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numbers of troops raised during these wars.

3 Hall, 226 ; Fabyan, 626-7.

4 Privy Seals and Wardrobe Accounts.

6 The pardon was subsequently confirmed in the parliament which met
immediately after the first battle of St Albans, 1455. Rot. Pari. v.


feitures 1 " ; and shortly before to Owen ap Griffith, the
son of Griffith ap Nicholas, and Philip ap Rees, " for tres-
passes against the statute of liveries 2 ." These were also the
outcome of the king's visit, and may reasonably be regarded
as part of a deliberate plan to conciliate the minor gentry
Herbert and undermine the predominant influence of the

implicated. duke of Yor k. Whether these had shared in
York's immature enterprise the previous winter is a matter
of conjecture. There is a strong presumption that William
Herbert was implicated. We have seen that he accompanied
York to the west in the previous year. He was also on terms
of intimacy with Devereux. Moreover, there is extant a
proclamation against him in which he is denounced as
a notable rebel and forbidding any to give him encouragement
or support. The proclamation is undated ; but as this
appears to have been the only occasion on which he was
thus circumstanced, the reference is doubtless to his associa-
tion with York 3 .

Further to strengthen and consolidate South Wales in
the interest of the Crown, the kins: conferred

Jasper Tudor °

made eari the earldom of Pembroke upon his half-brother

Jasper Tudor, Edmund at the same time receiv-
ing the earldom of Richmond 4 . Their titles and legitimacy
were confirmed in the parliament which met at Reading,

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1452-1461, 17. Dated Oct. io, 1452.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls, Sept. 30, 1452, 17. It appears that the earl of
Warwick was at Cardiff on October 31, 1452. Clark, Glamorgan Charters,

3 " Rex Vicecomiti London — nos nuper per considerantes quae et
quanta mala gravamina Willus Herberd, miles ligeis et subgitis uris in
diversis partibus fecit et perpetravit per vobis precepimus quod statim
post receptam in singulis locis infra civitatem, praedictam et suburbia
ejusdem publice proclamari faciatis.

Ne quis prefato Willo aliquod receptamentum aut auxilium praebit —
sed ipsum Willum tanquam notabilem rebellem ab orani gratia nostra —
privatum fore et exemptum habeat et reputat." Clans Rerum, 300.

4 As has already been stated William of Worcester gives an earlier
date. But the date of Edmund's charter is Nov. 23, 1452, and the two
may have been ennobled at the same time. Jasper's creation appears
under a parliamentary ratification of both titles on March 6, 1453. See
Paston Letters, II. 285. Rot. Pari. 250.

E. W. R. 6


March 6, 1453 l . In this declaration the name of their
father, Owen Tudor, is significantly omitted, although there
is a veiled reference to the fact that some of their ancestors
were not English born, and to the disability under which
they might have laboured as Welshmen 2 , disabilities which
perhaps occasioned this strange declaration. It states that
the king confers these grants upon his half-brothers of his
own free will, and not at the instance of any other person.
They were to take precedence of all other earls 3 .

It is important to observe that the earldom of Pembroke
was given to Jasper in spite of Margaret's having hitherto
enjoyed the issues thereof 4 . The important castles of
Pembroke, Tenby, Cilgerran, and Llanstephan were now
therefore in Jasper's hands 5 .

Henceforth he took an active part in the deliberations
of the Government. In this parliament he introduced a bill
into the Lower House asking, among other things, for a grant
of the priory of St Nicholas at Pembroke. Intercession was
made in favour of the monks of St Albans to whom a
previous grant had been made by Humphrey, duke of
Gloucester, and a provision was inserted in the bill saving
the rights of the monastery 6 . When parliament rose for

1 " Quod Edmundus et Jasper declarentur vestri fratres uterini in
legitimo matrimonio infra regnum vestrum predictum procreati et nati
ac indigine regni vestri supradicti et nedum sic declarentur verum etiam
sic auctoritate supradicta realiter et in facto existant." Rot. Pari. 250.

2 Rot. Pari. 251-3.

3 " motu proprio non ad ipsius vel alterius pro eo nobis super hoc
oblate petitionis instantiam sed de nostra mera liberalitate in comitem
Pembrochie prefecimus." Ibid.

* " non obstante jure titulo et interesse Margarete Regine Anglic
precarissime consortis vestre, si que habeat in eisdem." Ibid.

6 Included in the lordship and members of Pembroke were, " Pembroke,
Castle Martin, St Florence, Coedraeth, Tenby, Roos, Kemmaes, Burton,
Milford, Cilgerran, Emlyn, Llanstephan, Dyffryn Brian, St Clear's," etc.
Rot. Pari. 253.

6 Wethamstede, 1. 92-93. Jasper is described as " vir illustris frater
regis ex parte matris qui de novo per ipsum regem in comitem Pembrochiae
erectus." The chronicler remarks on the incident " a friend at court is
often better than a fig on a plate, or a penny in a purse." It will be observed
that the quotation suggests the " recent " creation of Jasper as earl of


the Easter recess the Tudors kept in close touch with the
king. One of them was at Norwich on April 20, 1453 1 , and
in communication with the Pastons.

Meanwhile the Government became alive to the need of
stringent supervision in Wales. Sir Thomas

Government .

activity in Stanley, chamberlain of North Wales, was


commissioned to compel the payment of arrears
of debts and revenues from Merionethshire, Carnarvonshire,
and Anglesey 2 , and to make inquisition in those counties
touching trespasses, services, and customs concealed from
the king, officers negligent of their duties etc. 3 Cymmer
Abbey was committed to the charge of the duke of Somerset,
and Ellis ap Griffith ap Einon, which abbey " was endowed
to the sum of £60 a year, though now the endowment does
not exceed the value of 20 marks a year ; and the abbey,
through dissensions between certain lords of the marches
there, has suffered distraints at the hands of persons on
either side and abductions of goods and chatties so that
no ministers thereof dare occupy the lands of old collated
to the abbey 4 ."

During the year 1453 the court party made renewed
sir waiter efforts to strengthen their hold on Wales.

Sir Walter Devereux had risked his life in
the cause of York when the latter passed over to Ireland.
In spite of this he was now favourably entertained by
Margaret and Somerset. In March he was allowed to
enter into possession of his wife's lands ; in May he was
given a moiety of the castle and lordship of Narberth ;
in December he was commissioned to make inquisition in
Herefordshire touching all escapes of prisoners. Jasper
Tudor received in addition to numerous grants in Warwick-
shire, Herefordshire, Lincolnshire, Surrey and elsewhere,
the confiscated lands of William Oldhall who was accused

1 Paston Letters, i. 253-4, an d n °te t° letter 187.

2 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461) 124. Aug. 12, 1453.

3 Ibid. 173. Sept. 12, 1453.

4 Ibid. 65. March 4, 1453.



of treason, and a fee farm of £113. 6s. 8^., paid by the heirs

of Roger Mortimer for the castle of Builth, and of £42 of

the farm of Hereford, paid by the citizens 1 , as well as the

lordship of Magor, in South Wales 2 .

Jasper Tudor had not as yet definitely associated himself

with Margaret and Somerset. He was con-
jasper Tudor ,,.,.., ...

and the duke stantly at the king s side, and it is a tribute
to the genuineness of the duke of York's
protestations of loyalty that Jasper Tudor inclined to
his side during this period of uncertainty and suspense.
While York had no deeper purpose than the deposition
of Somerset, he could, apparently, rely on the half-

The birth of a prince to Queen Margaret in October, 1453,
intensified an already strained situation. In November
Jasper attended the council for the first time as a privy
councillor, York being present, and Somerset absent ; and
he attended again in December 3 . A more significant proof
of the half-brothers' faith in the duke of York occurred
a few weeks later. For when, in January 1454, the nobles
were swept to London by the news of the king's imbecility,
both were reported to have come in the company of the duke
of York and the earl of Warwick with a large following, and
to have been in danger of being arrested 4 . York was

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1452-1461 ; 49-112 ; passim.

2 Ibid. 104, July 24, 1453. Edmund Tudor was given " a house in
London called Baynard's Castle." Ibid. 79, March 30. Both received the
keeping of the possessions of John, duke of Somerset, during the minority
of Margaret. Ibid. 79 ; March 24. Two Welshmen, Morgan Meredith
and John Roger, were keepers of the armoury of all the king's castles
in South Wales. Morgan Meredith was in the service of Humphrey, duke
of Gloucester, and held this post in 1442. Ibid. (1441-1447) 65. Cal.
Pat. Rolls, 106, July 5, 1453. A certain Henry ap Griffith of Backeton,
Herefordshire, late of Newcourt, received a pardon. Ibid. March 26. He was
steward of Usk and Caerleon. Welsh MSS. British Museum, 1. 643.

3 Proceedings of the Privy Council. At the P. C. meeting, Nov. 21, 1453,
York again protested that he had come to do all he could for the king's
welfare. See Paston Letters, Introduction, and Appendix.

4 " The erls of Warwyk, Richmond, and Pembroke comen with the
Duke of York, as it is said, everych of them with a godely feleschip, and
as Geoffrey Poole seithe, the Kynges bretherne been like to be arrested at
their comyng to London, yf they come." Paston Letters, 1. 266. Jan. 19, 1454.


expected in London on January 25th 1 . There is no valid
reason for doubting this statement as to the friendly relations
between the Tudors and York. The grant of the Pembroke
estates to Jasper probably gave offence to Margaret. There
is no evidence to show that he had the least sympathy with
Somerset, whose unpopularity increased with the final loss
of France in the previous year ; while during York's pro-
tectorate, although many Lancastrian lords were placed
under guard, Jasper and Edmund were in attendance on
the king 2 .

The duke of York became Protector in March, 1454.
Somerset was put in prison. Jasper Tudor frequently
attended the meetings of the privy council 3 , and in November
signed a series of arrangements for regulating the royal
household, although in effect they considerably reduced the
retinue of the king 4 .

Henry recovered in December ; Somerset was released
First battle of an d acquitted of the charges brought against
st Aibans. him 5 . In May, 1455, a council was called to
meet at Leicester, nominally " to provide for the safety of
the king's person against his enemies." The duke of York
looked upon it as a declaration of war, marched on London
from Wales 6 , and defeated the royal troops at the first
battle of St Albans (May 22, 1455). Somerset was

The duke of Buckingham, lord of Brecknock, was with

1 Paston Letters, Intro. This Geoffrey Poole was perhaps the king's
servant and keeper of tents. Patent Rolls, 1459, 499. A Geoffrey Pole
was constable and steward of Haverfordwest, after the death of Sir Rowland
Lenthal. Cal. Pat. Rolls, Jan. 28, 1442, 67.

- Edmund was Lord Attendant on the king Nov. 13, 1454. Proceedings,
vi. 222.

3 Proceedings, vi. 167, passim.

4 Ibid. He was absent on April I, 1454, when George Neville was
recommended for the next vacant bishopric.

5 York and Jasper were present at a Council at Greenwich, March 4,
1455, when Somerset was cleared. Ibid.

• Whethamstede, 11. 161. He collected his army "in finibus Walliae
et de prope infra regnum Angliae exercitum fortem et grandem." See also
Fabyan, 629.


the royalists. Jasper possibly accompanied the king to
St Albans 1 though he does not appear to have taken any part
in the fight. He was among those who took the oath to
Henry VI soon afterwards 2 . His brother Edmund's name
does not appear ; nor did he subscribe to the general oath
of allegiance. As we shall see he was busy in West Wales.
Jasper meanwhile remained in attendance on his royal
master. In June, 1456, he was at Sheen with the king, and
no other lords were present 3 .

Among the offices assumed by the duke of York after
the battle of St Albans were those of constable of Carmar-
then Castle, steward of Wydegada and Elvet, and captain
and constable of Aberystwyth 4 , with as many soldiers as
were wont to stay there. Jasper Tudor did not witness the
grant of the protectorate to him 5 .

York summoned parliament, and part of its business
was " to ordain and purvey for the restfull and sadde rule
in Wales, and set apart such riots and disobeisances as have
been there afore this time 6 ." Lawlessness was everywhere
rampant in Wales, and Merionethshire subsisted on cattle
stealing, private feuds, burning of houses and murders.
Market day at Dolgelly and Conway was a festival of looting
and plunder 7 .

1 Paston Letters, I. 327. Though his name is not on the list given on
page 332, he was probably in attendance on the king.

2 Rot. Pari. 282. July 23, 1455.

3 Paston Letters, 1. 392. June 7, 1456.

4 Pat. Rol. June 2, 1455, 245. These offices were re-granted to
Jasper on April 21, 1457. The earl of Wiltshire, a royalist at St Albans
and afterwards, was at this time sheriff of Carmarthen and Cardigan shires ;
see Act of Resumption. The constable of Aberystwyth since 1443 was the
duke of Somerset. In that year he was ordered to appoint no man his
deputy without the authority of the council. He succeeded Sir John
Griffith. The castle had one man-at-arms and twelve archers. Pro-
ceedings, v. 134, 244.

6 Rot. Pari. 453.

• Rot. Pari. 279, 1455.

7 Arch. Camb. 1. i — iii ; passim.



Y modd i doeth kariad hrwng Ywain Tudur ar vrenhines.

Ynn ol proses hrai o lyvre lloygyr ac opiniwn y saesson ni oddevai

y kyngor o loegyr ir vrenhines gattrin briodi neb yn lloegyr ac ir

ydoedd hi ynni chwnnychu or achos i bu hi yn weddw serttain o amser

ynn yr amser ir ydoedd ysgwier o wynedd yn wasnaethwr ac yn

sewer i ennaur vrenhines yr hwnn a oedd yn karu un o law vorynion

y vrenhines yr hon a ganvu y matter. Ac ar ddiwrnod garllaw llys

y vrenhines ynn amser haaf i digwyddodd ir asgwier hwn vynd i

novio i avon a oedd yn llithro gan ysdlys mur y llys y neb a ganvu

Haw vorwyn v vrenhines yn vuan yr hon a ddanges y mater ir

vrenhines yr hwnn a ddoeth i ffenesdyr i edrych ar y gwyr yn novio

ymysg yr hrain i gwelai y vrenhines un or gwyr yn rhagori i gym-

deithion o degwch knawd or achos i govynnodd y vrenhines wel

dackw wr ysydd yn yckaru chwi yn vawr yn wir heber y verch von-

heddig velly i mae ef yn dywedud ac yn wir ni chaaf i fynned i le

ynn y byd och golwg chwi ar ni bo ef ynn vyngorllwyn i. Wele

hebyr y vrenvines gad imi vynned noswaith yn dy rrith di ynnlle

y boch i ynn arver o gyvarvod a myvi a wnaf iddo ef nad amyro

ef arnatti o hynny allan ac o vewn ychydig o amser ynnol hyn i

gwnaeth y Haw vorwyn oed ar gyvarvod ac ywain mewn galerie

gerllaw sdavell y vrenhines Ir hon i dangoses y Haw vorwyn gwbwl

or kyvrang a oedd hryngthi hi ac ywain : ar vrenhines a gymerth

archennad i Haw vorwyn ac ynny ty wyll y hi a aeth ir galerey ynnyman

ir ydoedd ywain yn disgwyl i gariad yn lie yr hon i kymerth ef y

vrenhines erbynn i mwnnwgyl i ymkannu hroddi kussann yw gennau

hi yr hon a droes i grudd att i enau ef ac ynnol uddunt hwy ymddiddan

serttain o eiriau bob un ai gilidd y vo a ganvu oleuad yn dyvod

megis pedviasai y vrenhines ynn dyvod yw shiambyr or achos i

keishiodd ef roddi kusan yw min hi wrth ymadel yr hon a droes i

grudd atto ef ynnyr un modd or achos i tybiodd ef nad y hi aeodd

i gariad ef or achos y vo a vrathodd i grudd hi ai ddannedd megis

ac i gallai ef wybod a gweled yn ynnysbys pwy a oedd ynni watwar

ef ynny modd ar yr hyn yr ymadewis ywain ar vrenhines arsswyd

y goleuad ynnol yr hyn Ir aeth y vrenhines yw shiambyr ac ywain

yw letty. A thrannoeth i gorchmynodd y vrenhines yw shiambyr

len orchymyn ywain i vod yn sewr iddi hi ar ginnio y dethwn hwnnw

yr hyn gyvlownoedd. Ac ynnol i ywain osod y bwyd ar y bwrdd

ynni ordyr megis ac ir ydoedd i swydd ef yw wneuthud y vo a droes

i wyneb at y vrenhines yr hon aoedd yn ymolchi i vynned yw chinio

yn yr amser ir adrychodd hi'n ffyrnig ar ywain drwy roddi i bys

ar i grudd ar yr hwn i gwelai ef blasdyr or achos i gosdyngodd ef


i ben drwy aadde ynnigalon mae y vrenhines a vrathassai ef i grudd
ynnos ynnyblaen or achos ynnol opiniwn hrau o lyvre ir ymkanodd
ef gymerud i varch a marchogaeth yw wlad hrag ovon y vrenhines
yr hon ynnol opiniwn hrai eraill or bobyl a ddanvonasai orchymyn
ar y porthorion ar gadw ywain o vewn pyrth y llys onnid ni wna
mater pa un or ddau vodd i dykpwyd y vo garbron y vrenhines
yr hon o vewn ychydig amser ynnol a wnaeth gymaint o honaw
ef ac iddi ymkanu i briodi ef or achos ynnol opiniwn y bobyl y hi
a ddanvones un oi herawds i Gymru i ymovun pa wr i gennedlaeth
oydd ef yr hwn a ddoeth i dy i fam ef ynn ddisymwth ac y hi yn
eisde wrth y tan ac yn bwytta i chinio oddiar i gliniau ai harffed
ar neb ac ymhlith boneddigion y wlad ir ymovynodd yr herawd am
i ach ywain.

(Owen's genealogy follows.)

Ac ni bu haiach o ennyd ynol hyn nes ir vrenhines briodi ywain
yn ddirgel. Mostyn MS. 158 ; p. 306.



It has been customary, in dealing with the disposition
of forces in Wales during the Wars of the Roses,

Lancastrians u

and Yorkists to assign the west to the Lancastrians and the
east to the Yorkists. Broadly speaking, this
division represents accurately enough the strength of
the rival parties at the commencement of hostilities ; for
the extensive Mortimer estates gave the duke of York a
striking predominance in the Marches ; while the Lancas-
trians could claim supremacy in the Principality (Anglesey,
Carnarvonshire and Merionethshire), in the royal counties
of South Wales (Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire) , and in
the county-palatine of Pembroke under Jasper Tudor. But
when we come to details the Marches do not present a uniform
political complexion. The wide lordship of Brecknock
belonged to the Staffords, at the head of whom was the duke
of Buckingham, a prominent and consistent Lancastrian.
He was thus wedged in between the earl of Warwick in
Glamorgan and the duke of York in Mid-Wales. There
were Lancastrian estates, too, at Monmouth and in the
lower valley of the Wye. The loyalist Talbot, earl of
Shrewsbury, was situated between Shrewsbury and Mont-
gomery, and was supported by the Beauforts and the
Mowbrays in the valley of the Dee. Of the lesser gentry
in the Marches, the Skydmores of Herefordshire and the
Pulestons of Denbighshire gave effective support to the
cause of the dynasty. On the other hand, South-west Wales


from Gower to Pembroke and northwards to Aberystwyth
was more uniformly Lancastrian, the Dwnns of the neigh-
bourhood of Kidwely being the only conspicuous Yorkists.
For a few years after the battle of St Albans the centre
The of gravity of the war was transferred to Wales

importance of and the Marches. York's chief citadels were

the Marches. . . . . ..

at Wigmore and Ludlow, which dominated
Mid-Wales. Margaret, with a skilful analysis of the military
situation, realised that if she would triumph she must
challenge him where his resources were greatest. To do this
it would be necessary to mobilise her friends there and
brush up recruits, a task in which she showed conspicuous
ardour and resolution. She could naturally rely upon the
Principality ; and she became personally responsible for the
loyalty of Cheshire and the border counties. In Cheshire
and the surrounding districts she was conciliatory ; in Mid-
Wales, where York was most powerful, exacting and defiant.
With profound tact and practical sense she sent Edmund
Tudor, earl of Richmond, to Wales. Nothing could have
been more opportune than the choice of a Tudor for a
recruiting mission in these parts. Edmund's Welsh pedigree
was a key which would throw wide open the hearts of men.
His father, Owen Tudor, had within recent years come
amongst them as a refugee, a fact which rendered still more
charitable the public conscience of the Welsh.

Edmund Tudor came to Pembroke early in 1456. The

most representative chieftain in these parts was
TudoTand Griffith ap Nicholas, with whom Richmond

Griffith a P would have to reckon sooner or later. It


happened sooner. Griffith's unhappy entangle-
ment in the affairs of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, had
revealed to him the treacherous quicksands of politics,
though it lifted him to a higher plane of public recognition.
In 1449 he came under the vigilant eye of the duke of York,
who entrusted him with the important castle of Narberth
in Pembrokeshire. In October 1450, he was on a com-


mission " to array all men-at-arms, hobelers and archers
in West Wales, and bring them to the sea-coast to expel
the king's enemies, and to set up beacons and survey the
muster and keep watches." Others on the commission were
Sir James Audley, Sir Henry Wogan, Sir John Skydmore
and Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicholas 1 . Griffith was thus
at the zenith of his power when he presided over the famous
eisteddfod of Carmarthen, which is said to have been held
about 1453, and the proceedings of which constitute an
important landmark in the history of Welsh literature. In
such circumstances the advent of Edmund Tudor was not
altogether free from embarrassments. Heroes of small
communities are proverbially intolerant of rivals, and Griffith
at first regarded the earl of Richmond as a rival. The
latter may have been insidious, and was certainly rash ; for
within a few months of his arrival there was a fierce clash
between him and Griffith, which resounded in the east of
England. Although ten years had elapsed since the Glou-
cester affair, Richmond may have viewed Griffith as a
prospective adherent of the duke of York, the political
successor of Humphrey. On the other hand, he might have
reflected that on the commission of 1450 Griffith was the
colleague of such unflinching loyalists as Audley and Skyd-
more. However, in June, 1456, Griffith and the earl of
Richmond were " at war greatly 2 ." Whatever may have
been the origin of the feud there were no dregs of bitterness.
In October Griffith and his two sons Thomas and Owen
received a full pardon, which emanated from the new
Government of the queen 3 . The Yorkist ministry had been
dismissed earlier in the month. Henceforth the family
was loyal to the cause of the Tudors. The allegiance of
such an enthusiastic and enlightened patriot as Griffith ap
Nicholas was a guarantee that the bards whom he liberally
patronised would be won over ; and they could become

1 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1446-1452), 432. 2 Pasion Letters, I. 392.

3 Cal. Pat. Rolls (1452-1461) 326; Oct. 26, 1456.


a powerful weapon in the hands of a capable leader. They
traversed the country frequently, and with great industry
and ingenuity preached the fiery doctrine of nationality.
In doing so they, for the time being, necessarily cried up
the cause of the dynasty as represented by the Tudors.
For the first time, though not for the last in the history of
Wales, Welsh nationalism was used as a lever in the party
politics of England.

Edmund Tudor was not destined long to remain at the
head of the Lancastrians of West Wales. Within a month
of the peace between him and Griffith he died at Pembroke,
in November, 1456. At the same place two months later
(January 28, 1457) his wife, Margaret Beaufort, gave birth
to a son, Henry Tudor, afterwards Henry VII. Edmund's
place was immediately taken by his brother Jasper, who
continued and amplified the project already begun. Hitherto
Jasper had kept in close touch with the king 1 .

Jasper Tudor has not received from historians in general
the attention which he deserves. He certainly

Jasper Tudor. "[

did not dazzle contemporary chroniclers. With
modern writers he cuts a meagre figure, and has been
relegated to a series of brackets or a note of interrogation.
It is the penalty he has had to pay for having chosen Wales
as his sphere of action. None showed more unselfish loyalty

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