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The earl of Pembroke entered into most of his father's
offices " without proof of age 3 ." William Vaughan received
an annuity from Glasbury and other manors in Brecknock.
Others who received favours were : Thomas Vaughan, son
and heir of Sir Roger Vaughan ; David Middleton ; John
Howel of Montgomery ; William Herbert, son and heir of
Sir Richard Herbert 4 ; Sir John Dwnn ; Hugh Conway ; Rice
Griffith ; Richard ap Rhys ; and Lord Ferrers of Chartley.
The Stanleys were invested with considerable power in

1 Paston Letters, Sept. 28, 1471, and November 4, 1472, in. 59. Issues,
11 Edward IV. Hall, 302-3. Polydore, 158-9.

2 Rot. Pari. 12-13 Edward IV, 46-76, and passim. Cal. Pat. Rolls,
June-August, 1471.

3 He shared with the duke of Gloucester the offices of chief justice and
chamberlain of South Wales. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 275 etc.

* In July 1471, John Devereux and John Herbert were ordered to
find out what lands belonged to the late Richard Herbert in Herefordshire.
They both with Thomas Perot, John Wynne, Thomas Vaughan (son of
Sir Roger Vaughan), and Thomas Morgan were on various commissions of
array in Wales and the borders in 1472.


North Wales and Anglesey. On August 27, 1471, Lord
Ferrers and the earl of Pembroke were given authority to
pardon all rebels except Jasper Tudor, the earl of Exeter,
John Owen, Hugh Mulle, and Thomas Fitzharry 1 .

The chief interest of the latter part of the reign of Edward
The ad- IV in its bearing upon Wales lies in the attempts

£fThf ratl ° n made to secure a more effective administration
Marches. f ^g i aw T^g government of Wales was a

thorny question, and Edward was no doubt conscious of
the magnitude of the task of initiating reforms. Since
the time when Earl Warrenne defied Edward I with a
rusty sword no king had seriously contemplated any radical
changes in the administration of the Marches. The privy
council of Henry VI groped along many obscure paths
before it hit upon the principle of a separate council,
which adumbrated what proved to be the real solution. But
though the shaft travelled in the right direction it had not
sufficient momentum to reach its aim. Years of almost
incessant warfare had now wrought abiding change. Though
the traditional privileges of the lord-marcher were not yet
effete, and alien officials were as narrow and irascible as
ever, the numbers of the former had ominously declined,
whereas the opponents of the latter had gathered sufficient
confidence to render the irritating anti-Welsh laws an
anachronism. Moreover, Wales had almost become one
vast lordship-marcher. The broad lands of the duchy of
Lancaster had fallen to the Yorkist Edward. The rich
lordship of Glamorgan had met a similar fate. So that the
king, already lord of the Mortimer estates, stood unassailable
even as a lord-marcher, his only imposing rival being the
duke of Buckingham.

As the chief seat of the Mortimers was Ludlow, that
town became a sort of capital for Wales and the Marches
when Edward conceived the happy idea of making it a
residence for the Prince of Wales, to whom he gave a

1 Rymer, xi. 719.


separate court. The heir-apparent was created Prince of
Wales on Tune 26, 1471. He was then nine

The Council u ~ ri

of the Prince years of age. In July 1 he received a formal
grant of the principality of Wales and the
counties-palatine of Chester and Flint ; and a council was
assigned to him for the management of his household and
the general control of his education, the chief members
of which were the queen, the archbishop of Canterbury,
the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, Earl Rivers, Lord
Hastings, and Thomas Vaughan, the prince's chamberlain.
Any four of these could form a quorum, and their authority
was to continue till the prince was fourteen years of age 2 .

The position of Edward as the most considerable of the
lords-marcher would naturally invest the council with
authority over the greater part of Wales. And there was
plenty of work to do, for the volcanoes of anarchy were
active. In July it was reported that "the Walyshemen be
busy ; what they meane I can not seye " ; while in the
following January the king himself intended going to Wales 3 .

Further general instructions were issued to the council
in February, 1473. In the spring of the same year its
activity was directed specifically to the pacification of the
Marches. This appears to have been its first organised
effort in the suppression of disorder. The circumstances
were as follows :

"On account of the robberies and murders especially in
the counties of Hereford and Salop as well by men of those
shires as by men of the Marches of Wales, for which before

1 July 17, 1471. The council was ordained on July 8. Cal. Pat.
Rolls, 283.

* Other members were Robert Stillington, bishop of Bath and Wells,
the abbot of Westminster, Lord Dacres, Sir John Fogge, Sir John Scotte,
John Alcock, and Richard Forster. The appointment of Thomas Vaughan
as chamberlain to the prince "who is so young and tender of age that he
cannot guide himself" is noted again in January, 1474. In July of that
year record is made of a house built by him at great cost within Westminster
abbey for him and the prince. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 414, 455. Grants of
Edward V, vm. For other ordinances see Halliwell, Letters of the Kings
of England, I.

* Paston Letters, in. 11.


there was no penalty or remedy, the king sent his queen
and the prince with many lords spiritual and temporal, and
judges, as commissioners to inquire and determine these
defaults ; and furthermore for the reformation of the same
within the said shires." The lords put their commission
into execution at Hereford. Inquiries were made by a
grand jury of 18 knights and squires in one inquest ; "which
persons with great difficulty and long tarrying at last
appeared before the said commissioners, and before taking
oaths said openly in the presence of the commissioners that
they dared not tell the truth for dread of murder, and to be
mischieved in their own houses, considering the great
number of misdoers and the bearers up of the same." Before
presenting they demanded a special pledge "of the king's
good grace and assistance of the lords," and a promise that
the persons presented should not be lightly delivered without
due examination. Certain individuals were thereupon
indicted before William Alyngton, justice of the peace for
Hereford, and the records were delivered to the king's bench.
In spite of this, at the sessions held at Ross, in Hereford-
shire, "on the Thursday before the Feast of All Hallows,"
1473, before Thomas Braynton and John Wynne, justices
of gaol delivery, a number of miscreants were secretly
acquitted 1 .

There is no reason to suppose that the lawlessness here
Rhys a P referred to had anything to do with the decrepit

Thomas. cause of Lancaster, or with the machinations of

the duke of Clarence who was now restive and quarrelsome 2 .
It was probably nothing more than a local riot. Miles ap
Harry of Newcourt, the only man of position among the

1 Rot. Pari. vi. 159-60. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 366. Paston Letters, m.
83. Their names were Miles ap Harry, Robert ap Rosser, John Vawr,
Morgan Vaughan, Henry ap Roger, and about eighteen others, mostly
yeomen and labourers.

2 Ramsay seems to associate the two. It will be recollected that the
duke of Clarence, in spite of his previous desertion and subsequent re-
conciliation with Edward, quarrelled again with his brother, and was put
to death.


accused, had been an associate of the Herberts in similar
trouble in 1457. He received a formal pardon in June,
1473. There was also some trouble in West Wales where
Rhys ap Thomas, grandson of Griffith ap Nicholas, who
afterwards figured prominently in the general history of
the times, took the lead. One of the charges against him on
this occasion was that he entered into his inheritance without
licence 1 . These events, if only of local significance, were
not without anxiety to Edward, for in the Easter of this
year the prince and his court could not leave Wales 2 .

In the winter there was further disorder in which the
Herberts were concerned ; and an order was issued to Lord
Rivers, Walter Devereux, John Devereux, and Richard
Croft to array the county of Hereford to suppress them
"because they did not appear before the king and council
when summoned, to answer for divers offences committed
by them in Wales and the Marches, but withdrew to
Wales and stirred up rebellion 3 ."

In 1475 we have another illuminating document :
"Whereas there have been perpetrated great and heinous
complaints of robberies, murders, manslaughters, ravishing
of women, burning of houses by the inhabitants of the
Marches and now of late by errant thieves and rebellious of
Oswestry hundred and Chirksland ; for redress of same I
am commanded to assemble the people to punish the
misdoers, and I entrust Thomas, marquis of Dorset and
Richard Grey, knight, to do the same. Therefore all men
in your bailiwick between 60 and 16 should array them-
selves as soon as possible 4 ."

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 360, 388.

2 Paston Letters, in. 83, April 2, 1473.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls, February, 1474. The rebels were William Herbert,
John Herbert, and Thomas Herbert, two natural sons; and John and
Roger, two sons of Roger Vaughan. Paston Letters, in. 107.

For the Welshmen who took part in Edward's expedition to France
in 1475 see Rymer, 846.

4 Letter of Prince Edward to the Shrewsbury bailiffs from Ludlow,
June 8, 1475. Owen and Blakeway's Shrewsbury, 252.


The king summoned the council of the prince to be at
Ludlow on March 24, 1476, to discuss with

Concentration .

of authority the lords of the Marches, to whom the king
had sent separately, the best means of restoring
order, intimating that he would be there after Easter 1 .
In 1478 he required the earl of Pembroke to exchange that
earldom for that of Huntingdon, assigning as his reason
that it was "for the reformation of the wele publique,
restfull governance, and ministration of justice in South
Wales ; and for the satisfaction of grete and notable sommes
of money diewe by the said earl of Huntingdon" to the king 2 .
The earldom of Pembroke was given to the Prince of Wales.
With a similar object the king purchased Holt castle from
Lord Abergavenny.

These fragmentary details serve to prove how active
were they who would establish the negation of order. They
manifest also a sincere desire on the part of Edward to
evolve order out of chaos. And there seems no doubt that
he was to some extent successful, for we hear very little of
riots and disorder during the last few years of his reign.

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 574.

2 Rot. Pari. 203. Lords Report, Appendix, v. 417, 419. Ramsay,
11. 431. See also Cal. Pat. Rolls, 566.

In the ordinances for the prince's council in 1473 a more special charge
was given to Rivers and John Alcock than in 1471. In November of that
year Rivers was made the prince's governor and Alcock the president
of the council. In January. 1476, the prince was made justiciar of Wales;
and in December he was given power to appoint justices in the principality
and the Marches. In 1478 the council drew up certain regulations for
the better government of Shrewsbury. See the Cymmrodor, xn.-xv.
Welsh MSS., British Museum, Part 1. 1900.



We need not enter into the general history of the reign
of Richard III, except in so far as that may be necessary to
explain events in Wales. At the time of his father's death
Prince Edward was at Ludlow with his uncle Earl Rivers,
Sir Thomas Vaughan " an aged knight 1 ," and other members
of his council. They left immediately for London. Richard,
duke of Gloucester, who was at York, also hurried to the
capital. At Northampton he met Henry, duke of Bucking-
ham, "with whom the duke of Gloucester had long confer-
ence, in so muche that as is commonly believed he even
then discovered to Henry his intent of usurping the king-
dom 2 ." Buckingham had lived in obscurity during Edward
IV's reign although he had married the queen's sister,
Catherine Woodville.

The prince's party had reached Stony Stratford when
Rivers and Vaughan were seized by Gloucester and the
council of the prince dismissed. The queen, on being
informed of these proceedings, took sanctuary at West-
minster. Shortly after reaching London Richard was made
Protector. He was assisted in his designs by Lord Stanley,
the son of the man who was guilty of double-dealing at
Bloreheath. Stanley was justiciar of Chester, and he had
married Margaret, the countess of Richmond. He was
thus step-father to Henry Tudor.

1 Croyland Continuator, 486; miles senilis aetatis.

2 Polydore, 174.

ch. x] HENRY TUDOR 203

But of Richard's accomplices the most favoured was the
The duke of Buckingham. In his anxiety to carry

duke of the duke with him Richard sacrificed the

Buckingham. , ...

advantages which Edward IV had gained in
Wales by concentrating authority in royal hands, for he
made Buckingham chief justice and chamberlain of North and
South Wales, and constable of all the royal castles in Wales
and the border counties — Carmarthen, Pembroke, Cardigan,
Aberystwyth, Tenby, Dynevor, Cilgerran, Llanstephan, Wal-
wyn's Castle, Haverfordwest, Narberth, Builth, Monmouth,
Usk, Caerleon, Dinas, Ewyas Lacy, Ludlow, Clifford,
Radnor, Montgomery, Wigmore, Carnarvon, Conway, Beau-
maris, Harlech, Denbigh, and Holt ; he had power to
garrison these forts, to appoint sheriffs and other officials ;
to take the customs at Tenby and Milford ; and to
levy troops. He was made steward and seneschal of the
vast Mortimer estates and of the lands of the duchy of
Lancaster 1 .

Certain precautionary measures were taken to secure the
effective transference of this authority. Thus Richard
sent the following order to the auditors of Wales : ' ' We
considering that the due shall sustain great costs in executing
his authority have granted that he have and retain in his
own hands such money as he shall receive to our use by reason
of the said office of chamberlain." The inhabitants of
Gower were charged to vacate all offices in that seigniory, to
take the duke of Buckingham as their ruler, and to suffer
any whom he would appoint to enter into their tasks
" peasibly without interruption." Hugh Bulkeley, the
deputy-constable of Conway, was not disposed to acquiesce
in the new arrangements, and Richard wrote to Hugh's
father, William, telling him to see that his son gave up
possession of the castle. A mandate was given to the
people of Carnarvonshire to assist the duke as their sheriff.

1 Rymer, xn. 180. Grants of Edward V, 7-10, May 15. Ibid. 13.

204 HENRY TUDOR [ch.

Somewhat similar measures were taken in Pembroke and
the Forest of Dean 1 .

Meanwhile the revolution which Richard and Buckingham
Richard contemplated was rapidly maturing, and the

becomes latter summoned troops from Wales. The young

king was now removed to the Tower and dis-
appeared. Richard preferred a charge of treason against
Lord Hastings and summarily put him to death. John
Morton, bishop of Ely, who might have proved an obstacle,
was sent to Brecon a prisoner. A few days later the queen
was prevailed upon to give up her second son, the duke
of York, who was with her in sanctuary. Buckingham
received him in Westminster Hall and handed him over to
Richard, by whom he was placed in the Tower to share his
brother's fate. Then Shaw preached a notorious sermon in
St Paul's advocating the claims of Richard to the throne ;
after which Buckingham held a meeting of the citizens in
the Guildhall where he made an eloquent appeal to the
Protector to accept the crown. Richard thereupon became
king on June 26. About the same time Sir Thomas
Vaughan was put to death at Pontefract, Lord Rivers
having suffered a similar fate 2 .

Buckingham continued to advance in favour. In June
he was made great chamberlain, and shone conspicuously
at the coronation festivities. It was he who bore the king's
train in the procession from the palace to the abbey. In
July his powers in Wales were confirmed and he became
constable of England. He accompanied the king in his
progress westwards immediately after the coronation, but
at Gloucester he took leave of Richard and retired to Brecon.
His departure was the beginning of Richard's anxieties 3 .

1 Grants of Edward V, May. Excerpta Historica, 17. Richard
Williams was constable of St Briavel in the Forest of Dean. In Pembroke
the king relied upon Richard Newton, Richard Mynors, Hugh Huntley,
and the Perot family.

2 Polydore, 182. A monument was erected to Vaughan in the chapel
of St Paul's, Westminster Abbey.

8 Cal. Pat. Rolls, July 15. Hall, 382.


From that moment Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond,
H nr becomes the central figure in the opposition to

ear! of the new king. Buckingham and Morton had

Richmond. ° °

not been long together at Brecon before they
agreed upon a combined movement to dethrone Richard,
place Henry on the throne, and marry him to Elizabeth of
York, daughter of Edward IV. The late king, as we have
seen, had made repeated attempts to get hold of Henry.
In 1476 he had sent Dr Styllington and two others to
Brittany "laden with great substance of gold, and that his
demand might seem more honest he commanded them to tell
the duke that he desired earl Henry because he might make
some match with him in marriage, by affinity, whereof the
roots of the adverse faction might be utterly pulled up."
The duke at first refused, but "at the last, wearied with
prayer and vanquished with price, he delivered the earl to
the ambassadors, not supposing that he had committed the
sheep to the wolf, but the son to the father, as one who
thought that king Edward meant simply to marry with
Henry, Elizabeth, his eldest daughter." Richmond was
taken to St Malo whence he was to be shipped to England.
But at that place Henry was overtaken by fever " through
agony of mind" which necessitated the postponement of
the voyage across the channel. Meanwhile it was represented
to the duke by John Chenlet what was likely to be the fate
of Henry if he fell into Edward's hands, for Henry VI had
recently been put to death. In consequence of these
representations the duke once more yielded and sent Peter
Landois "who, counterfeiting some business, while that by
long talk devised of purpose he hindered them of their
intended voyage, he caused earl Henry, almost dead, to be
brought politicly into a most sure sanctuary within the
said town and not long after reduced him again to the duke 1 ."
Henry and his Lancastrian friends were now joined by
the Woodvilles whom Richard's tyranny had sent abroad.

1 Polydore, 164-6; Hall, 322-3; Rymer, xn. 22-24.

206 HENRY TUDOR [ch.

Soon after his accession, therefore, Richard sent Thomas
Hutton to Brittany instructing him to propose a conference
on commercial affairs between England and the duchy and
"to understand the mind and disposition of the duke anent
Sir Richard Woodville and his retinue, and to enserche and
know if there be intended any enterprise out of land upon
any part of this realm, certifying with all diligence all the
news and disposition there from time to time 1 ."

Some weeks elapsed before the duke replied that the
king of France had made him substantial offers for the
delivery of Henry and threatening war if he refused ; and
that alone the duke would not be able to withstand the might
of France, but would be compelled to deliver Henry unless
Richard sent him 4000 English archers paid for six months,
and if necessary 2000 or 3000 more at the duke's expense.
If Richard agreed to this he would await the fortunes of
war rather than deliver Henry 2 . Whether the duke was
sincere in his protestations may be doubted ; for he actually
authorised his treasurer to lend Henry ten thousand crowns
of gold to enable him to join Buckingham's enterprise
against Richard.

The causes which led Buckingham to desert Richard
Buckingham's are obscure. It has been said that the king
conspiracy. j^ re f use d him the Lancastrian half of the
Bohun estates in the Marches 3 , which had become vested in
the Crown, the other half being already held by Buckingham
as heir of Eleanor Bohun and Thomas of Woodstock. But
Richard had virtually conceded this demand in July. It is
probable that, being aware of the murder of the two princes
in the Tower, Buckingham joined a widespread conspiracy
which had already been set on foot by the Lancastrians and

1 Letters, etc., Richard III, 1. 22-23. Polydore, 191.

2 Letters, etc., 39-43 ; 54.

3 Humphrey Bohun, earl of Hereford, left two daughters, Mary and
Eleanor. Mary married Henry IV, and so her part of the inheritance
had become vested in the Crown. Eleanor married Thomas of Woodstock,
earl of Buckingham, and her portion had descended to Henry, the present
duke of Buckingham.


the discontented Woodvilles to place Edward V on the
throne ; and that plan having fallen through by the death
of Edward, he entered into Morton's project at Brecon of
placing Henry of Richmond on the throne.

It is certain that while Buckingham and Morton were
maturing their plans in Wales, Queen Elizabeth and Henry's
mother, Margaret, were plotting in London on the same lines
through the medium of a learned Welsh physician named
Lewis. When the queen had fully concurred Margaret
summoned her friends, raised money, and appointed her
servant Reginald Bray to be her chief agent in the con-
spiracy. She sent Hugh Conway to Brittany with a large
sum of money, telling him to advise Henry "to arrive in
Wales where he should find aid in readiness." When
Richard became aware of the conspiracy Buckingham was
summoned to court but excused himself " alleging infirmity
of stomach 1 ." On October 15 Richard issued a proclama-
tion against him.

Three days later there were simultaneous revolts at
Exeter, Salisbury, and Brecon. From Brecon the duke
marched towards the Severn with an army of Welshmen
"whom he as a sore and hard-dealing man had brought to
the field against their wills and without any lust to fight for
him, rather by rigorous commandment than for money 2 ."
Buckingham's movements were made known to Richard
who contrived that armed men should be set around him.
In Wales the king relied upon Thomas, son of Sir Roger
Vaughan, and his kinsmen. They were to hang on his rear
if he should endeavour to advance from Brecon across the
border, while Humphrey Stafford was to watch the passes
over the Wye and the Severn. Buckingham managed to

1 Polydore, 195-8. Croyland, 491-2. For Hugh Conway see ante.
He was treasurer at Calais under Henry VII. He was previously keeper
of the wardrobe, and in i486 commissioner of mines. Letters of Richard
III, etc. 1. 231; Campbell, 1. 26, 317. Rot. Pari. 250, 361. Reginald
Bray was afterwards knighted. Rot. Pari. 342.

2 Polydore, 199. Croyland. Rot. Pari. vi. 245.

208 HENRY TUDOR [ch.

reach Weobley, the home of Lord Ferrers 1 , where he had
to remain for ten days on account of the floods, which
carried away bridges, and otherwise made it impossible for
him to cross into England. Gradually this enforced
inactivity demoralised his army which, having lingered idly
and without money, victuals, or wages, suddenly departed.
Morton made good his escape to Brittany. Buckingham
fled in disguise to Shrewsbury, and was sheltered for some
time by Ralph Bannister. Being discovered he was brought
to Richard at Salisbury by John Mytton, sheriff of Shrop-
shire, and executed in the market-place there 2 .

It appears that Buckingham had shown favour to the
The Vaughans and might reasonably have counted

vaughans. upon their assistance. But no sooner was he

well out of reach than they attacked Brecon and robbed
the place.

"Before my Lord of Buckingham departed out of Weobley
Brecon was robbed, and the young ladies and gentlemen
were brought to Sir Thomas Vaughan's place, the traitor
who was the captain of the said robbing, with Roger Vaughan
of Talgarth his brother, and Watkin Vaughan his brother,
and John Vaughan ; having been rewarded by my lord
every one of them, and the least of them had £10 of fee of
my lord with other diverse gentlemen which some been
alive and some dead 3 ."

The Vaughans then went in pursuit of the duke and Sir
William Knyvett, a gentleman whom Richard had made

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