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Henry Dwnn of Kidwely ; Thomas ap Harry ; Thomas
Lewis ; William, Lewis, and Thomas Havard ; William,
two Walters, and Henry Morgan ; Thomas Glys ; Hoskyn
Hervey ; Meredith ap Gwilym ; and Thomas Huntley.
Warkworth adds the following : Sir Roger Vaughan ;
Henry Wogan son and heir 5 ; Watkin Thomas, son of Roger
Vaughan 6 ; Ivan ap John of Merwyke ; David ap Jankyn

1 A charter to Neath abbey by the earl of Warwick, June 24, 1468,
is witnessed by Sir Roger Vaughan, chancellor, and Thomas ap Roger,
coroner. Thomas, as we have seen, was slain in battle. Clark, op. cit.

2 See ante for grants to him in South Wales.

3 William of Worcester, I finer avium, 119, says that he was slain at
Bristol on the following day. Warkworth says that it was Thomas Herbert
that was slain there, and that this William was of Brecknock. Hall says
that ten others were executed, but does not give their names.

4 Probably John Gwilym of Ytton. He and Thomas Lewis and
Thomas ap Morgan were on a commission touching felonies in the lordship
of Chepstow, May 11, 1467. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 29.

6 I am inclined to the opinion that Warkworth means the son and
heir of Henry Wogan, i.e. the John Wogan mentioned by William of
Worcester. He was the son of Sir Henry Wogan and Margaret, daughter
of Sir William ap Thomas.

6 He cannot be the son of Thomas ap Roger, for this Watcyn was
addressed by Lewis Glyn Cothi (1. vi) together with his two brothers,
after Banbury. Watcyn, son of Roger Vaughan, was slain in Herefordshire,
perhaps at Mortimer's Cross. He is not specifically mentioned as having
been at Banbury by either Glyn Cothi or Guto'r Glyn, though both mention
Thomas.



viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 185

of Lymerwyke ; John Dwnn of Kidwely ; Rice ap Morgan
of Ilston ; Jankyn Perrott of Scottesburght ; John Contour
of Hereford. Of these it is probable that Sir Roger Vaughan
did not take part in the battle 1 ; he certainly was not slain
there, for Lewis Glyn Cothi calls upon him to avenge Banbury,
and a few years later he was executed by Jasper at Chepstow.
Nor was John Dwnn of Kidwely slain at Banbury, for he,
too, played a prominent part later.

When we contemplate this formidable list of dead,
comprising the cream of the aristocracy of
a national South Wales, it is easy to understand why

the defeat was regarded in Wales as a national
calamity. It was not a party reverse. Of this there
is no suggestion. " Let us hasten to the north to avenge
our country. My nation is destroyed, now that the earl
is slain " said Guto'r Glyn 2 . " This greatest of battles
was lost by treachery ; at Banbury dire vengeance fell
upon Wales " wrote Lewis Glyn Cothi 3 . The defeat con-
vulsed Wales more profoundly than any other battle in
which the Welsh had hitherto been engaged, and evoked
a universal outburst of fierce, passionate, and tearing rage.

It is not difficult to explain the summary execution
Warwick's °f William Herbert by the earl of Warwick,

conduct. ^ a critical period in Herbert's career it was

Warwick, as we have seen, who supplied the bridge over
which he passed to the Yorkist fold ; and Herbert had
become the chief instrument in driving Warwick himself

1 Lewis Glyn Cothi, i. viii. He is not mentioned by William of
Worcester.

2 Awn oil i ddial yn iaith

Ar ddannedd y nordd uniaith.



Ef am Has i a'm nassiwn
Yn awr y lias yr iarll hwn.

Guto'r Glyn; Cein. Lien. Gymreig, 192-3.
Y maes grymusa o gred,
Ac o wall ef a golled.
Yn Manbri y bu'r dial
Ar Gymmru deg, a mawr dal.

Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. 17.



1 86 WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY [ch.

from that very fold. Edward had chosen to entrust to
this meanest born of his courtiers the confidence which
the Nevilles regarded as their right by birth, by wealth,
and by power. Warwick could not forget the part played
by Herbert in displacing his brother from the chancellorship.
It was Herbert's informer, too, who had first openly accused
Warwick of treachery. It was Herbert who had received
the earldom of Pembroke which had long since become
the heritage of scions of the royal house. Warwick had
crossed the Rubicon with the avowed resolve of destroying
him and his associates ; and having once launched his
craft on a sea of disloyalty, he had no logical alternative
but to remove his opponents. We do not thereby justify
his rebellion. But if the above considerations, and the
death of Sir Henry Neville, gave Warwick sufficient cause
for putting the earl of Pembroke to death, for the execution
of Richard Herbert there was not a shadow of justification.
This was the brood of malice.

William Herbert was the ablest of those subtle advisers
who stood around the royal person and gave the reign
its most distinctive constitutional feature. Warwick, doubt-
less, with his glittering phalanx of retainers, dazzled his
contemporaries ; but the statesmanship of the future was
to move along the tortuous paths of intrigue, and to depend
less on the armoury of feudalism than on the intellectual
equipment of royal favourites. The Tudor monarchy
had not yet come, but Edward IV and Herbert were its
harbingers. Herbert had many of the characteristics
of Tudor ministers, not the least of which were his un-
popularity and his devotion to the king's service. He

justified the confidence reposed in him even
estimate of on military grounds ; for at the moment of

greatest peril to the Yorkist dynasty he risked
all while Hastings stood aloof and Lord Rivers took igno-
minious flight. His unpopularity was that of the parvenu
who rises to eminence. The eminent churchman who



viii] WARWICK AND HERBERT— BANBURY 187

said of another distinguished Welshman of the period,
Reginald Pecock, that he was instigated by the devil,
said of Herbert that he was a fierce oppressor of churchmen
and others for many years 1 . But there appears no evidence
to substantiate the allegation. His interest in commerce
coincided with that of Edward and may have inspired it.
It certainly foreshadowed the basis on which England's
greatness was to rest.

It is easy to over-estimate racial characteristics in
judging character. But there were moments in Herbert's
career when the fire and impulsiveness of the Celt dominated
his actions. There is hardly a historic parallel to the
fateful explosion of passion which took place on the roadside
inn on the eve of Banbury, and culminated so tragically
on the morrow. On the other hand, the general tenor of
his conduct along the perilous and giddy paths by which
he ascended to power discloses a cool, calculating circum-
spection. The spite of fortune brought him into conflict
with the most commanding of medieval barons, and few
men would have dogged the track of a Warwick with such
inflexible resolution. The son of a Welsh knight, he forged
a career which made him the first statesman .of a new era,
and the most redoubtable antagonist of the last and most
formidable of the old.

1 Brief Latin Chronicle, 183. Hie W. Harberde, gravissimus et op-
pressor et spoliator ecclesiasticorum et aliorum multorum per annos
multos, hanc tandem, justi Dei judicio pro suis sceleribus et nequiciis
recepit mercedem.



CHAPTER IX

THE RETURN OF JASPER TUDOR— THE COUNCIL
OF THE PRINCE OF WALES

A few days after the defeat of the royalists at Edgecote
Edward himself was taken prisoner at Olney, three miles
west of Kenilworth, and thence removed successively to
Coventry, Warwick, and Middleham. That the king should
thus unceremoniously be paraded over his kingdom at the
whim of one of his subjects revealed the obliquity of the
political situation. Comedy succeeded the tragic excesses
of faction in close proximity.

For the moment Warwick wielded official patronage
by right of conquest, and the discomfiture

Warwick s J ° - 1

interest of the most favoured among his rivals put

virtually within his gift a number of advanta-
geous positions in Wales. Lord Hastings recovered his
former office of chamberlain of North Wales. He was
made also constable of Beaumaris 1 . Severe as had been
the strain upon his loyalty, the earl of Warwick in the moment
of triumph displayed no vindictiveness. The events of
the last few years, nevertheless, must have taught him
that South Wales was a vast field of combustible material
which he should have under his personal control, and his
interest in the lordship of Glamorgan gave him a plausible
excuse for seizing certain offices. He became justiciar
and chamberlain of South Wales, constable of Cardigan
and Carmarthen, steward of the two counties, and seneschal

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 165; August 12, 1469.



ch. ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 189

of Cantref Mawr, the forest of Glyn Cothi, and of the Welsh
courts 1 , offices which had been vacated by the death of
Lord Herbert.

Edward's incongruous position soon came to an end.
He returned to London in October free from the tutelage
of his proud subject, and immediately commenced operations
with his usual vigour in a crisis. Eighteen months of strange
flux and reflux of fortune followed. He sent the following
order to Lord Hastings within a few days of his arrival
in the capital :

" We charge you that ye make proclamations on our
behalf in all necessary places in the shires of Anglesey,
Carnarvon, and Merioneth, that they obey the laws and
pay their duties of the country ther yerely growing as hath
been of old time due and accustomed, certifying us the
names of those who were disobedient ; and inasmuch as
we are informed that Sir Henry Bolde, sheriff of Anglesey,
payeth not his duties belonging to his ofhce of sheriff we
charge you to put another in his place in that office unless
he pays, until ye have other commands from us 2 ."

On November 7 Edward made his brother Richard
Lord Ferrers °hi e f justice of North Wales 3 . In South Wales
of chartiey. Yie re ij e( j largely upon Lord Ferrers of Chartley.
This man had not figured conspicuously for some time,
having been completely overshadowed by Lord Herbert.
But he had served on a number of commissions ; in October
Edward gave him a commission of array in the border
counties, and a few weeks later the constableship and
stewardship of Brecknock, Hay, and Huntingdon during
the minority of the duke of Buckingham 4 , and power to
seize the lands of rebels in the border counties. Lord
Herbert's widow, a sister of Lord Ferrers, received the

1 Ibid. August 17, 1469. Rymer, xi. 647.

2 Welsh MSS. Brit. Museum ; part 1. 1900, 26-7. Edward Owen.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 179. In the previous year he had received the
wardship of the lands of Sir Roger Corbet. Ibid.

* Ibid. October-November, 1469.



igo WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.

custody of her late husband's lands during her son's
minority 1 .

The most consistent Yorkists in West Wales were the
Revolts in Dwnns. In November John Dwnn was ap-

west waies. pointed constable of Haverfordwest, and steward
of Llanstephan and Cilgerran castles. The Lancastrian
malcontents in this remote district chafed at the ominous
rise of the family into favour, and the kindred of Griffith
ap Nicholas under the leadership of his two grandsons,
Morgan ap Thomas and Henry ap Thomas, seized Carmarthen
and Cardigan castles and held them against royal authority 2 .
Richard, duke of Gloucester, was called upon to deal with
the danger, and we may presume that his intervention
reached its mark. We cannot say whether the outbreak
was incited by Warwick and Clarence, but in February
the constableship of Cardigan was taken away from Warwick
and given to the steady Yorkist Sir Roger Vaughan, while
the duke of Gloucester now became chamberlain and
steward of Cantref Mawr and the other estates of the duchy
of Lancaster in those parts 3 . Further to strengthen his
hands in Wales Edward gave John Dwnn, Ferrers, John
Herbert, and the young earl of Pembroke power to array
men for service, and Robert Griffith similar power in Shrop-
shire. Even Lewis Glyn Cothi urges Sir Roger Vaughan
and his son Watkin to stir their kindred on behalf of Edward
and to avenge Banbury 4 .

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 175, 204. Margaret, the wife of Sir Richard Herbert,
was given custody of her son. She afterwards married John Herle. Lord
Herbert, in a codicil which he added to his will on July 27, had given
charge of his son, then nine years of age, to his brother Thomas Herbert,
with a present of "two gilt pots that came last from London, and his
great courser." Collins, Peerage, HI. 113; Warkworth, 44; see also his
will. John Herbert was one of his executors.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 175, 180, 181. Hist. MSS. Commission Report,
I. 407.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, December to February, 1469.

4 Dwnn married a daughter of Hastings. For the prominence of
Dwnn in court functions see Record of " Bluemantle Pursuivant," in English
Historical Literature of the Fifteenth Century, Kingsford. Young Pembroke
was knighted in 1466. In 1470 he was invested with a number of his



ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 191

Meanwhile there had become apparent symptoms of
John impending trouble in various parts of the

Dwnn. kingdom. The most serious outbreak took

place in Lincolnshire early in March, under the leadership
of Sir Robert Welles, one of Warwick's henchmen. The
rebels were scattered in an engagement afterwards known
as Losecoat Field. Next day (March 13) " the king, nothing
mistrusting the duke (Clarence) and the earl, sent from
Stamford toward them John Dwnn, one of the squires
of his body, with two letters in his own hand, telling them
to come to him and disband their levies. John Dwnn
found them at Coventry. The duke and the earl told
him that they would come to the king with a thousand
or at most fifteen hundred men. Dwnn, noticing that
they were not going in the direction of the king, told them
of it 1 ." In fact they took the road to Burton to gather
troops. Edward thereupon proclaimed them traitors.

They fled to France, where the cynical Louis XI contrived
Warwick to DI "i n § th em and Queen Margaret into line,

allies with The queen and Jasper met their new allies at

Jasper. .

Amboise and came to an understanding — a sort
of paradox which, though temporarily successful, produced
another furious conflagration. The alliance was sealed by
the betrothal of Margaret's son to Warwick's daughter,
Anne 2 . In due time Jasper and other Lancastrian leaders
prepared to launch their craft on an unfathomable sea
of uncertainties, piloted by their erstwhile enemy. They
landed at Dartmouth on September 13 and proclaimed
Henry king. Edward was taken unawares and, being
deserted by his northern followers, narrowly escaped capture
by crossing the sea. Warwick marched leisurely to London
and restored Henry VI. For this reason, and for no other,

father's offices. Ferrers was made sheriff of Carnarvon and master-forester
of Snowdon in 1470. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim. Wethamstede, n. 103.
Rymer, xi. 656. Lewis Glyn Cothi, 1. viii.

1 Rebellion in Lincolnshire, Camden Miscellany, 1. 10-12, No. 39.

8 Warkworth, 12. Polydore Vergil, 13 1-2.



IQ2 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.

can the earl of Warwick be called the king-maker. For,
as we have seen, he cannot justly claim to have placed
„._.., Edward IV on the throne. When Edward

The title of

"King. was proclaimed king, Warwick was virtually

a fugitive seeking shelter beneath his standard.
To attribute the victory of Towton to Warwick is to discount
unjustifiably the generalship of Edward who was admittedly
the better soldier. And with regard to this second en-
thronement of Henry, it was so fleeting that a title based
upon it becomes a grotesque caricature.

The government of the kingdom now devolved upon
jasper in Warwick and Jasper Tudor. The latter, with

Wales. discerning promptitude, returned to Wales.

We find him at Monmouth on December 16, writing to his
devoted follower, John Puleston, appointing him sheriff
of Flint " for his good services 1 ." On January 23 he was
commissioned to array South Wales and the Marches.
On February 14 he took the constableship of Gloucester 2 .
At Pembroke he found his nephew Henry, earl of Richmond,
" who was kept in manner like a captive but well and
honourably educated by Lady Herbert 3 ." The tale runs
that he took him to London and presented him to Henry
who foretold that he would heal the breach between the
factions. This prophecy was of course manufactured after
the accession of the Tudors.

In March, 1471, Edward returned, landing at Ravenspur.

With cool audacity he prevailed upon the

citizens of York to receive him, not as king,

but as a loyal subject of Henry VI. He then passed on by

a circuitous route to London, which he reached on April 11.

1 The original letter is printed in Arch. Cambrensis, 1. i. 146-7.

2 Rymer, XI. 680-1. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 233, 236, 252.

8 Hall, 285-7. Polydore, 134-5. According to a petition of Sir Richard
Corbet to Henry VII, Corbet brought Richmond to Hereford after the
death of Lord Herbert at Banbury, and there handed him over to Jasper.
But Jasper was out of England during that campaign. If it refers to
1471 the petition is very vague and loose. Owen and Blakeway, Shrews-
bury, 1. 248.



ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 193

His backsliding brother Clarence had now come over to
his side. Three days later, on Easter day, Edward and
Warwick met at Barnet. After a few hours' fight Edward's
strategy prevailed and the earl was slain. That afternoon
Edward marched back to London in triumph. He was
accompanied by the young earl of Pembroke 1 . The victory
kindled a bright flame of enthusiasm in Wales ; for Guto'r
Glyn, one of the most representative writers of the period,
regarded it as an occasion for national rejoicing and the
death of Warwick as just retribution for the death of
Herbert 2 .

Margaret landed at Weymouth on the day of Barnet.
Her chances of success, now very remote, depended largely
on her being able to unite her forces with those of Jasper
Tudor in Wales. The latter had raised Herefordshire
and had seized the castles of Richard Grey, Lord Powys.
Edward relied upon Sir Roger Vaughan assisted by Devereux,
Roger Kynaston, and Richard Corbet, to thwart the efforts of
Jasper, while he himself, having assembled a great muster at
Windsor, advanced by long, rapid strides against Margaret 3 .

News of the crushing blow to her cause at Barnet reached
the queen soon after her landing. At Cerne abbey she
took counsel with Somerset and other Lancastrian leaders.
It is generally assumed that Jasper came from Wales to
take part in the conference. But contemporary writers
are silent with regard to any such movement on his
part, and such an enterprise was practically impossible
in so short a time ; for only nineteen days intervened
between Margaret's landing and the battle of Tewkesbury,

1 Political Songs and Poems, II. 280.

2 Ode to Roger Kynaston :

Llyma faes llawen fu ynn



Ar ddyw Pasc arwydd paham
I dialedd Duw William.
"This was a happy victory. On Easter day God avenged William."
The poem adds that Roger went to meet Edward on his return from
abroad.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, March- April. Rymer, XI. 681.



E. W. R.



13



194 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.

which hardly sufficed for the news to reach Jasper in Wales
and for him to travel to the south of England and again
return to levy troops.

Having gathered a considerable army in Somerset,
Tewkesbury, Wilts, and Dorset, the Lancastrians marched
May 4,1471. towards Gloucester "trusting to be assisted
by Welshmen by means of Jasper Tudor who had been
sent to array them 1 ." But Edward came across their path
at Tewkesbury, and completely routed them. Margaret
was taken ; and her son Edward, who seems to have fallen
into the hands of Sir Richard Croft, was slain. So also
weish was William Hanmer, probably a member of

knights. £h at devoted North Wales Lancastrian house 2 .

But Wales was more conspicuously represented on the
side of the victors. John Dwnn and Roger Kynaston
were knighted on the field of battle 3 .

The hopes of Lancaster once more found refuge in Wales,
jasper's I n spite of the vicissitudes of a long and bitter

activity. experience Jasper's faith in the ultimate success

of his cause remained constant and undimmed. It was his
lot again to avoid the zone of greatest peril, and with
prescient wisdom he rescued his party from a third con-
secutive calamity. He was at Chepstow on his way to join
the queen when he received news of the fight at Tewkesbury.
To retrace his steps and spin new webs was therefore the
better course. Rumours of risings in other parts of the
country prevented Edward advancing to Wales, though
spies had kept him well informed about the movements of
the Welsh Lancastrians 4 . He commissioned Sir Roger



1 Arrival of King Edward IV, 22-27, Hall, 297. Croyland Continuator.

2 Paston Letters, m. 8-9.

3 Kynaston was made sheriff of Merionethshire for life in 1473, a
former grant to him of that office having been annulled by a grant made
in the same parliament to the Prince of Wales. He also became constable
of Harlech. Paston Letters, in. 8-9. Cal. Pat. Rolls, passim.

4 Restoration of Edward IV, 27. Polydore, 154-5. Hall, 302-3. As
we have seen he was commissioned to array South Wales for Edward on
April 25. See a poem on Roger Vaughan by Huw Cae Llwyd.



ix] WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR 195

Vaughan ' ' a man there both strong of people and of friends
to the intent by some guile or engine suddenly to surprise
and trap the earl." But Jasper was sufficiently powerful to
overawe South Wales. He seized Roger Vaughan and put
him to death at Chepstow. But the bishop of Llandaff,
who seems to have assisted Jasper, lost the temporalities of
his see, though on the accession of Henry VII Jasper gave
ample proofs of reciprocal gratitude in lavish grants to
the cathedral, which still cherishes his name 1 .

From Chepstow Jasper retreated to Pembroke. It has
been said that he was there besieged "with ditch and trench"
by Morgan ap Thomas, a grandson of Griffith ap Nicholas,
and a supposed adherent of the House of York ; and that
Morgan's brother David, a Lancastrian, contrived to gather
a strong force, securing many of his brother's supporters by
disseminating a false report that Morgan did not really
wish to capture Jasper, but only to make a pretence of
investing him ; and that thus with the assistance of a rude
rabble armed with hooks, prongs, and glaives, he succeeded
in rescuing him after a siege of eight days 2 . But it may be
well to observe that this family had been consistent sup-
porters of Jasper, and that only in the previous December
this Morgan ap Thomas had given conspicuous manifesta-
tions of hostility to Edward's government. Moreover, if
Jasper could have held his own in East Wales where the
Herberts and Vaughans were all-powerful, he was not
likely to find much difficulty in the west.

Jasper sailed from Tenby to Brittany, taking with him
his nephew, the earl of Richmond. They found refuge
with Duke Francis II 3 . The escape of Henry, which proved

1 Rymer. Proceedings of the Privy Council. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1471.
Cardiff Records, iv. 40. Jasper gave the bells to Llandaff cathedral, and
to numerous churches in Glamorgan : Cardiff, Cowbridge, Aberdare,
Llantwit, St Fagans, Gelligaer, Llancarvan, etc.

2 Polydore, 155-6. Hall, 302-3.

3 Restoration of Edward IV. Warkworth seems to suggest that
Henry of Richmond had come over from France with Jasper and Warwick.
Stowe states that Jasper found him at Raglan. See also Polydore, 158-9,
and note above.

13—2



196 WARWICK AND JASPER TUDOR [ch.

to be a far more momentous stroke than Jasper could have
foreseen, was galling to Edward, who made

Jasper and " "

Richmond immediate efforts to get hold of him and his

in Brittany. . ,

elusive uncle. He sent secret messengers to
the duke of Brittany, offering lavish rewards for their
apprehension and delivery ; to which the duke replied
that he could not honourably surrender them, but promised
to guard them vigilantly so as to prevent them engaging
in any movement hostile to Edward's government. Edward
sent again " promising yearly to reward him with a full
hand and a well-stuffed purse." A rumour took wing
that Edward was likely to succeed before the year was
out : ' ' Men say that the king will have delivery of him
(Jasper) hastily ; and some say that the king of France will
see him safe and shall set him at liberty again 1 ."

During the next few years Edward's friends in Wales
obtained their rewards 2 . Robert Dwnn was made constable
of Cardigan. John, earl of Shrewsbury, became chief
justice of North Wales, with power to suppress rebels.


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