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contributed largely to the development of the school
of medicine established there in tiie twelfth century.
Guillem VIII., Lord of Montpellier, granted them in
1180 the right to practise medicine; and tlie kings of




Aragon and Majorca, James land James II., merely
added (in 1272 and 1281 respectively) the proviso
that the Jewish physicians must pass the regular ex
aminations before exercising their profession. The
progress made by these Jewish physicians was such
that in 1300, according to Astruc ("Memoires pour
Servir a I'Histoire de la Faculte de Medecine dc

Montpellier," p. 168), the Jew Jacob
School of b. Machir, called " Don Profiat " (Latin,
Medicine. " Profatius Judaeus"), was appointed

regent of the faculty of medicine.
James I. interested himself in the Jews on many oc-
casions, especially iu 1252, 1266, and 1268, and con-
firmed them in all the privileges which they had
enjoyed under his predecessors.

These fortunate conditions changed in 1292, when
Berenger of Fredol, Bishop of Maguelone, ceded to
King Philip the Fair of France the Jews then living
in his territory. They were expelled iu 1306, but re-
turned to Montpellier in 1319, having been recalled
by King Sancho, who protected them iu 1320 against
the fury of the Pastoureaux. On demand of the
consuls, King John of France compelled the Jews in
1863 to wear the Jews' badge. In 1368 the same
consuls forbade them to drink or to draw water from
any well otlier than that which had been assigned
to them ("Petit Thalamus," pp. 166-167). Finally,
a royal edict issued on Sept. 17, 1394, put an end to
the existence of the Jewish community of Mont-

In the sixteenth century a number of Marano
fugitives from Spain tied to Montpellier. The phy-
sician Felix Platter of Basel, who resided in the city
from 1552 to 1559, knew several of these Maranos,
whom he mentions by name and whose customs he
describes (autobiography of Felix Platter, ed. Fecli-
ter, Basel, 1840). In the seventeenth century some
Jews from the Comtat-Venaissin joined the Spanisii
refugees. The parliament of Toulouse authorized
them at first to remain at Montpellier for one month
only in each of the four seasons; but thanks to tlie
tolerance of the consuls, the assistance of the Mav-
quis of Grave, proprietor of the markets of Pont-
Juvenal, and, especially, the protection of Louis
Basil of Bernage, commissary of Languedoc, the
Jews, in spite of the most bitter complaints of the
Christian merchants, established themselves defi-
nitely in the city. In the beginning of the nine-
teenth century the Jewish conuiiuuity numbered lOo

The site of the Jewish quarter was often changed.
At first it was near the synagogue and the Jewish
baths (traces of which still exist in Rue Barralerie

No. 1), extending northward as far

Jewish as the tolerance of the kings of Ma-

QtUarter. jorca permitted. The Jews acquired

some houses near the square of Castel-
Maton, and spread themselves as far as the right
side of Rue Vieille-Intendance. By order of the
Duke of Anjou in 1365 they were restricted to the
Rue de la Vacherie ("Vacaria"), near the gate of La
Saunerie. In this street was the synagogue which
the Bishop of Montpellier permitted the community,
on the representations of Helias of Loan and Samuel
Caylli, to erect in 1387, in consideration of the pay-
ment of 400 poimds Tours currency. Finally, in
VUI.вАФ 43

the beginning of the sixteenth century the Jews es-
tablished themselves in the blind alley of the Vieux
Consulat, called "Juiverie" or "Juzetarie," which
has now disappeared.

The Jews owned successively two cemeteries.
One of these was situated between the gates of La
Saunerie and St. Guillem. In 1263 James I. pre-
sented it to the Cistercians of Valmagne, who estab-
lished a theological college there. The other ceme-
tery was in the suburb of Villefranche, between
the present seminary and Boutonnet. It was sold
in 1306 by Philip the Fair; but in 1319, by permis-
sion of King Sancho, the Jews of Montpellier re-
purchased it. In 1287 James I. permitted the Jews
to establish their own slaughter-house. A police
regulation of 1364 forbade the Christian butchers to
sell or to permit the sale of meat to the Jews ("Petit
Thalamus," p. 166).

Benjamin of Tudela, who visited Montpellier in
1165, speaks in terms of the highest of the
scholars of that city, who devoted themselves to the
study of the Talmud. The Jewish school was a
very important one. It was compared to the San-
hedrin of Jerusalem ("Ilar ha-Bayit " ; "Temim
Deim," No. 7) and to the great school of Granada
("Rimmon Sefarad"; Neubauer, "Cat. Bodl. Hebr.
MSS." p. 17), and was sometimes called "the Holy
Mountain," "the Mother of Israel" ("Har ha-Ko-
desh," "Em le-Yisrael"; Solomon ben Adret, Re-
sponsa, i. 418). This school issued the
Rabbinical first anathema against the writings of

Schools. Maimonides. In 1232 Rabbi Solomon b.
Abraham together with two of his pu-
pils, Jonah b. Abraham Geruudi and David b. Saul,
prohibited the "Moreh Nebukim." He even went
so far as to invoke the ecclesiastical authorities
against his adversaries and to denounce Maimonides'
work as impious and injurious to the Christian
faith. But the only result was that the adversaries
of Maimonides were declared to be calumniators;
and it is said that some of them were condemned to
have their tongues burned.

After a time, however (1303-6), the battle against
Maimonides' writings waged afresh. The chief
author of the new attack was another rabbi of
Montpellier, Abba Mari of Lunel. Two of his par-
tizans, Todros of Beaucaire and Simeon b. Joseph,
called "En Duran of Lunel," signed, together with
twenty-four notables of the community of Montpel-
lier, the letter which lie addressed to Solomon ben
Adret of Barcelona. But Abba Mari found even at
Montpellier bitter opponents, in the above-men-
tioned Jacob b. Machir, in the physician Solomon
of Lunel, in Judah b. Moses ibn Tibbon, and espe-
cially in Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi, one of
Maimonides' most enthusiastic admirers. The con-
troversy was carried on bitterly by both sides, and
it was stopped only by the cruel persecutions at-
tendant on the expulsion of the Jews from France
by Philip the Fair in 1306.

In addition to those that have been referred to
above, the following sciiolars of Montpellier should
be mentioned here: Abraham b. David of Pos-
quieres (RABaD III), Moses b. Samuel ibn Tibbon,
Judah (Aryeh) Ilarari, Elijah, Levi b. Abiaham of
Villefranche, Reuben b. Isaac, Aaron b. Joseph ha-




Levi, and Abraham Bonet b. Meshullam b. Solomon

In 1902 there were from thirty to thirty -five Jew-
ish families in Montpellier, subject to the authority
of the consistory of Marseilles.

Bibliography : Astruc, Memoire^ pour Servir a VHistoire
de la Faculte de Medecine de Montpellier, pp. 7 et seq.;
D'Aigrefeuille, HisUnre de Montpellier, 3d ed., iil. 518;
Germain, Hisloire de la Commune de Montpellier, i.. In-
troduction and pp. 61, 240; ii. 420; iii. 92, 107, 246 et seq.;
Dom Vaissete, Hint. Generale du Languedoc, li. 151, 418; iii.
28,119; Renan-Neubauer, ies Rahbitui Francis, pp.514,
593-62:3, 647-695; Gratz, Gesch. vii. 38 et seq.; Carmoly, HiM.
des Medecins Juif.% pp. 73, 90 ; Saige, Les Juifs du Langue-
doc, pp. 100, 103, 128, 308-319, 326 ; Gariel, Ser. Praes. part
i., p. 436 ; Bedarride, i&s Juifs en France, pp. 226, 236, 465-
466, 539 -.543 : Depping, Les Jtiifs dans le Mouoi Age, pp.
132-133; R. E.J. xix. 259, xxii. 264, xxiii. 265, xxiv. 272,
xxxiii. 283, xxxiv. 276, xxxv. 91 ; Gross, Gallia Judaica. pp.
333-335; S. Kahn, Les Ecolen Juives et la Facidte de Mede-
cine de Montpellier, pp. 6 et seq.; L. Guiraud, Recherches
Topographiques sur Montpellier an Monen Age, in Mr-
moires de la Societe Archeologique de Montpellier, 2d
series, 1. 208-213.
8. S. K.

MONTREAL : Metropolis of the Dominion of
Canada, situated on an island in the St. Lawrence
River; the most important center of Jewish popula-
tion in British North America. In 1901 the Jewish
population of Montreal was 6,790. Owing to the
large influx of settlers from eastern Europe since
that date the present (1904) Jewish population is
about 13,500 in a total population of 370,000, in-
cluding the suburbs. For the history of its com-
munity see Jew. Encyc. iii. 534 et seq., s.v. Can-
ADA. In religious, philanthropic, and educational
work the Jews of Montreal have shown much ac-
tivity, and their communal organizations are nu-
merous and important. The first congregation was
founded in 1768, but it was not until 1858 that the
community had grown sufficiently large to support
a second synagogue. In 1882 a third congregation
was formed, and between that year and the present
(1904) the growth of the community has been so
rapid that eleven other congregations have been or-
ganized ; some of these have a large membership, and
possess commodious synagogues, while some liave
hardly passed the formative stage. In the western
part of the city are the places of worship of the con-
gregation of Spanish and Portuguese Jews, Shearith
Israel (organized in 1768); of the English, German,
and Polish congregation, Shaar Hashamayim (1858);
and of Temple Emmanuel (1882). Other congre-
gations are tiie B'nai Jacob (Russian;
Congrega- 1885), the Beth David (Rumanian;
tious. 1888), the Shaare Tefilla (Austro-Hun-
garian; 1892), and the Ciicvra Kadisha
(1893). The more recently establislied congregations
are: the Beth Hamidrash Ilagadol, Chevra Shass
(1894), the Aavath Achim (1896), the K. K. Ohel
Moshe (1902), the Chevra Tillim (1902), the Beth
Israel, Chevra Shass (1903), the K. K. Adath Jeshu-
run ((Jalician; 1903), tlio Kether Torah (1903), and
the Tifereth Israel (1904). All the congregations
are Orthodox with the exception of Temple Em-
manuel, whose founders introduced Reform when
the congregation was organized.

The secular education of Jewish children in the
Province of Quebec is provided for by a bill passed
by the legislature in 1903. By the "Provincial
Education Act " Protestant and Catholic school com-
missioners maintain separate public schools. Pre-

vious to 1903 Jews were given the option of con-
tributing their taxes to either the Protestant or
Catholic panel. Generally they paid
Education, their taxes into the former, antl sent
their children either to the Protestant
public schools or to Jewish schools subsidized by
the commissioners. So long as the number of Jewish
pupils formed but a small ratio of those attending,
there were no difficulties, but with the growth of
the population serious differences arose. The law
attributed the tax to the landlord, whether paid by
him or by the tenant, and as the ratio of Jewish
landowners was small, this led to the claim that the
Jewish contribution to the tax was not in propor-
tion to the number of Jewish pupils attending the
schools of the Protestant Board. Although the
Protestant commissoners continued to receive Jewish
pupils at their schools, they declined to acknowl-
edge any obligation to educate children of the Jew-
ish faith whose parents were not owners of immov-
able property subject to taxation for school purposes ;
and they claimed the right to refuse to receive Jew-
ish pupils in the event that the schools should be-
come too crowded.

A crisis was provoked when a scholarship won by
a Jewish pupil was withheld by the Protestant com-
missioners. The case was carried into the courts in
1903, and the validity of the Protestant commission-
ers' contention was judicially established. Vigorous
measures were promptly taken to alter an act which
was so opposed to the full civil rights secured to the
Jews by the act of 1831. Public opinion was unan-
imous in demanding that the anomalies of the law
should be corrected. A committee of the Jewish
Educational Rights Movement, representative of
every section of the community, waited on the gov-
ernment, and with the cooperation of the Protestant
commissioners a law was passed in April, 1903,
enacting that all Jews were to pay their taxes into
the Protestant panel and enjoy equal rights with
the Protestants in the schools under the Protestant
commissioners. A conscience clause was provided
protecting Jewish children in their religious ob-

In addition to those that attend the ordinary pub-
lic schools a large number of Jewish children are
educated at the school attached to the Baron de
Ilirsch Institute; they receive instruction in He-
brew and in secular subjects, the cost in the case of
the latter being assumed by the Protestant Board.
A night-school is also connected with the Baron de
Ilirsch Institute. The Talmud Torah Association
(founded 1896) maintains a large school for the train-
ing of children in Jewish religion and history and in
the Hebrew language. Instruction in these subjects
is imparted also in the several schools supported by
the congregations.

The Jewisli philanthropic organizations of Mon-
treal are numerous. The excellent work performed
by The Baron de Hir.sch Institute and Hebrew
Benevolent Society in relieving distress and assist-
ing immigrants has been mentioned in the article
Canada, referred to above. Other associations
wliicli have performed important charitable work
are the Ladies' Hebrew Benevolent Society (founded
1877), tiie Ladies' Chevra Kadislia (1878), the He-




brew Sick Benefit Association (1892), tlie Hebrew
Benevolent Loan Society (1893), the Hebrew Young
Ladies' Sewing Society (witli Diet
Organiza- Dispenssxiy ; 1894), the Hebrew Ladies'
tions. Aid Society (1894), the Charity So-
ciety of the Chevra Tillim (1898), and
the Jewish Endeavor Sewing School (1902). Several
of the congregations maintain their own aid societies
and sewing circles.

Montreal is the headquarters of the Federation of
Zionist Societies of Canada, and in 1904 supported
six local branches of the movement. Among other
communal organizations are four lodges of the Inde-
pendent Order of the Sons of Benjamin, the Montreal
Lodge of B'nai B'rith, the Ziou Cadet Corps and
Jewish Lads' Brigade, the Montetiore Club, the
Maimonides Literary Circle, the Gereuth Circle, the
Young Men's Hebrew Association, and the Montreal
Branch of the Jewish Theological Seminary ; the
Anglo-Jewish Association maintained a branch in
Montreal from 1881 to 1891, and the Kesher Shcl
Barzel supported a lodge from 1872 to 1890. In 1895
the Montreal Chovevei Zion Society No. 2 pur-
chased 4,000 "duman" of laud in Palestine, east of
the Jordan, for colonization ; this laud, however,
was afterward transferred to other hands. Several
other philanthropic and literary societies established
in the earlier days of the community have been
replaced in their activities by later organizations.

Bibliography : Statutei^ of Province nf Quebec, 1903 ; Jew-
w?i Year-Dooh (London), 1903; Ville-Marie, Montreal
Past and Present, Sandham, 1870 ; Gazetteer of Montreal,
A. C. I. DE S.

BIBLICAL EXEGESIS : For centuries the evi-
dence of the authenticity of the Old Testament
Scriptures had to be sought from within ; of con-
temporaneous external testimony there was practi-
cally nothing. Ail this is now changed. The civi-
lized nations by whom Israel was surrounded have
risen, as it were, from the dead, and there is at
hand as much information about the culture of
Egypt and western Asia in the Mosaic age as about
the culture of Athens in the age of Pericles. The
books of the Old Testament are taking their place as
part of a vast and ever-increasing literature which
explains and illustrates them and at the same time
affords the only sure and certain test of their

The belief that the use of writing for literary pur-
poses was of comparatively late date has been swept
away forever. There were schools and libraries in
Egypt and Babylonia long before Abraham was
born. Under the dynasty of Hammurabi or Am-
raphel, the contemporary of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 1),
Babylon was the center of a great literary move-
ment. Old literary works were reedited, and new
poets and writers arose who cast the ancient legends
and traditions of the countr}'' into literary form. In
Egypt there was already an extensive literature,
and "The Proverbs of Ptah-hotep," of which there
is now a copy in the Louvre, Paris, was written in
the time of the Old Empire or at least as early as
3,000 B.C.

The Mosaic age, accordingly, belongs to a late
epoch in the history of Oriental literature ; and there

is no need for surprise at finding that it was em-
phatically an age of readers and writers, of schools
and students, of books and correspondence. The
cuneiform tablets discovered in 1887 at Tell el-
Amarna in Egypt have shown that from one end of

the civilized world to the other letters

EI-Amarna were being constantly sent, sometimes

Tablets, on the most trivial of matters; that

Canaan was the center of the corre-
spondence; and that it was carried on in the lan-
guage and script of Babylonia. As the language of
Babylonia was not that of most of the writers it is
evident that schools must have existed throughout
the civilized world of the East in which the foreign
language and writing were taught and learned, as
well as libraries in which Babylonian books and the
native archives could be preserved. Indeed, among
the El-Amarna tablets fragments of Babylonian lit-
erary works have been found, some of which were
used for purposes of study. Fragments of diction-
aries have also been discovered. When it is remem-
bered that among the correspondents of the Egyp-
tian court are Bedouin sheiks and a Canaanitish
lady, an idea may be formed of the extent to which
education had spread. At all events Moses could
have written the Law, and some at least of the
Israelites could have read what was written. More-
over, there was plenty of material in the libraries of
Canaan, not to speak of those of Egypt and Baby-
lonia, with the help of which the historian could
have compiled a truthful history of the past. Uru-
salim, or Jerusalem, and Gezer, more especially,
are prominent in the El-Amarna letters.

Prom the Babylonian inscriptions it has been
learned that in the Abrahamic age Canaan was a
province of the Babylonian empire, and that colo-
nies of "Amorites," as its inhabitants were called,
were settled in Babylonia itself. One of the wit-
nesses to a contract- dated in the reign of Hammu-
rabi's grandfather is an " Amorite," the son of Abi-
ramu or Abram. For some years Babylonia had
been under the domination of Elam, and Eri-aku or
Arioch, the son of an Elamite prince, had been es-
tablished at Larsa in the south of the country, but
Hammurabi in the thirty-second year of his reign at
last succeeded in shaking off the Elamite supremacy
and in ruling over a united Babylonian empire.
The Babylonian monuments have proved that the
migration of Abraham was no isolated or unusual
event; and they have further proved that the polit-
ical position described in Gen. xiv. is in strict accord-
ance with fact. They have also shown that Baby-
lon was at the time under the rule of kings who
belonged to the western branch of the Semitic race,
who revered the god Samu (Sumu) or Shem, and
who spoke a language resembling those of Canaan
and southern Arabia rather than that of Babylonia.
Canaanites were settled in Babylonia : and among
them are found the names of Abram (Abi-ramu),
Jacob (Ya'kub-ilu), and Joseph (Yasupu-ihi).

In the sixteenth century n.c. Canaan passed from
the Babylonians to the Egyptians. The kings of
the eighteenth dynasty made it an Egyptian prov-
ince, so that Canaan became for a while the political
brother of Mizraim and Cush. The same close in-
tercourse which in the Abrahamic age had existed




between Canaan and Babylonia now existed between
Canaan and Egypt. In Egypt itself the land of
Goshen has been rediscovered by Pro-
Canaan fessor Naville. It lay in the Wadi
Under the Tumilaton the southeastern border of
Egyptians, the Delta, in touch with Asia, and
separate from the cultivated land of
Egypt proper. The Pharaoh Me(r)neptah states
that it had been handed over as pasturage to "for-
eign " herdsmen from the south of Canaan. Naville
lias discovered the site of Pithom also, now Tell el-
Maskhuta, in the district of Succoth (Thukut) and
on the edge of the land of Goshen. It was built by
Rameses II., and the store-chambers have been
found in which provisions were laid up for the sol-
diers and travelers who passed into Asia. Rameses
II. was the builder also of the city of Rameses (E.\.
i. 11), an account of which is given in a papyrus.
Zoan, moreover, was restored by him and made one
of the residences of the court.

Rameses I., the grandfatlier of Rameses II., was
the founder of the nineteenth dynasty and the repre-
sentative of a national reaction against the Semitic
tendencies of the kings who had immediately pre-
ceded him. The Cauaanitish officials who had held
high places at court were driven away, and the
Semitic form of religion which had been introduced
by the Pharaoh himself was suppressed. In accord-
ance with this policy, every effort was made to
weaken the Semitic settlers wiio still remained in
Egypt. An explanation is thus afforded of tlie
treatment of the Israelites; they were turned into
royal bondsmen, and the male children were des-
troyed. The massacre is referred to in a liynm of
victory in honor of Mc(r)neptah, the son and suc-
cessor of Rameses II., which was discovered by
Flinders Petrie at Tliebes. Here it is said that " the
seed" of the "I-s-r-a-i-1-u," or Israelites, had been
destroyed, so tiiat the women of Khar or Edom were
left, " like the widows of Egypt," witiiout husbands.
Tlie hymn was written just after the defeat of the
Libyan hordes who had invaded the Delta in the
fifth year of Me(r)neptah; and, while all the other
peoples mentioned in it have a country assigned
to them, the Israelites alone are without local habi-
tation. They must therefore already have left
Egypt and not as yet been settled in Palestine. The
Exodus was probably effected under cover of the
Libyan invasion; Me(r)neptah states that tiic in-
vaders had encamped at the western extremity of
the land of Goshen,' wiiere they were in contact with
" the foreign " herdsmen, while three years later an
Egyptian official writes to tiie Pharaoh tliat the dis-
trict had been deserted and tiiat lu; had accordingly
allowed a fresh body of iierdsmen from Edom to oc-
cupy it. It may be added tiiat the gcograpliical
background of tiie Exodus as described in tlie Pen-
tateuch is the eastern Delta as it was in the time of
the nineteenth dynasty, and at no suhsetiuent date,
and that even tlie name of Moses appears as
" Me.ssu " or " Messui " in tlie Egyptian inscriptions
of tliat period. There was a Messui. for example,
wlio was governor of Ethiopia in the reign of

The conrjucst of southern Palestine by a king of
Aram-naliaraim in tlie early days of the Judges has

been explained by the El-Amarna tablets, from
which it has been learned that Arani-naharaim, or
Mitanni as it was called by its inhabitants, interfered
from time to time in the internal politics of Canaan.
The King of Jerusalem refers to its intrigues in his
letters to the Egyptian court, and Rameses III., the
contemporary of Othniel, includes Mitanni among
his enemies.

A flood of light has been thrown upon the later
history of Jerusalem by the Assyrian monuments.
The Biblical chronology, so long the despair of his-
torians, has been corrected by means of the syn-
chronisms established between Assyrian and Israel-
itisli history. Shalnianeser II. (858-833 B.C.) made
repeated attacks on Hamatli and Damascus, and in
853 defeated a league which had been formed by
Hamath, Arvad, Amnion, and other

Biblical states under the leadership of Hadad-

Chronol- ezer of Damascus, the Ben-hadad of
ogy. the Old Testament. The decisive bat-

tle took place at Karkar, among the
allies being Ahab of Israel, who contributed 2,000
chariots and 10,000 men. Twelve years later Jehu
of Beth-omri or Samaria is met with, paying tribute
to the Assyrian king. His envoys are represented
on a black obelisk now in the British Museum. The
capture of Damascus by Ass3a-ia in 804 (when
Samaria again paid tribute to the Assj'rian con-

Online LibraryIsidore SingerThe Jewish encyclopedia : a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 8) → online text (page 166 of 169)