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Morris Gethin, of the amobrship of North Wales counties.

Richard Herbert.

John ap Ieuan ap Llywelyn, of an annuity of 10 marks from Radnor.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, September 12, 1468.

3 Ibid. October 12, 1468; in.

4 Ibid. 113, with payment for 24 soldiers. On May 3, 1469, he was
confirmed in the possession of Chepstow, Gower, Swansea, Kilvey, and
Lougher, which places he acquired by a writ "precipe in capite." Ibid.
154, 163; and passim, for grants to Devereux.

6 Ibid. 98, 518. A commission was given to Herbert and Shrewsbury
to arrest Kynaston and bring him before the Council, August 28, 1467.
Eyton was constable of Shrewsbury in June 1467. Distinguish this
Kynaston from one of the same name, of Walford.


March of this year Edward pardoned a Pembrokeshire
gentleman, Richard Bennet or Hugh of Monkton, who
apparently had been Jasper's adherent 1 . His clemency
extended even to Roger Puleston 2 , Jasper's old friend,
also described as Roger ap John.

The winter of 1468-9 was characterised by disturbances,
Warwick's arrests, and executions, which were due largely
grievance. ^ Q ^g ^ ar k machinations of Warwick. Herbert's

supremacy in the councils of the king was now an abiding
challenge to aristocratic self-esteem, and Warwick was deter-
mined to remove him and his chief associate, Lord Rivers 3 .
For their " mischievous rule, opinion, and assent have caused
our sovereign lord and the realm to fall in great poverty,
disturbing the ministration of the laws, and only intending
to their own promotion and enriching. The said seditious
persons have caused our sovereign lord to spend the goods
of our holy father, and have advised him to give of his
livelihood to them above their degrees. The king estranges
great lords from his council and takes about him others
not of their blood, inclining only to their counsel 4 ." Although
there were other grievances such as the close friendship
between Edward and Charles, duke of Burgundy, the kernel
of Warwick's complaint was the king's partiality for the
new men. "It is to reasons of this nature that may be
attributed the overthrow and slaughter of the Welsh 5 ."

Warwick succeeded in detaching Edward's brother,
the duke of Clarence, from the court party, and before
committing himself irretrievably he made certain the
allegiance of his royal ally by marrying him to his daughter,
Isabella Neville, which was accomplished at Calais on

1 Ibid. 515.

2 Ibid. 152, March 28, 1469.

3 Third Croyland Continuator, 457—8. Paston Letters, n. 326. From
the latter it appears that Herbert was at court on October 28, 1468, and
about to depart, probably for his Welsh seat. " Sende me worde if my
lorde of Pembrok be go."

* See the letter of Clarence and Warwick, 12 July, 1469 ; Warkworth, 46.
5 Third Croyland Continuator, 457-8.


July ii, 1469. On the following day the letter or manifesto
already referred to was issued in the names of Clarence
and Warwick, allusion being made also to the " covetous
rule and guiding of certain seditious persons." The two
announced their intention of appearing at Canterbury
on July 16, to lay their grievances before the king.

Meanwhile the earl of Warwick had already set his
Robin of northern friends in motion under the standard

Redesdaie. f " Robin of Redesdale 1 ." These marched

southwards in strong force. On hearing of their advance
Edward summoned Herbert with reinforcements from Wales,
whither he had repaired towards the end of October 2 .
He himself set out on a progress through the eastern counties,
going northwards as far as Stamford and Newark. The
attitude of the people becoming increasingly hostile, he
returned to Nottingham 3 . There he appears to have stayed
for some days after July 9 awaiting reinforcements. Hum-
phrey Stafford of Southwick, who had recently (May)
received the earldom of Devon, was ordered to enrol the
levies of Somersetshire and Devonshire 4 . These consisted
mainly of archers. It is curious, in view of the prominence
of the Welsh archer in the French wars, that there were
few, if any, of this arm in Herbert's contingent 5 .

Guto'r Glyn introduces us to a feast held by the Herberts
on the eve of their departure. Internal evidence

Herbert sets x

out towards proves that the poem was composed at the
time, or shortly afterwards, and certainly
before the catastrophe at Edgecote. It is here stated
that Herbert, at the head of a strong force, marched to
Gloucester ; and that his objects were the suppression
of a rising of the common people, and to defend the king

1 Warkworth, 6-7, says Sir William Conyers adopted this name.
See also Introduction to Paston Letters. Hearne's Fragment, 24, mentions
Lord Latimer as the captain of the band. He was Warwick's uncle.

2 See ante. Hall, 273-4.

3 Third Croyland Continuator, 445-6.

4 Hearne's Fragment, 24.

5 Warkworth. Hearne's Fragment.


against the earl of Warwick. The poet, moreover, is sincere
and candid in his admission that Herbert was the object
of intense hatred in England. And there can be no reason-
able doubt that Guto'r Glyn derived his information from
the Herberts themselves 1 .

From Gloucester the earl of Pembroke (Herbert) advanced
to a place called Cottishold 2 . Perhaps the chronicler
refers vaguely to the Cotswold Hills. Very possibly the
allusion may be to the spot where Cotswold House now
stands, five miles from Cirencester, on the line of the Roman
road (Ermin Street) from Gloucester, which joins the Fosse-
way at Cirencester. Curiously enough, there is a lane
called the " Welsh Way " joining the two roads a little
above Cirencester. At Cottishold Pembroke was joined
by the earl of Devon. The combined armies thereupon
continued their march towards Northampton. It seems
impossible to give an exact estimate of the numbers of
the troops employed ; chroniclers' figures are always suspi-
cious, and there appears to be no means of checking them.
The estimates of Herbert's contingent vary from 6000
(Hall) to 13,000 (Warkworth). Meanwhile, the northerners
were said to be making for the same point as the royalists —

The Welsh contingent were said to be " the best in
The weish Wales." They were drawn mainly from Gwent
force - (Monmouthshire), Brecknock, Gower, Pem-

brokeshire, and the neighbourhood of Kidwely. There
were no men of note from the royal counties of Carmarthen

1 Guto'r Glyn, "I Wledd." Cardiff MSS.

Wrth ofn Iarll yr aeth fy ner

I Gaerloyw a'r gwyr lawer.

Ofni Lloegr, ein un llygad,

Ai bribwyr oil yn bwrw brad.

Blino y maent o'm blaenawr

Blant Ronwen, genfigen fawr.
" My lord with many troops advanced to Gloucester on account of the
Earl. I fear lest he be the victim of treachery. The people of England
have harassed our leader, and he is the object of deep malice."

2 Hall, 273. '


and Pembroke ; while Glamorgan, which belonged to the
earl of Warwick, could not be expected to provide fighting
material to do battle against its lord. Pembroke county,
of course, was represented by its earl, Lord Herbert. With
him were John Wogan, son and heir of Sir Henry Wogan 1 ,
and John Eynon, a warrior who had had experience in
France under the duke of York. Kidwely sent another
old French warrior in the person of Henry Dwnn, son
of Owen Dwnn; also Henry Dwnn of Picton, Meredith ap
Gwilym, and Hoskyn Hervey, a companion in arms with
Griffith Dwnn in France 2 .

Brecknock was represented by the Havards — William,
Lewis, and Thomas ; by the Morgans — William, Walter,
Walter (another) , and Henry : Gwent by Thomas Huntley,
another of York's retinue in France ; Thomas ap Harry,
one of Lord Herbert's retinue ; and Thomas Lewis of
Chepstow. The Herberts and the Vaughans, whose many
ramifications had now spread throughout South Wales,
were represented by Sir Richard Herbert ; another Richard
Herbert, probably of Ewyas, the ancestor of the second
line of Herberts, a natural son of Lord Herbert ; another
William Herbert 3 , a half-brother of Lord Herbert ; John
ap William, by whom is meant presumably Lord Herbert's
brother John ; Thomas ap Roger Vaughan, the son of
Herbert's mother Gwladys by her first husband Roger
Vaughan ; and William ap Norman, another of the earl's
relatives. The last three are said to have fought in the
French wars 4 .

1 William of Worcester, Itinerarium, 118. Sir Henry Ogan chevalier
fuit in Francia, de Pembrokeshyre, et maritavit filiam William Thomas,
chevalier; qui Sir John Ogan, chevalier, obiit apud Banbery felde.

2 Ibid. Griffith Dwnn habuit 3 filios in Francia: Robertus Dwnn
non maritavit; Henricus Don in Francia maritavit filiam Sir Roger
Vaughan, chevalier, et mortuus (est) apud Banbery felde; tercius filius
minor Johannes Don, qui maritavit filiam domini de Hastynges, cham-
berlayn regis.

8 William of Worcester, Itinerarium ; fuit occisus Bristolliae in eras
tino Sancti Jacobi. This may be an error for the Thomas Herbert slain
there according to Warkworth, 7.

4 William of Worcester, who also mentions a Thomas Glys.


Hall, the chronicler, therefore, was not far from the
literal truth when he stated that Herbert came " with
the extremity of all his power." He adds that the earl
" was not a little joyous of the king's summons, partly
to deserve the king's liberality which of a mean gentleman
had promoted him to the estate of an earl 1 ."

The earls of Pembroke and Devon came into touch
with their enemv somewhere in the neigh-

A preliminary •> °

skirmish, bourhood of Northampton. On Monday, July

23, the earl of Pembroke's brother, Richard
Herbert, and the earl of Devon, with a strong force of
cavalry went on in advance to reconnoitre. They un-
expectedly collided with the northerners, and a sharp
fight ensued in which a number of Welsh gentlemen were
slain, notably Thomas ap Roger, son of Roger Vaughan
of Bredwardine, Herefordshire. In consequence of this
shock the whole force was compelled to retire 2 , and fell
back upon the main body, which had taken up its quarters
at Banbury 3 .

Meanwhile the northerners must have come into touch
with the citizens of Northampton, and perhaps even with
the earl of Warwick, who could not have been far distant.
The earl, as we have seen, had announced his intention
of being at Canterbury on July 16, his daughter having
been married to Clarence five days before at Calais ; and
he was certainly on the scene the day after the battle.

1 Hall, 273-4.

2 Guto'r Glyn, in Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig, i. 193.

Dyw Hun y bu waed a lladd.
" On Monday there was blood and carnage.'
Ieuan Deulwyn, Bangor Welsh MSS. Society.

Dyw llun rwi'n deall as

Yno yternwyd yn tyrnas.
"On Monday, I understand, our nation was repulsed."
Guto'r Glyn is our authority for the death of this Thomas ap Roger
on the Monday.

Dyw Mawrth gwae ni am Domas;

Dyw Llun, gyda'i frawd, y lias.
" On Tuesday we mourn for Thomas, on Monday he was slain while
fighting at his brother's side."

3 Hall, 273. Warkworth, 7.

E. W. R. 12


It was probably the assurance that they would receive
reinforcements from Northampton that emboldened the
northerners to pursue the royalists, a task which they had
refrained from attempting after the first day's engagement.
It is possible, too, that having ascertained Edward's
whereabouts, they hoped to prevent a junction between
him and his friends by an immediate attack. At any
rate, they moved towards Banbury, and took up a strong
position on the hills around Edgecote Lodge, about five
miles from that town.

If the earl of Pembroke expected support from Edward
„ ' , he was soon to be disillusioned. Most of


and Devon the courtiers had fled. Lord Rivers, whose
influence in that neighbourhood should have
been sufficient to call forth a strong force, had gone to
Chepstow ; others had found refuge in Norfolk " with the
connivance of the king as it is generally said 1 ." To add
to the difficulties of the royalists Pembroke and Devon
engaged in an unseemly quarrel about quarters and a comely
wench. The earl of Devon, it appears, had found lodgings
before Pembroke's arrival ; but the latter managed to
oust him. According to Hall's version, who alone narrates
this incident, Pembroke was the chief offender. A fierce
altercation ensued. " After many words and cracks "
the earl of Devon gave rein to his irritation and marched
away from the battlefield with all his men a distance of
ten or twelve miles 2 . Whatever may be thought of Pem-
broke's arrogance and his indecorous gallantries, nothing
can justify Devon's conduct in allowing a personal insult
to over-ride his loyalty. Less than two months had elapsed
since Edward had bestowed an earldom upon this nobleman.
This defection inflamed the anger of contemporary writers
in Wales more perhaps than the loss of the battle itself ;
and many are the envenomed allusions to it. The death

1 Croyland Continuator, 445—6. Wavrin, 580.

2 Hearne's Fragment, 24. Hall, 273-4. Warkworth, 7.


of the earl of Devon soon afterwards did something to sweeten
Guto'r Glyn's cup of bitterness 1 .

This occurred on July 25, the day before the great
The weish battle, according to Hall, although it seems
attack. more probable that it took place on the 24th,

the day after the first skirmish with the northerners, when
the two sections of the royalists had once more joined
hands. However, on July 25 (Wednesday) the earl of
Pembroke once more offered battle in spite of his ally's
treachery. He may have hoped to destroy the northern
army before any reinforcements should reach them from
Northampton. If he anticipated that they would receive
such assistance his surmise proved to be accurate. There
may be some force, too, in the statement of the English
chronicler that the Welsh, inspired by the prophecies of
their poets that they would one day vindicate their rights,
were impetuous and eager for battle, confident of the issue
" as their unwise prophesiers promised them before."

"The truth is that in those parts and throughout Wales
there is a celebrated and famous prophecy

A prophecy. J

to the effect that, having expelled the English,
the remains of the Britons are once more to obtain the
sovereignty of England, as being the proper citizens thereof.
This prophecy, which is stated in the chronicles of the
Britons to have been pronounced by an angel in the time
of king Cadwalladr, in their credulity receives from them
universal belief. Accordingly, the present opportunity
seeming to be propitious, they imagined that now the long-
wished-for hour had arrived, and used every possible
exertion to promote its fulfilment. However, by the
providence of God, it turned out otherwise, and they

1 Guto'r Glyn, Ceinion Llenyddiaith Gymreig, i. 192, 200.

Ni aned twyll ond ti,

Ni bu unbrad ond Banbri.

Arglwydd difwynswydd Defnsir

A ffoes; ni chaffas oes hir.
"There never was deceit or treachery like that of Banbury. The
earl of Devon fled ; he did not live long afterwards."


remain for the present disappointed of the fulfilment of their
desires 1 ."

Pembroke had no other alternative than to fight. Like
a true soldier he did not think the battle lost


Pembroke until it had been fought. Devon's force had

been withdrawn, including the main body
of archers. The Welsh were now the only loyal troops
in arms. The king was without an effective following
and, as events proved, in extreme personal danger from
the earl of Warwick and his rebels. An inglorious retreat
might have been as disastrous as the battle itself proved
to be. In any case, it would justify Edward in impugning
the loyalty of one upon whom he had lavished unprecedented
wealth and honour. Pembroke was spurred by duty as
well as by his innate courage. On July 25, therefore,
he sent forward his vanguard. Some fighting took place.
Sir Henry Neville, son of Lord Latimer, was taken prisoner
and put to death. The advantage was with the Welshmen,
who succeeded in occupying the hill at Upper Wardington
before the close of the day 2 .

On the following morning, Thursday, July 26, the
„ , , , two armies were in position to renew hostilities.

The battle of r

Edgecote, Hall describes the scene of this day's battle

as " a fair plain near to a town called Hedge-
cote, three miles from Banbury, wherein there be three
hills, not in equal distance, nor yet in equal quantity,
but lying in manner although not fully triangle." Edgecote
lies about five miles from Banbury, almost in a direct line
between it and Northampton. The three hills referred
to are those at Upper Wardington, which we are to under-

1 Croyland Continuator, 446—7.

2 Hall, 273-4. Hearne's Fragment, 24. Guto'rGlyn refers, presumably,
to the death of Sir Henry Neville in the line :

Marchog a las ddyw Mercher.
"A knight was slain on Wednesday" (July 25).
Ieuan Deulwyn also alludes to this fight :

Ag yn nos Iago nesaf.
"On the evening of St James's day."


stand as the west hill ; at Culworth, the east hill ; and
at Thorpe Mandeville, the south hill. From these hills
there extends a gentle slope towards Edgecote and the
river Cherwell, a tributary of the Thames. This was the
" fair plain " or moor, called Danesmoor, which also has
given its name to the battle. Upper Wardington, on which
The the Welshmen were encamped on the morning

battlefield. Q f ^j^ battle, is about three miles from Thorpe

Mandeville where the northerners had taken up their
position, and about a mile from Edgecote. The distance
between Thorpe Mandeville and Edgecote across the moor
is about two and a half miles, and that between Wardington
and Culworth, whence Warwick's auxiliaries advanced,
about three 1 .

On the morning of July 26 the northerners opened the
attack with a shower of arrows. The Welsh,

Richard '

Herbert's being deficient in this arm, were compelled

to abandon their stronghold and descend
to the plain, where a fierce conflict was waged for several
hours. " Pembroke behaved himself like a hardy knight
and expert captain ; but his brother Sir Richard Herbert
so valiantly acquitted himself that with his poleaxe in his
hand he twice by fine force passed through the battle of
his adversaries and returned without mortal wound. When
the Welsh were on the point of victory John Clapham,
esquire, servant of the earl of Warwick, mounted the eastern
hill with only five hundred men and gathered all the rascal
of Northampton and other villages about, bearing before
them the standard of the earl of Warwick with the white
bear, crying, A Warwick ! A Warwick ! 2 "

1 Ramsay's suggestion (vol. 11. 342, note 4) that the action must
have taken place within an area of half a mile, or three-quarters of a mile
at most, in depth, by a quarter of a mile in width, therefore seems wide
of the mark. There were two actions even on this day, the one between
Thorpe and Wardington, and the other between Wardington and Culworth.

2 Hall, 274. Guto'r Glyn states that the action took place on a Thursday :

Duw a ddug y dydd ddyw Iau.
"The field was lost on Thursday."
So, too, Ieuan Deulwyn. There is no reliable authority for the state-


Some writers have maintained that these reinforcements
were royal levies who turned traitors. But, apart altogether
from its' inherent improbability, the assertion is disproved
by Hall, who is substantiated by William of Worcester 1 .

Whatever the strength of these auxiliaries it was sufficient
Death of to num fy the splendid valour of the Welshmen,

Pembroke and w ho broke, fled, were pursued, slain, and

his brother. _ . _

captured in large numbers. About one hundred
and sixty-eight Welshmen of note are said to have fallen 2 .
Pembroke and his brother Richard Herbert were among
the prisoners, and were taken to Banbury. The next day
the earl made a codicil to his will (July 27) . On the following
day both were executed at Northampton by the orders of
Warwick and Clarence without any opportunity of ransom 3 .
" Entreaty was made for Sir Richard Herbert both for his
goodly person which excelled all men there, and also for
his chivalry on the field of battle. The earl when he should
lay down his head on the block said to John Conyers and
Clapham ' Let me die for I am old, but save my brother
which is young, lusty, and hardy, mete and apt to serve
the greatest prince in Christendom.' This battle ever
since has been, and yet is continual grudge between the
northernmen and the Welsh 4 ."

Wavrin 's account 5 of the battle appears to agree in

ment of Oman that Clapham was at the head of the vanguard of the
royal reinforcements, and treacherously fell upon the flank and rear of
the Welsh whom he had come to assist. Oman's Warwick.

1 William of Worcester, Itinerarium, 120-1 ; per exercitum comitis

2 Ibid. 119. Quam plures alii de valoribus gentibus Walliae ad
minimum 168 vel circa. He estimates the slain at 1500 ; Warkworth
at 2000.

3 Croyland Continuator, 446.

* Hall, 275. Cf. Polydore, 122. Wavrin, 584, states that the Herberts
were stoned to death by the people. "Le comte de Warwic commanda
que on les emmenast morir, et ainsi furent les deux bons chevalliers livrez
au peuple, qui piteusement les lapiderent."

6 Wavrin, 581-2. He does not give the name of the stream, but he
obviously refers to the Cherwell. According to this account Devon
retreated on the day of battle when he saw that the northerners had been


the main with that already given. He states that on the
wavrin-s evening before the day of battle a preliminary

account. skirmish took place between the combatants

along the banks of the river Cher well. This was the fight
already alluded to, as a result of which the Welsh occupied
the hill at Upper Wardington. They also seized, according
to Wavrin, the passage over the river, presumably at Edge-
cote, and compelled the northerners to retire with great
loss. This was on the following morning. In the afternoon,
however, the northerners were reinforced to such an extent
that the Welsh were considerably outnumbered, and had
to retreat with immense loss. Thomas ap Roger was slain,
while the two Herberts were taken prisoners.

Guto'r Glyn also gives an interesting account of the
Welsh battle. Judging from its wealth of detail

accounts. an( j ^ s accuraC y on points of chronology,

it must have been obtained from some of the Welshmen
who took part on that fateful day. We have already
quoted largely from him in so far as he is corroborated
by English authorities. Lewis Glyn Cothi alludes to the
Welshmen's onslaught when they cut their way through the
enemy's lines, and is confirmed by the graphic account
given by Hall. He adds that in the heat of battle " amidst
the clash of lance and shield and the loud clangour of
battle, hoarse shouts were heard on every side, some
shouting ' Herbert,' others ' Our Edward ' ; some ' Warwick,'
others ' King Harry 1 .' "

Earl Rivers and his son John were captured at Chepstow
and, having been brought to Kenilworth, were executed

1 The above is a free translation of the lines :
Yno clywid yn unawr
Griaw maes rhwng gwewyr mawr:
Rhai Herbert, rhai 'n Edwart ni,
I aril Warwic, eraill Harri.

Lewis Glyn Cothi, i. 17.
The poet ends his poem by calling upon the three sons of Thomas ap
Roger who, as we have seen, was slain, to take vengeance for their father's
death, The poet was present at this hero's public funeral.


on August 12. The earl of Devon was also taken in Somerset-
shire and put to death at Kenilworth. King Edward was
seized not far from that town.

Of the Welshmen who were either slain at Banbury
The or subsequently put to death, the following

slain - names are given by both William of Worcester

and Warkworth, and they are the only names common
to the two lists : Lord Herbert and his brother Sir Richard
Herbert, Thomas ap Roger Vaughan 1 , Henry Dwnn of
Picton 2 , John Eynon of Pembrokeshire, and William
Herbert half-brother to Lord Herbert 3 . Of the rest, the
following are mentioned by William of Worcester : Richard
Herbert, bastard ; John ap William, a brother of Lord
Herbert, who had fought in France 4 ; John Wogan, son
and heir of Henry Wogan ; William Herbert ap Norman ;

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