Isidore Singer.

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Maccabees or with their times. It received its name
probably because it is a fiction concerning the perse-
cution of the Jews by a foreign king; that king
was Ptolemy Philopator (222-205 B.C.). The story
runs as follows: After Ptolemy's defeat of Antio-
chus III. in 217 B.C., at the battle of Raphia, the
former visited Jerusalem and tried to enter the Tem-
ple, but was miraculously prevented (i. l-ii. 24). Re-
turning to Alexandria, he assembled the Jews in the
hippodrome to be massacred, but the neces.sity of
writing down their names exhausted the paper in
Egypt, so that they escaped (ii. 25-iv. 21). Next the
king devised a plan for having the Jews trampled to
death by elephants; this also was frustrated in vari-
ous improbable ways (v. 1-vi. 21). The king then
underwent a change of heart and bestowed great
VIII.— 16

favor on the Jews, and the day on which this oc-
curred was ever after celebrated as a festival in
memory of the deliverance (vi. 2^vii. 23).

The author of this fiction was certainly an Alex-
andrian Jew who wrote in Greek, for its style is
even more rhetorical and bombastic than that of

II Maccabees. The work begins abruptly and is
thought to be but a fragment of a once larger
whole. Whether there is any foundation for the
story concerning Philopator with which the writer
begins there is no means of knowing. If true, it is
one of a very few grains of fact in the whole account.
Josephus ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) tells how Ptolemy
Physco (146-117 B.C.) cast the Jews of Alexandria,
who, as adherents of Cleopatra, were his political

opponents, to intoxicated elephants.

Author- When the elephants turned on his own

ship and people the king saw a sudden appari-

Character. tion and gave up his purpose. The

Jews, it is added, celebrate the day of

their deliverance. It would seem that the author of

III Maccabees, anxious to connect this celebration
with Jerusalem, has transferred it to an earlier
Ptolemy and given it an entirely unhistorical set-
ting. His narrative can not be regarded as a suc-
cessful fiction, as it abounds in psychological as well
as historical improbabilities.

This work was written later than II Maccabees,
for its author made use of that book (see ii. 9 ; comp.
II Mace. vi. 18 et seq. and xiv. 35 with III Mace. iil.
25-33 ; see also Grimm, I.e. p. 220). He can not have
written earlier, therefore, than the end of the first
century B.C. On the other hand, he can not have
written later than the first century c.E. or his work
would not have been used by Christians. Ewald
regarded this work as a polemic against Caligula
and dated it accordingly about 40 c.E. ; this view
has been abandoned by more recent writers, since
Philopator is not represented as claiming divine


Bibliography : In addition to the works cited in the bibliopra-
phy to the second part of this article : Deissmann, Bihle Stud-
ies, 1901, pp. 341-34.J ; 1. Abrahams, in J. Q. R. 1896-97, is. 39
et seq. ; Ewald, Gesch. des Vulkes Ii<racl, iv. 611-6U.

IV Maccabees : The Fourth Book of the Macca-
bees, so called, is a semiphilosophic discourse, or
sermon, on the "supremacy of the pious reason"
(ch. i. 1). It consists of a prologue (i. 1-12) and of
two principal parts. The first of these (i. 13-iii. 18)
is devoted to the elucidation of the author's philo-
sophical thesis, and the second (iii. 19-xviii. 24) to
the illustration of the thesis by examples drawn
from II Maccabees. In the latter portion of the
work there is, first (iii. 19-iv. 26), a brief review of
the sufferings of the Jews under Seleucus and his
son (?) Antiochus Epiphanes; the conquering power
of reason is illustrated (v. 1-vii. 23) by the example
of Eleazar, drawn from II Mace. v. 18-31; by that
of the seven brethren (vii. 24-xiv. 10), drawn from
II Mace. vii. 1-23; and by that of their mother (xiv.
11-xvi. 25), taken from II ]\Iacc. vii. 25 et seq. In
ch. xvii. and xviii. the author expresses his impres-
sions with reference to these martyrdoms.

It appears, therefore, that the only connection this
work has with the Maccabees is in the fact that the
author's illustrations are drawn from the Second
Book of the Maccabees.




Cli. xviii. 3-24 has been thought by several schol-
ars to be the work of a later hand, but the opinion
does not appear to be well founded.
Integrity Ch. xvii. 2 would form a weak ending
and to the book, while xviii. 20-24 suits

Character, well the style of the author of the
earlier parts, and the apparent incon-
gruity of xviii. 6-19 would seem to be designed in
this hortatory composition to make a strong im-
pression on its hearers. This latter view is strength-
ened if it be remembered that the work is throughout
a discourse addressed directly to listeners (comp. i.
1. 7; ii. 13; xiii. 19; xviii. 1). Ewald and Freuden-
thal called it a sermon and held that it is an exam-
ple of Alexandrian synagogue preaching, but this
view is now abandoned, for even in the Diaspora
the sermon of the synagogue was usually founded
on a passage from the Bible. This discourse, also,
is too abstruse for an ordinary congregation ; it is
an address to a more select circle.

Its style is oratorical and ornate, though not so
extravagant as that of III Maccabees. It contains
a large philosophic element of the Stoic type,
though its author possessed a taste for philosophy
rather than real philosophical insight. It contains
also a core of Judaism. The writer was a Jew who
could clothe his religion in a philosophic garb in
accordance with the tendency of the times. The
Hellenic and the Jewish elements in his work both
appear at their best and in a combination almost
without a parallel ; the nearest example is the New
Testament Epistle to the Hebrews.

It is probable, therefore, that the author of IV
Maccabees was an Alexandrian Jew. Eusebius
("Hist. Eccl." iii. 10) and Jerome ("De Viris lUus-
trihus," xiii.) ascribe the work to Josephus — an
opinion which was for a long time followed, and
which has caused the text of IV Mac-
Author cabees to be included in many editions
and Date, of the works of Josephus. But the
language and style of the work differ
so radically from those of the writings of Josephus
that it is clear that this is a mistaken opinion. Of
some of its historical combinations, asiniv. Sand v. 1,
Josephus could hardly have been guilty. The wai-
ter of IV Maccabees had certainly come under the
influence of the culture of Alexandria, even if he
lived and wrote in some other city. As to the time
when liie book was written, the data for an opinion
are the same as in the case of HI Maccabees: it was
written probably at the close of the last century
B.C. or (luring tlie first century c.E., and before the
time of Caligula, for the Jews seem to have been at
peace at the time.

The writer is a strong believer in immoTtality, but
he has abandoned the Pharisaic standiioir.t of IJ
Maccabees, wliich recognizes a bodily resurrection,
and holds to the view tliat all souls exist forever,
the good being togetlier in a state of liappiness.(.\vii.
18), with the Patriarchs (v. 37) and with God {i,\. 8
and xvii. 18). Tliese views art; fho
Escha- more striking as they are entwined
tology. witii the same narratives which in II
Maccabees express the more material-
istic view. The writer holds, also, that the sufTenng
of the martyrs was vicarious; by it they wrought

deliverance for their nation (comp. i. 11, xvii. 19-
23, xviii. 24).

Bibliography : For the Greek text of IV Maccabees, as well as
of the other books, see Swete. Tlie Old Testament in Ureek,
vol. iii., 1894 ; for the translaUon, see Kautzsch, Apokryphen,
ii. iryz et seq.; for introductions, see Bissell In Lange's (Vmi-
meutaru.and Schiirer, Histnti) of the Jcivish Feirplc; see
also Bensly, The Fouith Book of Maccabees in Syriac. Ua5.
T. G. A. B.

II.* I Maccabees, now extant only in Greek, was
originally composed in Hebrew or Aramaic, most
probably the former; but the original can not have
been long in circulation. The fragment of a Hebrew
text of I Maccabees published by Chwolson (1896)
and again by Schweizer (1901) is not .part of the
original ; and it may well be that even
I Macca- Origen knew only an Aramaic trans-
bees, lation and not the original. He calls
(Eusebius, " Hist. Eccl. " vi. 25) I Mac-
cabees I,ap^/}6 la(p)fiavaiel, a title which has given
rise to much conjecture. Only two suggestions need
be named : Derenbourg's ^K ^^2 IK' n"'n 1DD C' Book
of the Family of the Chief of the People of God "),
given in his " Essai sur I'Histoire et la Geographic de
Id Palestine" (p. 450, Paris, 1867), and Dalman's
'XJOKTl n^2 IDD, in bis "Grammatik des Jildisch-
Palastinischen Aramaisch " (p. 6, Leipsic, 1894). Of
the name " Maccabees " it may be mentioned that in
a text of the Megillat Anteyukas(" J. Q. R." xi. 291
et seq.) the reading is »6<:pC) ( = "the zealot "), which
would be very acceptable were it better attested.

As to the date of the book, much turns on the mean-
ing of the last two verses. Some critics, indeed, doubt
the authenticity of the whole of the last section
(xiv. 16-xvi. 24), but the trend of opinion is in favor
of the integrity of the book. Schiirer and Niese
(in "Kritik der Beiden Makkabaerbiicher," Berlin,
1900) maintain that the last verses imply that I
Maccabees was written after the death of John Hyr-
canus (105 B.C.), but there is good reason for hold-
ing that the reference is to the beginning (135 B.C.)
and not to the end of Hyrcanus' reign (see "J. Q.
R." xiii. 512 et seq.).

Critics are practically unanimous in attaching
great value to I Maccabees as a historical record.
"On the whole, the book must be pronounced a
work of the highest value, comparing favorably, in
point of trustworthiness, witii the best Greek and
Roman histories" (Torrey). This is high praise;
but it is fully deserved (comp. Schiirer, "Gesch."
iii. 141). Niese {Lc.) has done good service in vin-
dicating the authenticity of Judas' embassy to
Rome; and it is no peculiar demerit in I Maccabees
that in the reports of the numl)ers engaged in bat-
tle, of speeches, and even of documents, its account
is inexact and sometimes quite incredible. Such
defects are shared by Thucydides and Livy. The
substance, not the exact form, of documents was
given by ancient historians. On tlie other hand, it
dilTers somewhat from tiie Biblical histories in its
standpoint. Tlie divine element is not wanting, and
success is ultimately traced (as in Mattathias' death-
bed utterances) to God. Judas invariably sings
psalms of thanksgiving for victory, and the key-note
of the revolt is "Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us,

♦A second article on the Book of Macciibees Is inserted as
treating the subject from a Jewish standpoint.— J.




but unto thy name give glory " (Ps. cxv. 1). The
period also, as many liold, gave rise to numerous new
psalms. But in 1 Maccabees, nevertheless, history
is written from the human standpoint. Victory is
'f earned by endeavor as well as bestowed by grace.
Partly because of this phenomenon, it was urged by
Geiger (" Urschrift," 1857, pp. 200-230) that one
may detect a dynastic purpose in the book and that
its author was a Sadducean apologist for the Has-

It is certainly true that the author is silent con-
cerning the worst excesses of the (Sadducean) high
priests, and attaches primary importance to the
founder of the dynasty, Mattathias. Mattathias is
unknown to II Maccabees, though the latter is sup-
posed by Geiger to be a Pharisaic counteiblast to
the Sadducean I Maccabees. Yet, strangely enough,
in the Pharisaic tradition of the Talmud and Syna-
gogue Mattathias plays a large part, so large that
Judas is thrown into the background.

On one important point some modern writers are
unfair to the book. God is not "named " in it; the
term "heaven" replaces the divine name. From
this the inference has been drawn that "God was
absolutely conceived as reigning in the remote
heaven, and no longer as dwelling among the peo-
ple by the Shekinah " (Fairweather and Black, " I
Maccabees," Introduction, p. 47). This is as false
an inference as would be a similar conclusion from
the opening words of the Lord's Prayer, " Our Father
whoart in Heaven." God is not "named " through-
out the Lord's Prayer. In I Maccabees the personal
pronoun is most significantly used (iii. 22, 51 ; iv.
10, 55) with relation to the term "heaven"; and,
more remarkable still, the pronoun is sometimes used
(ii. 61) without any noun at all: " And thus consider
ye from generation to generation, that none that put
their trust in him shall want for strength." That
there grew up a disinclination to " name " God is
undoubted ; but whatever the origin of this scrupu-
losity, it was not any sense of the remoteness of God
(see discussion by Ben Jacob, "Im Namen Gottes,"
p. 164, Berlin, 1903). From the Maccabeau period
onward God becomes ever nearer to Israel. If there
was a fault at all, it was not that God became too
transcendent ; the tendency Avas rather in the direc-
tion of overfamiliarity than of undue aloofness.

Unlike I Maccabees, the book known as II Macca-
bees was written in Greek. For the history of the
war it is of less value than I Maccabees, though
some recent writers (in particular Niese) have main-
tained the opposite opinion. It adds, however, im-
portant particulars regarding the events that 'led up
to the Maccabean revolt. Besides this, II Maccabees,
written quite independently of I Maccabees, is a
strong support of the general truth of the familiar
story of the revolt, though II Maccabees is embel-
lished with angelical and miraculous
II Macca- ornament foreign to the first book.
bees. Its style is rhetorical, its purpose di-
dactic. It emanated from Alexandria
and was addressed to the Greek-speaking Jews of
the Diaspora. It was designed to impress on them
the unity of Judaism, the importance of Jerusalem
as the center of religious life, and the duty of ob-
serving the two feasts of Hanukkah and Nicanor's

Day (see Nicanor). That the book has a Pharisaic
color is-imdoubted, but not in the sense of being
a partizan pamphlet in reply to I Maccabees, which,
indued, the authoi of II .Maccabees most probably
did not know. Moieover, II Maccabees takes no
account of Mattathias, nor, indeed, of any of the
band of heroes except Judas; and this is not easily
forced into evidence of Pharisaic partizanship. On
the other hand, in II Mace. xiv. 6 Judas is repre-
sented as the leader of the Hasidieans, Avho have
many points in common with the Pharisees, and from
whom the Hasmoneans were soon alienated.

Of specifically non-Sadducean doctrines, II Mac-
cabees has a very clear expression of belief in the
resurrection. Death is a "short pain that bringeth
everlasting life" (II Mace. vii. 36; comp. other pas-
sages in the same chapter and xiv. 46). J udas is rep-
resented (II Mace. xii. 43 et seq.) as making offerings
for the dead because "he took thought of the resur-
rection." The reference to such offerings is, how-
ever, without parallel in Jewish literature, and noth-
ing is otherwise known of such offerings being made
at the Temple in Jerusalem (see Israel Levi, " La
Commemoration des Ames dans le Judaisme," in
"R. E. J." xxix. 48).

The book is usually held to belong to the latter part
of the first century B.C. ; Jason (of whose work it pur-
ports to bean epitome) wrote at least a century earlier.
Niese places II Maccabees at the date 125-124 b.c,
thus regarding it as older than, as well as superior
to, I Maccabees. In this preference of the second
to the first book, Niese stands practically alone, but
he has done great service in vindicating the impor-
tance and value of the former (comp. also Sluys,
"De Maccabaorum Libris I et II Quaestiones," Am-
sterdam, 1904). It remains to add that the authen-
ticity of the letters prefixed to II Maccabees has
been fiercely assailed. Yet it is coming to be recog-
nized that the letters have a clear bearing on the
design of the book, as explained above, and it is
quite conceivable, though very improbable, that
they were part of the original work of Jason. On
these letters see, besides earlier literature, Herkenne,
"Die Briefe zu Beginn des Zweiten Makkabfter-
buchs," Freiburg, 1904.

One point remains. The martyrdoms described
in II Maccabees, especially of the mother and her
seven sons, have given the book undjing value as
an inspiration and encouragement to the faithful of
all ages and creeds. As will be seen below (in con-
nection with IV Maccabees), this feature of the Mac-
cabean heroism made a special appeal to the Chris-
tianity of the first four centuries. " The figure of
the mart^-r, as the Church knows it, dates from the
persecution of Antiochus; all subsequent martyrol-
ogies derive from the Jewish books which recorded
the sufferings of those who in that day were strotig
and did exploits" (E. Bevan, "House of Seleucws,"
1902, ii. 175).

Ill Maccabees purports to record a persecution of
the Jews in Alexandria during the reign of Ptolemy
(IV.) Philopator (222-204 B.C.). The Jews are as-
sembled in the hippodrome, and 500 infuriated ele-
phants are to be let loose upon them. In the event
the elephants turned against the persecutors, and the
Jews not only escaped, but were treated with much




lionor by the king. That there is much of the fabu-
lous iu this story is obvious, aud it may well be that
the similar story told in Josephus
JII Macca- ("Contra Ap." ii. 5) concerning Ptole-
bees. my (VII.) Physcon is, as most assume,
the original of III Maccabees. The
book would thus belong at the latest to the first cen-
tury c.E. ; at the earliest to the last century b.c. Re-
cently important new light has been thrown on the
book by the discovery of early Jewish settlements
in the Fayum. On independent gounds, the present
writer ("J. Q. R." ix. 39) and Prof. A. Bilchler
("Tobiaden und Oniaden," pp. 172 et seq., Vienna,
1899) have put forward the theory that the book re-
fers to a persecution in the Fayum. Certainly, the
rapid transference of Jewish allegiance from Egyp-
tian to Syrian liegemony about 200 u.c. finds its ex-
planation if the Jews of Egypt were then undergoing
persecution. That the author was an Alexandrian
is unquestionable. On the other hand, Willrich
("Hermes," 1904; xxxix. 244) disputes the Fayum
theory and supports the view that the book is best
explained as referring to Caligula.

The beautiful work known as IV Maccabees is a
homily, not a history. As Freudenthal was the
first to show, it is a sermon addressed to a Greek-
speaking audience, and delivered probably on Hanuk-
kah (" Die Flavins Josephus Beigelegte
IV Macca- Schrift liber die Herrschaft der Ver-
bees. nunft [IV Makkabaerbuch]," Bres-
lau, 1869), the thesis being that, rea-
son (religion) can control the passions; the author
illustrates this from many examples, especially from
the story of the Maccabean martyrdoms as related in
II Mace, vi., vii. A very noble level of eloquence is
reached by the writer, and the book is in many ways
one of the best products of the syncretism of He-
braic and Greek thought.

The authorship of IV Maccabees was at one
time ascribed (as by Eusebius, Jerome, and other
authorities) to Josephus, but this is clearly wrong.
Nothing can with definiteness be asserted as to the
date of the book ; it belongs probably to the period
shortly before the fall of Jerusalem. In its present
form it contains possibly some Christian interpola-
tions {e.g., vii. 19, xiii. 17, xvi. 25), but they are cer-
tainly very few and insignificant. Later on, Chris-
tian homilists used the same topic, the martyrdoms,
as the theme for sermons; the Church maintained
a Maccabean feast (though not on the same date as
the Jews) for at least four centuries. Homilies by
Gregory Nazienzen and Chrysostom for the festival
of Aug. 1 (the "Birthday of the Maccabees") are
extant on this subject. On the "Maccabees as
Christian Saints" see Maas in "Monatsschrift,"
xliv. 145 et seq.

V Maccabees, so called by Cotton ("Five Books

of Maccabees," 1832), is known also as the Arabic II

Maccabees. It is included in the Paris and London

Polyglots. It has clear relations to

V Macca- II Maccabees, the Arabic "Yosippus,"

bees. and the Hebrew " Yosippon." Late in

origin and without historical value,

the book is, however, of considerable importance

from other points of view,

J. I. A.

MACEDONIA : Country of southeastern Eu-
rope; now a part of the Turkish empire. It is the
native country of Alexander the Great, who is, there-
fore, called "Alexander the Macedonian" in rabbin-
ical writings. In Dan. xi. 30 the Macedonians are
mentioned under the name "Kittim" (R. V.), and
Eusebius and the Hebrew Josephus or Gorionides
(Knobel, " Volkertafel," p. 103) use the same desig-

In the apocalyptic literature this kingdom is
known as the "fourth beast" (Dan. vii. 7). The
First Book of the Maccabees, which originally was
written in Hebrew, also uses the word " Kittim " for
Macedonians, and mentions Philip and Alexander
(i. 1), as well as Philip III. and his illegitimate son
Perseus (viii. 5), as kings of the Macedonians. Since
the Greek Syrians style themselves " successors of
Alexander," these Syrians also are called "Mace-
donians" (II Mace. viii. 20).

The Rabbis, whose acquaintance with Greek life
was one acquired during the Macedonian era,
identified the Hebrew " Yawan " (Javan) with Mace-
donia (Targ. Yer. to Gen. x. 2; Targ. of I Chron.
i. 5; Yoma 10a; Gen. R. xxxvii. 1), and to them,
as to Daniel, Macedonia represented the eschatolog-
ical kingdom (Mek. to Ex. xx. 18; Targ. of I Sam.
ii. 4); with them the expression "Javan "is inter-
changeable with " Macedonia. " They mention, prob-
ably in a figurative sense, the " jaundice " of Mace-
donia (Targ. Yer. to Deut. xxviii. 22) ; also the gold
from the same country (Targ. to Esth. viii. 15 ; 2d
Targ. to Esth. vi. 10).

Many Macedonian idioms, it is claimed, are found
in the Jewish-Hellenistic language, especially as it
appears in the Septuagint (Swete, "Introduction
to the O. T. in Greek," p. 291, Cambridge, 1900).
Cities having Macedonian names were founded on
Palestinian soil, such as Beroea, Dion, Pella. Certain
weapons of tlie Macedonians are referred to by Jo-
sephus ("B. J." V. 11, §3).

Many Jews must have lived in Macedonia, since
Christian doctrines found a ready and early accept-
ance there. Paul visited the Macedonian regions on
his second missionary journey (Acts xvi. 9; comp.
I Cor. xvi. 5); his fellow workers Silas and Timothy
labored there (Acts xvii. 14, xviii. o^. Paul visited
it again on his third journey (Acts xx. 1 ; II Cor. i.
16, ii. 13, vii. 5), stopping in the cities Philippi, Thes-
salonica, and Beroea. Jewish inscriptions have been
found in Thessalonica (" R. E. J." x. 78), and the
presence of Jews in Macedonia is proved also by
Agrippa's letter to Caligula (Philo, "Legatio ad
Caium," § 36 [ed. Mangey, ii. 587]).

For an account of the Jews in Macedonia in
modern times see Turkey.

Bibliography : Schiirer, Oesch, 111. 27; Krauss, Lehnw&rter,
ii. 349.
G. S. Kr.

MACHADO : Name of a family of Maranos
which apjiears to have emigrated to America from
Lisbon. The name is met with in Mexico and the
West Indies at a very early date. As early as 1600,
during the course of the trial of Jorge de Almeida by
the Tnquisitioi) in Mexico, Isabel Machado and
her father, Antonio Machado, were charged with




being Jews. Abraham de Macado is iiienlioned
asii resident of Martiuique in 1680, and M. Macha-
do is l<nown to have been a planter iu ISuriuani,
about 1G90.

Tiie most important family bearing the name in
America is the one in New York. It is descended
from David Mendez Machado, who went from
Lisbon, as a refugee from the Inquisition, to England,
wheie he joined the emigrants going to Georgia, ar-
riving at Savannali iu 1733. David ]Meudez Machacio
married Zipporah, daughter of Dr. Samuel Nunez,
one of the early settlers of Georgia, and sliortly after-
ward left Savannah for New York; there, in 1734,
he became hazzan of the Spanisii and Portuguese
congregation Shearith Israel, with which he re-
mained until his death in 1753. Aaron Machado,
presumably a brotlier, became a freeman in New
York in 1789. David Mendez Maciiado had two
children: Rebecca, born iu New York, 1746, mar-

Online LibraryIsidore SingerThe Jewish encyclopedia : a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 8) → online text (page 61 of 169)