towns ; John and Hugh Lloyd of
Denbigh, of an annuity of 5 marks granted by Richard, duke of
York, from the lordship of Denbigh ; Henry Trahaiarn ap Ievan
ap Meurig, John ap Jenkyn ap Madoc, William Cemmaes, William ap
Howel ap Thomas, John ap Morgan, Jankyn ap Thomas, John ap
Jankyn, Meredith ap Morgan, William ap Morgan ap David Gam,
John ap Gwilym, William ap Morgan, William ap Hopkyn, Howel
Davy, Jankyn ap Howel ap Ievan, Jankyn ap Ievan ap Llywelyn ;
William ap Morgan, David ap Gwilym, Thomas Herbert esquire
of the body, of 50 marks a year ; Sir Thomas Vaughan, of lands
in Kent, etc. ; Thomas the elder, of the constableship of Gloucester ;
Thomas the younger, of the bailiwick of Guisnes in Picardy ; John
Davy, of an annuity of £20 from the town of Montgomery ; Morris
Arnold, Howel ap Meredith ap Howel, David Vaughan, Howel
Swrdwal, Thomas ap Rosser, Thomas ap Madoc, Henry ap Griffith
ap (? of) Ewyas, Griffith ap Richard of Builth, of an annuity of 100s.

Of the above, Thomas Herbert, the younger, was probably the
son of Lord Herbert's brother ; while Howel Swrdwal was the poet
of that name, whose works have recently been edited for the first
time, though this fact has escaped the editor.

1 See Lewis. Mediaeval Boroughs. Henry Bolde was Governor of
Conway in 1461.



At the accession of Edward IV " old maxims of govern-
Anew ment and policy were tardily expiring, and

era - the forces of a new era were in their season

gathering to a head." The old maxims implied baronial
and feudal supremacy, buttressed by serried ranks of
retainers ; the new era implied the absolutism of the king,
guided by the dark and labyrinthine manoeuvres of men
of intellect, many of whom were raised from obscurity
for the purpose. " The king " said Warwick, when he
could no longer tolerate the arrogance of the new men,
" estranges great lords from his council and takes about
him others not of their blood, inclining only to their counsel."
Against the peril of the new monarchy the ponderous energy
of the old aristocracy revived and struggled with desperate
resourcefulness and heroism under the leadership of that
feudal Goliath, the great earl of Warwick, until, after
a last fleeting success at Banbury, it reached its dramatic
close at Barnet.

The most aggressive exponent of Edward IV's new
, principle of absolute rule was William Herbert,

Constitutional r r '

position of his confidential friend and adviser. Others

Lord Herbert.

were raised to eminence as a counterpoise
to the prodigious might of Warwick, but none from such
meagre beginnings as Herbert. Of him it must be said
that he owed his advance less to lineage than to sheer
ability and proficiency in the tortuous paths of intrigue.


He suited the temper of the times. We must regard him
as the forerunner of Wolsey and Thomas Cromwell. The
victory at Mortimer's Cross, opportunely followed by the
accession of the Yorkists, opened before him a startling
vista. A man of his silent assiduity and serpentine methods
was not slow to grasp opportunities thrown in his way.
Herbert and Warwick, then, dominated the crisis which
was already looming large in the political firmament, and
by a strange irony both protagonists perished in the strife,
though it was the cause of Herbert that triumphed.

In some measure Herbert owed his rise to Warwick.
Herbert's debt After his triumph at the battle of Northampton
to Warwick. ^g i a t_t er was supreme in England. His
glory had then reached its mid-day splendour. At that
very moment Herbert, as we have seen, held in Glamorgan
as a gift from the Lancastrians positions which were Warwick's
to bestow. The earl could easily and rightfully have
reclaimed them, and given the leadership of South Wales
to another. He did not do so. Instead, he commissioned
Herbert to arm South Wales against Jasper. The tale
of how that commission fructified at Mortimer's Cross
has already been unfolded.

From that moment onwards Warwick and Herbert
took divergent ways. Warwick fought the king's battles
and largely managed his diplomatic affairs. He therefore
cut an imposing figure in the public eye. Herbert, on the
contrary, was the courtier. He had the ear of his king.
We get a glimpse of his power in the inner circle of court
life in 1463. This record narrates how Lord Clynton,
in advancing his claim to the patronage of the Benedictine
priory of Folkestone, threatens the town with reprisals,
and clinches his threat by saying that he had the support
of " Lord Herbert and others of the king's council 1 ." It
is a brief though illuminating illustration of the part Herbert
was already playing.

1 Hist. MSS. Commission. Fifth Report, 590-1 (1463).


We suspect too that the commercial legislation of this year
„. found in Herbert a strong advocate if, indeed,

His com- ° ' '

merciai it was not actually inspired by him. It must


certainly have been due to the initiative of men
who, like himself, were interested in commerce. Parliament
enacted, for instance, that trade with foreign countries
should not be carried on in foreign bottoms if native ships
were available ; and Herbert owned a number of merchant
ships which traded with Ireland and foreign parts. In
this connection we may note a curious piece of information
contained in a grant to Lord Herbert " of all gear, fittings,
wines etc. on a great ship called the Gabriell which he had
sent at great expense to foreign parts and which on its
return from thence to England laden with divers wines and
merchandise was wrecked on the coast of Ireland 1 ." The
king, too, alive to the interest of commerce, did not disdain
to take part in trade and to compete with other merchants.
The traders were rapidly rising in influence and wealth,
and they found in Edward and his confidential adviser
not only active supporters, but also at times dangerous
competitors. This common interest, while it bound the
king and Herbert, was directly antagonistic to the
interests and traditions of Warwick and the old

It served Herbert's purpose that the king cherished
with enduring loyalty those whom he chose to honour with
his friendship. Thus, when the estrangement between
Edward and Warwick began to swell to a flood of enmity
on the secret marriage with Elizabeth Woodville in May
1464, Herbert's position was strengthened in proportion
as that of the earl was weakened. To celebrate the king's
The marriage wealth and honours were showered

woodviiies. upon the queen's relatives. One was married
to the young duke of Buckingham ; another to a Bourchier,

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, March 23, 1465; 427. All wrecks of sea were the
property of the king.


the son of the earl of Essex ; a third to a Grey of Ruthin,
the son of the earl of Kent 1 .

Such alliances were a servere strain upon the loyalty
TT ,_ , of the mightiest baron in England. But what-

Herbert s son ° _ °

marries the ever Warwick's mortification on their account,
it was deeply embittered by the favour shown
to Herbert ; for Herbert had none of the halo of ancestry
which encircled a Stafford or a Bourchier. At Windsor,
in September, 1466, Herbert's son and heir, William, was
married to the queen's sister, Mary Woodville, amid profuse
magnificence. He was also given the title of Lord Dunster.
At the same time Herbert's daughter was given in marriage
to the young Lord Lisle. These arrangements, we are
told, gave secret displeasure to Warwick 2 .

Now Warwick, as heir to the earldom of Salisbury, could
have preferred a claim of his own to the title

Herbert as x

the king's of Lord Mohun of Dunster ; and, as already


stated, the Dunster estates in Somerset, Dorset,
and Devon had already been bestowed upon Lord Herbert
in June 1463. Every favour given to Herbert seemed,
with peculiar insolence, to detract from the prestige of
Warwick. There can be no doubt that the former was
now to a large extent wielding the destinies of the House
of York. Others might wear the trappings of office, but
Herbert was the man at the wheel. He was, as William of
Worcester describes him at this period, the king's most
trusted adviser ; not a plaything like a Gaveston or a

1 William of Worcester, Annales, 786. It has already been stated
that Warwick had endeavoured to influence Elizabeth Woodville to
marry Sir Hugh John of Swansea. See a letter from Warwick to her
in Archaeologia, 1842, 132-3. The partiality of Edward for new men is
reflected as early as the winter of 1461. Paston Letters.

2 William of Worcester, Annales, 786. | ] Septembris factum est mari-
tagium apud Wyndesore inter filium et heredem domini Herberd et Mariam
sororem reginae Elizabethae, ac inter juvenem dominum de Lisle et
filiam ejusdem domini Herberd. Fecitque dominus rex haeredem Herberd
militem ac creavit eum dominum de Dunstarre, ad secretam displicentiam
comitis Warrwici ac magnatum terrae. Lord Lisle was the son of John
Talbot, Viscount Lisle, who was killed at Chatillon in 1453. He was
ten years of age when he succeeded to the viscountcy in July 1453.


Despenser, but a silent, calculating, resolute agent in the
hands of Edward to extricate the Crown from the meshes
of feudalism. His was the task of fashioning a new monarchy
and not of rejuvenating the old.

In 1467 events developed with alarming rapidity.
Early in the summer of that year gorgeous jousts were
held at Smithfield to grace the visit of the Bastard of Bur-
gundy with whom Edward was negotiating an alliance.
The Nevilles stood severely aloof, while Herbert figured
prominently among the king's inner circle of friends. Of
more sinister significance was the removal of Warwick's
brother George, archbishop of York, from the chancellor-
ship. On June 8 Edward, accompanied by Herbert and
a few others, went in person to the archbishop's inn at
Charing Cross to demand from him the Great Seal 1 .

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