Isidore Singer.

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("Ze'er"), whidi is the product of the masculine
active and the feminine passive principles; the tenth
Sefirah. Malkut. into the female child (" Bat "). This
proceeding was absolutely necessary. Had God
in the beginning created these figures instead of
the Sefirot, there would have been no evil in the




■world, and consequently no reward and jMinisli-
ment; for the source of evil is in the broken Setirot
or vessels, while the light of the En Sof produces
only that which is good. These live figures are
found in each of the four worlds; namely, in the
world of emanation (ni^''VNri D^iy) ; in that of crea-
tion (nxnan D^iy); in that of formation (D^iy
^n'X^^); and in that of action dT'K'yn D^W, which
represents the material world.

Luria's psychological system, upon which is based
his practical Cabala, is closely connected with his
metaphysical doctrines. From the five figures, he
says, emanated five souls, Neshamah, Ruah, Ne-
fesh, Hayyah, and Yehidah; the first of these being
the highest, and the last the lowest. Man's soul is
the connecting - link between the infinite and the
finite, and as such is of a manifold character. All
the souls destined for the human race were created
together with the various organs of Adam. As there
are superior and inferior organs, so there are superior
and inferior souls, according to the organs with
which they are respectively coupled. Thus there
are souls of the brain, souls of the eye, souls of the
hand, etc. Each human soul is a spark (" nizoz ") from
Adam. The first sin of the first man caused confu-
sion among the various classes of souls: the superior
intermingled with the inferior; good with evil ; so
that even the purest soul received an admixture of
evil, or, as Luria calls it, of the element of the
"shells" ("kelipot"). From the lowest classes of
souls proceeded the pagan world, while from the
higher emanated the Israelitish world. But, in con-
sequence of the confusion, the former are not wholly
deprived of the original good, and the latter are not
altogether free from sin. This state of confusion,
which gives a continual impulse toward evil, will
cease with the arrival of the Messiah, who will estab-
lish the moral system of the world upon a new basis.
Until that time man's soul, because of its deficien-
cies, can not return to its source, and has to wander
not only through the bodies of men and of animals,
but even through inanimate things such as wood,
rivers, and stones.

To this doctrine of metempsychosis Luria added the
theory of the impregnation (" 'ibbur ") of souls; that
is to say, if a purified soul has neglected some relig-
ious duties oyx earth, it must return to the earthly
life, and, attaching itself to the soul of a living man,

luiite with it in order to make good
Return of such neglect. Further, the departed
the SouL soul of a man freed from sin appears

again on earth to support a weak soul
which feels unequal to its task. However, this
union, which may extend to three souls at one time,
can only take place between souls of homogeneous
character ; that is, between those which are sparks of
the same Adamite organ. The dispersion of Israel
has for its purpose the salvation of men's souls; and
the purified souls of Israelites unite with the souls of
men of other races in order to free them from demo-
niacal infiuences. According to Luria, man bears on
his forehead a mark by which one may learn the na-
ture of his soul : to which degree and class it belongs ;
the relation existing between it and the superior
world; the wanderings it has already accomplished ;
the means by which it can contribute to the estab-

lishment of the new moral system of the world;
how it can be freed from demoniacal influences; and
to which soul it should be united in order to become
purified. Tliis union can be effected by formulas
of conjuration.

Luria introduced his mystic system into religious
observances. Every commandment had for him a
mystic meaning. The Sabbath with
Influence all its ceremonies was looked upon as
on RituaL the embodiment of the Divinity in
temporal life; and every ceremony
performed on that day was considered to have an
influence upon the superior world. Every word,
every syllable, of the prescribed prayers contain hid-
den names of God upon which one should meditate
devoutly while reciting. New mystic ceremonies
were ordained and codified under the name of
"Shulhan 'Aruk shel Ari." This tendency to sub-
stitute a mystic Judaism for the rabbinical Judaism,
against which Luria was warned by his teacher of
Cabala, David ibn Abi Zimra, became still stronger
after Luria's death. His disciples, who applied tO'
him the epithets "Holy "and "Divine," sank fur-
ther in mysticism and paved the way for the pseudo-
Messiah Shabbethai Zebi.

The following are the works attributed to Luria
by his disciples, given in the order of their pub-
lication :

1595. Marpe Nefesh, on the purification of the soul. Venice.
1600. Tikkune ha-Teshubah, on penitence. Published by Elijab

Moses de Vidas. Venice.
1615. Seder we-Tikkun Keri'at Shema', mystic explanations of

the Shema'. Prague.
1630. Sefer ha-Kawwanot, mystic explanations of the prayers.

Venice. (With corrections by Pethahiah ben Joseph,

Hanau, 1824 ; Amsterdam, 1710 ; Jessnitz, 1723 ; abridged,

under the title "Zot Hukkat ha-Torah," by Abraham

Hazzekuni, Venice, 1659.)
1624. Tikkune Shabbat, mystic poems for Sabbath, and explana-
tions of the Sabbath ceiemonies. Venice.
1652. Sefer Ma'yan ha-Hokmah, on Creation and on the unloa

between the higher and lower spheres, first published

by Abraham Kalmankes. Amsterdam.
1663. Derek Emet, annotations on the Zohar and the " Sefer ha-

Tikkunim." In three parts, Venice, 1663.
1663. Notes on the " Zohar he-Hadash," with text. Venice.
1680. Shulhan 'Aruk, mystic explanations of many religious

Mubhar she be-Abot, cabalistic commentary on Pirke Abet.
1710. Re'amim u-Re'ashim, prognostications. Constantinople.
1715. Notes on the Zohar, with text. Amsterdam.
1719. Perush Sefer Yezirah, commentary on the " Sefer Yezl-

rah." Amsterdam.
1728. Tikkun Ashmurot, midnight prayers termed "hazot."

1737. Golel Or, on metempsychosis. Published by Meir ben Hall-

fah Bikayim. Smyrna.
1766. Hadrat Melek, commentary on the Zohar. Published by

Shalom ben Moses Buzaglio. Amsterdam.
1781. Seder ha-Teflllah, a book of prayer. Published by Aryeh

ben Abraham. Zolkiev.
1785. Likkute Shas, cabalistic dissertations on several Talmudic

treatises. Korzec.
1785. Zohar ha-Rakia', commentaries on the Zohar, with the

text. Korzec.
1785. Kol be-Ramah, on the Idra Rabba, with additions by Jacob.

ben Havyim Zemah. Korzec.
1788. KelalotTikkuniin we-'Aliyyot ha-'Olamot, on the ascension

of the soul. Lemberg.
1839. Ma'or we-Shemesh, cabalistic collectanea. Published by

Judah ben Abraham Raphael Koriat. Leghorn.
Hayyim Vital, as stated above, produced from the notes of
Luria's lectures a work entitled " 'Ez Hayyim " (Korzec, 1784),
in six volumes : (1) "Ozerot Hayyim," containing twenty-one
cabalistic essays; i2) "Sefer Derushim," cabalistic explana-
tions of the Bible ; (3) " Sefer Kawwanot," mystic explanations




of the prayers ; (4) "Ta'ame ha-Miz\vot," on the precepts; (5)
'• Sefer ha-GilRulim,"' on metempsychosis ; (ti) " Sefer Likku-
tim," miscellanea. According to Azulai, Luria wrote in the
earlier part of his life novelhv on Zebahiin and'Bezah. A hala-
kic consultation addressed by Luria to Joseph faro is inserted
in^AbkatRokel" (8 136).

Bibliography: Solomon Shelemiel ben Hayyim, Shihhe ha-
Ari, Korzec, 17&"); OHiot Za((dikiin, Leghorn, 1785; Naph-
tali Herz ben Jacob Elhiinari, Tohulot ha-Ari, published with
the 'Emek ha-MeJik, Amsterdam, IMS ; Hayyim Cohen, Ma-
'axeli ha-'Ari, in the introduction to his Mekar Ilayyim, ib.
lt);")5: .sVrV/- Sedaii hci-Ari, ib. 17H^; Mn'aseh Nittsirn i<Ml
]ia-A)i, ih. 1720; Azulai, ^f/ieni ha-GedoUniyi. 104; Conforte,
Knrf ha-Dm-nt, p. 40b; Rossi, Dizionario, p. 186; Steinschnei-
d'er. Cat. Hodl. col. 11:53 : idem, Jewish Literature, p. 4.% ; D.
Ch. (iinsburg, Tlie Kat)baJali, p. I'M, London, 18&5; Gnitz,
(lescli. i.\. 430 et aeq.; Fuenn, Keiieset Yi)<rad, p. 630.

K. I. Bh.

Johanan ben Aaron ben Nathanael Liuria :
Alsatian Talmudist ; lived successively at Niederu-
lieini and Strasburg at the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury and in the beginning of the sixteenth. After
having studied for many years in German yeshibot,
he returned to Alsace and settled in Strasburg,
wliere he founded a yeshibah by permission of the
government. Ltiria was the author of an ethical
work entitled "Iladrakah" (Cracow, c. 1579) and
of "MesiiibatNefesh " (Neubauer, "Cat. Bodl. Hebr.
MSS." No. 257), a haggadic and mystical commen-
tary on the Pentateuch, founded on Raslii. To this
commentary was appended a dissertation in which
Luria refuted the arguments advanced by Chris-
tians asjainst Judaism.

BiHi.iO(iK.\piiY : Carmoly, Ttitirrair-en de la Terre Sainte,p.
345; Zunz, Z. G. pp. llKi-WO; Orient, Lit. xi. 546; Steln-
schneider. Cat. Bodl. col. 1398.

K. L Bu.

Solomon b. Jehiel Luria: Rabbi and author;
horn in Brest-Litovsk, Lithuania, 1510; died at Lub-
lin Nov. 7, 1573. When still a youth his parents sent
him to Posen, where he studied under the guidance
of his grandfather Rabbi Isaac Klauberia. He left
Posen in 1535, owing to an extensive fire which des-
troyed liis grandfather's property. On his return
to his native place lie assiduously continued his
studies. Here he married Lipka, daughter of Rabbi
Kalonymus. After some time he was elected rabbi
of Brest, and established a j'esiiibah there. About
1550 he received the appointment of rabbi and head
of the yeshibah at Ostrog, and in 1555 he moved
to Lublin, Avhere he became head of the famous

Concerning liis method of study and teaching he
says: "I was jiainstaking always to trace tlie last
source of the Halakah, wiiich I used to discuss with
my friends and pupils, spending sometimes a week
iu research and close reasoning till I came upon the
root of the matter; then I used to put it down in
my book. And it was always my habit to quote all
the opinions of my predecessors, according to their
rank of autiiority, also the decisions and rulings of
those who compiled the, in ortler to avoid
tlie suspicion of plagiarism or the reproach that 1
hiid overlooked the opinion of some great autiiority.
In two years I did not reach in my
His studies further liian half of tiie tract-

Method ate Yebamot. I spent a wiiole year
of Study, on two chajiters of the tractate Ketu-
bot;and tlie chapter ' Mi/.wat Halizali'
[ Vebaniot] took me half a year." It is therefore not
surprising that Luria was very indepenilent, and

was not afraid to say in public: "Do not take any
notice of what people have been accustomed till
now to consider as permitted; for most of them
used to read only the ' Tur Orah Hayyim ' by Rabbi
Jacob ben Asher. He gave permission in the name of
his father, Rabbi Asher; and iu his introduction he
even asserts that whenever he quotes the ruling of
his father, it should be considered as decisive for
practise. And, indeed, many people took it for
granted that it is to be looked upon as the last and
absolute decision, as though it were handed down
to us as a tradition of Moses from Mount Sinai. The
fact that he agrees with his father does not pledge
us to agree with him ; indeed, so it is in many ritual
matters that the general usage is against him." Nor
does he spare even Joseph Caro, whom he accuses
of having occasionally expressed merely superficial
views in his effort to harmonize conflicting laws, as
well as of having sometimes based his decisions on
the reading of corrupt texts.

With even more asperity he speaks of Benjamin
Zeeb and his responsa, "Binyamin Ze'eb," which
he warns the public are worthless and full of pla-
giarisms. Of some of the rabbis of his time he
says as follows: "The ordained are many; but
those who know something are few. The number
of overbearing ones is steadily increa.sing, none of
whom knows his place. As soon as they are or-
dained they begin to domineer and, by means of
their wealth, to gather about themselves disciples,
just as lords hire slaves to run before them. They
rule over the scholars and the congregation. Thej'
excommunicate and anathematize, and the}' ordain
pupils who did not study under them, and receive
therefor money and reward. They are always seek-
ing their own interests."

Though Luria was not on very good terms witii
most of his contemporaries, yet he formed an inti-
mate friendship with Rabbi Closes
Friendship Isserles of Cracow, as may be seen
with from their correspondence. But this

Isserles. friendship did not prevent Luria from
remonstrating with Isserles when he
learned that the latter was devoted to the study of
philosophy, for he exhorted him with the words:
" Thou art turning to the wisdom of the uncircum-
cised Aristotle. Wo unto my eyes that they have
seen such a thing! This is a sin for such a prince in
Israel." The adherents of the Cabala he censured
severely, saying: "Tliese modern ones pretend to
belong to the sect of the cabalists. . . . They can
not see iu the light of the Zohar, which they do not
understand. . . . Therefore, do not go in their
ways. Have nothing to do witii things secret."

Luria's works include: (1) " Hokmat Sheloinoli "
(Cracow, 1582), critical notes on the Talmud and its
earlier commentaries; it has been iippended to the
later editions of the Talmud; (2) Responsa (Lub-
lin, 1574); (3) "Yam sliclSlicl()in(.Ii"(PragU(;, 1615.
and later), novelhe on dilferent treatises of the Tal-
mud: on Balm Kamma; on Hullin (Cracow, 1G46);
on Yebamot (.Mtoiia, 1740); on Bezali (I.ublin.
16:56); on Kiddushin (BtMlin, 1766); and on Gittin
(ih. 1766) ; (4) " Yeri'ot Shelomoh," supercommentary
on the commentary of Elijah ^lizrahi on Rashi,
prepared for print by liis pupil Jehiel ben Mesliul-




lam; (5) " 'Ammude Sbclomoh " (Basul, 1600), com-
mentary on the book of precepts by Rabbi Moses
of Coucy; (6) "'Ateret Shelomoh"; (7) "Zemirot"
(Venice, 1602), commentary ou the "Sha'are Dura "
of Isaac of Duren (Lublin, 1598), liturgical songs;
and others. Many of Luria's works are still extant
in manuscript.

Bibliography : PascheUs Israelitischer Volkshalender, x. 49 ;
f)cr Orte/iMx. 568; Ha-MaoaM. p. 27, Lyck, 1M8; Horo-
dexky, in Ha-Uoren, 1. 95; idem, Kerem SJtclomoh (1^9b);
Kabbinowicz, Ma'amar, p. 56, Munich, 1877; Steinschneider,
Cat Jiod/. cols. 23-6.5 ; tiissanh&um, Le-Korut ha-YeMidiin
hc-LuhUiu p. 20, Lublin, 1899: Epstein, Die Familie Luri(\
p. 14, Vienna, 1901; Feinstein, '/r TehiUah, p. 198, Warsaw,
1K86 ; Kohn-Zedek, Shcm u-She'erit. p. 21, Cracow, 1895 ; Gude-
mann, Qiiellenschriften zur Gesch. des Unterrichts, p. 59,
Berlin, 1891 ; Gratz, Gesch. Ix. 436; Ha-Asif (Warsaw), v.
127 ; Isr. Letterbode, xi. 165.
P. s. B. Fr.

DE Castel-Bkanco.
LUST. See Yezer ha-Ra'.
LUSTRATION. See Ablution.
LUTHER, MARTIN*: German church re-
former; born at Eislebeu Nov. 10, 1483; died there
Feb. 18, 1546. The Reformation originated in the
lienaissance, being due partly to the general critical
examination of traditional doctrines, and partly to
the study of ancient languages, particularly of Greek
and Hebrew, a study which was advocated and
fostered by the Humanists, and the necessity of
which was implied in the fundamental principle
of Luther that Scripture alone is the infallible
guide in religious belief. Luther attempted from
tlie start to win over Reuchlin, the author of the
tirst Hebrew grammar written by a Christian and
the defender of rabbinical literature against the
attacks of the apostate Pfefferkorn and against the
Dominicans who supported him; but while Me-
lanchthon, Reuchlin's nephew, was Luther's truest
friend, and while he did not succeed in winning
lieuchlin over to liis cause, he incurred the enmity
of Reuchlin's foes, one of them being the Domini-
can fiiar, Hoogstkaten.

AVhile Luther always upheld the Bible as the
basis of belief, and wliile he speaks very highly of
Hebrew, which he calls the best, the richest, and at
the same time the plainest language,
Scant he himself did not go back to the
Knowledge original text; indeed, he admits that
of Hebrew, he was not a Hebrew scholar, and
especially that he knew nothing of He-
brew grammar {ib. Ixii. 813). A Hebrew book he had
received, he gave to a friend, saying, "Excedit
eiiim vires meas " ("Luther's Sammtliche Werke,"
ii. 612, "Briefe")- His exegetical principle is one
which reveals the context by inspiration rather than
liy grammatical exposition, and while he speaks
very highly of Moses and David Kimhi, whose
works he knew through Nicholas de Lyra and
Paulus of Burgos, he often inveighs, in his charac-
teristically coarse manner, against what he calls the
perversions of the rabbinical exegetes who " versu-
chen, drehen, deuten, martern fast alle Wort"
(ib. xxxii. 174 ["Von den Juden und Ihren Liigen "]
and Ixii. 311-317; see Geiger, "Das Studium der

*This article is limited to the presentation of Luther's re-
lation to Jews and Judaism.

Hebr. Sprache in Deutsehland," pp. 5-7,132, Breslau,
1870). He speaks highly of the Jews as having been
chosen by God as the instruments for the promulga-
tion of His message to the world. "The Jews," he
say.s, "are of the best blood on earth" (Luther, I.e.
\\v. 409); "through them alone the Holy Ghost
wished to give all books of Holy Scripture to the
world; they are the children and we are the guests
and the strangers; indeed, like the Canaanitish
woman, w-e sliould be satisfied to be the dogs that
eat the crums which fall from their master's-
table" (XXV. 260).

In Luther's attitude toward the Jews two periods
have to be distinguished. During the earlier, which
lasted until 1537 or shortly before, he is full of com-
passion for their misery and enthusiastic for their
conversion to Christianity ; in the later, toward the
end of his life, he denounces them in unmeasured
terms, saying that it is useless to convert any Jew,
and accusing them of a relentless hatred of Chris-
tianity and of all the crimes which then- enemies
ever charged them with — well-poisoning, ritual
murder, cowardly assassinations of their patients,
etc. He wishes the princes to persecute them mer-
cilessly and the preachei-s to set the mob against
them. What caused this change of attitude is not
exactly known. Luther liimself speaks of polem-
ical works written by Jews in which they bhis-
phemed Jesus and Mary, of the propaganda which
they made among Christians and which caused
quite a number of Christians in Moravia to em-
brace Judaism, and of three Jews who had come to
him to convert him.

The first of Luther's works dealing with the Jews
is a pamphlet entitled " Dass Jesus ein Geborner
Jude Sei," which appeared in 1543 and
"Dass Je- was republished seven times in the
sus ein Ge- same year {ib. xxix. 45-74). The oc-
borner casion for publishing the pamphlet
Jude Sei." was the accusation hurled against
Luther, evidently by his Catholic op-
ponents, that he had denied the supernatural birth
of Jesus. After defending himself against the
charge of being a Jew at heart, lie speaks of tlie
Jews and of the way to convert them to Christianity.
" Our fools, the popes, bishops, sophists, and monks,
these coarse blockheads ["die groben Eselskopfe"],
dealt with the Jews in such a manner that any Chris-
tian would have preferred to be a Jew. Indeed, had
I been a Jew and had I seen such idiots and dunder-
heads [Tolpel und Knebel] expound Christianity,
I should rather have become a hog than a Christian "
{ib. xxix. 46-47). The accusation that Roman Ca-
tholicism presented Christianity in such a repulsive
form that Jews could not be won over by it occurs
repeatedly in his works. "If I were a good Jew,
the pope could never persuade me to accept his idol-
atry. I would ratlier ten times be racked and flayed "
("ehe wollte ich mich zehen Mai lassen raedern und
acdern"; ib. Ixii. 355). In another passage he tells
the anecdote, derived from Boccaccio, of a Jew who
desired to embrace Christianity but wished first to
see the pope. When the Jew returned from Rom(>
he asked a priest to bapti/e him, "for tlie God of
the Christians must indeed be a God who forgives
all iniquity if lie suffers all the rogueries of Rome"




(ib. Ixii. 377). "If the Apostles had dealt with the
heathen as the Christians deal with the Jews, none
ever would have been converted to Christianity "
(ib. xxix. 47).

Luther closes this remarkable pamphlet with the
following appeal: " I would advise and beg every-
body to deal kindl}' with the Jews and to instruct
them in the Scripture; in such a case we could ex-
pect them to come over to us. If, however, we use
brute force and slander them [" gehen mit Luegen-
theiding umb "], saying that they need the blood of
Christians to get rid of their stench, and other non-
sense of that kind, and treat them like dogs, what
good can we expect of them? Finally, how can we
expect them to improve if we prohibit them to
work among us and to have social intercourse with
us, and so force them into usury ? If we wish to
make them better we must deal with them not ac-
cording to the law of the pope, but according to the
law of Christian charity. We must receive them
kindly and allow them to compete with us in earning
a livelihood, so that they may have an opportunity to
witness Christian life and doctrine; and if some re-
main obstinate, what of it? Not every one of us is
a good Christian" {ib. xxix. 74).

This book was undoubtedly written with the pur-
pose of winning the Jews over to Christianity, as
may be inferred from the fact that he sent it in the
year of publication to a converted Jew

Hope of named Bernhard (Geiger, " Jild. Zeit."
Conversion vii. 2i et seg.). Luther was an enthu-

of Jews, siastic believer in the Christianity of
the apostle Paul, and therefore ex-
pected from the Reformed Church the fulfilment of
Paul's prophecy that all Israel shall be saved (Rom.
xi. 26). "If this prophecy has not been fulfilled
yet, it is because papacy has presented such a per-
verted Christianity that the Jews liave been repulsed
by it." It is very probable that Luther expected
the attestation of the truth of Christianity by a gen-
eral conversion of the Jews, and, being disappointed,
changed his attitude toward them. In one of his
letters he speaks of a Polish Jew who had been hired
to assassinate him, but this was most likely merely
a vague rumor in which he did not himself believe
(Geiger, "J lid. Zeit." vii. 26). In 1537, when Duke
John Frederick of Saxony, who was a strong sup-
porter of the Reformation, ordered the expulsion of
the Jews from his country, Josel Rosheim, the ad-
vocate of the Alsatian Jews, armed with a letter of
introduction from Luther's friend Capito, asked
Luther to intercede with the duke in behalf of his
coreligionists. Luther, however, refused to act, say-
ing tliat the Jews had not appreciated the kindness
he had shown them in his book and that they were
"doing things which are unbearable to Christians."
The somewiiat ol)Scure allusions of this letter seem
to indicate tliat he was incensed at the Jews for tlieir
refusal to liccome Christians (ib. v. 78-80; Geiger,
"JiUl. Zeit." V. 28; " R. E. J." xiii. 112).

Two books published by Lutlier in 1544 are espe-
cially marked by bitterness— " Von den Juden und
Ihren Luegen " and " Vom Rchcm Hamphoras tmd
vom Geschlecht Christi,"bot]i printed in Wittenberg
(ib. xxxii. 99-358). Tlie occasion for writing the
first book was, as he states, the audacity with wliich

the Jews attacked the Christian dogmas and espe-
cially the Christological exposition of the Old
Testament. The bitterness noticeable in the wri-
tings of his last years and which was

'< Von den due to disappointment at the slow

Juden und progress of his work, to the dissen-

Ihren sions among his followers, and, not

Luegen." the least, to his physical ailments, is
evident to a degree which is grievous
to his most ardent admirers. Pie must have been
influenced by some converts from Judaism, such as
Antonius Margaritha and Bernhard Ziegler (ib.
xxxii. 357), probably the Bernhard referred to

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