Isidore Singer.

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conference held at Paris, as the delegate of the Ital-
ian government. In 1891-93 he arranged a number
of commercial treaties with Austro-Hungary, Ger-
many, and Switzerland. He was repeatedly nomi-
nated vice-president and member of council of the
Italian Geographical Society; he still (1904) occu-
pies the latter position.

Bibliography : De Gubernatis, Diz. Biog.

s. V. C.

MAMON (MAMMON): Mishnaic Hebrew
and Aramaic for "riches." The word itself is given
in the Sermon on the Mount-. " Ye can not serve
God and mammon " (Matt. vi. 24). There is no evi-
dence that there was a Syriac god of this name, the
modern idea that such a god existed being derived
from Milton's personification of the name— "Mam-
mon, the least erectetl spirit tiiat fell from heaven"
("Paradise Lost," i. 679). The word occurs in
Abot ii. 12, where almsgiving is called " the salt of
Mammon or riches. " Gesenius suggests that the word
was derived from "matmon" ("treasure"), with as-
similation of the" tet." The spelling with three" m's,"
however, isaitjiarently not justified ; the Greek form
witii two is held by most scholars to be correct.


MAMRAN : A check; an expression used by
Polish Jews from the end of the sixteenth to the be-




ginning of the nineteenth century. The word is

derived from "membrana," Low Latin equivalent

for " promissory note. " It was lirst used by Mordecai

Jafehin " 'Ir Shoshan " (ch. 48), and was recognized

by the hiw of East Prussia of 1801. Later laws,

declaring that in legal documents onlj^ the language

of the country may be used, threw the term into

disuse. There are various forms of the word —

"mamre," "mamram," "mamrama," "mamrame,"

etc., and a number of false etj^mological derivations

{e.g., from I^OH = "to exchange"; or from "Maha-

ram" [Meir] Lublin, supposed to have introduced it).

Bibliography: Bloch, Der Mamran (pec), <?cr JlidUrh-
Poliiische WecMelbrief, In Berliner Festschrift, Beiiin,
A. D.

MAMZEB. See Bastakd.

MAN, SON OF (Hebrew, "ben adam " or "ben

enosh " ; plural, " bene adam " ; Aramaic, " bar
enash," "bar uasha," or "bar nasli"): Individual
of the species man; synonym of "man." While "ben
enosh" occurs only in Ps. cxliv. 3, the term "ben
adam" is found exclusively in poetic (Num. xxiii.
19; Ps. viii. 5 [A. V. 4]) and prophetic passages (Isa.
li. 12; Jer. xlix. 18). The expression is used with
particular force about ninety times in Ezekiel, from
ch. ii. 1 on, as the title by which the prophet is ad-
dressed by Ynwii, obviously to accentuate the great
distance between him, the earth-born mortal, and the
sublime God who speaks to him. Most of the Jewish
commentators, whom modern exegetes follow, take
the title in that sense. " God addressed him thus in
order to make him feel that, though God speaks to
him, he is still a frail human being" (comp. "bene
adam " with " bene ish " [ilie former denoting the
humbler, and the latter the higher, classes of men]
in Ps. xlix. 3 [A. V. 2]).

The expression "son of man " ("bar enash") has a
peculiar use in Dan. vii. 13. Daniel in a vision

sees " one like the son of man coming
In Daniel, on [A. V. " with "] the clouds of heaven

an(i appearing before the Ancient of
Days," to receive from Him "the dominion, the
glory, and the kingdom for all time" (Hebr.).
There is no dispute among commentators that Israel
is thereby meant; but they differ as to the question
whether the "son of man " depicted is merely a per-
sonitication of the people, or whether the writer had
in mind a concrete personality representing Israel,
such as the Messiah or Israel's guardian angel, the
archangel ilichael. The latter interpretation, pro-
posed by Clieyne and adopted by others, has little
in its favor compared with the older opinion that tlie
person of the Messiah is alluded to— a view shared
by the Rabbis (Sauh. 98a; Midr. Teh. to Ps. ii. ;
comp. the name " 'Anani " in Targ. to I Chron. iii.,
and "bar nefele" [= "son of the clouds"] in Sanh.
96b) and the Apocalyptic as well as Christian writers
(Enoch xxxvii.-lxxi. ; IV Esdras xiii. 3; Ju.stin
Martyr, " Dialogus cum Tryphone," p. 31, and
Ephniem Syrus in his commentary to Daniel, I.e. ;
see also the commentaries of Nowack and others to
the passage).

It is this doiible use of the term "son of man "
in the New Testament time and in New Testament
documents which has caused creat confusion to the

recorders and translators as well as to the exegetes
of the New Testament. As is seen in Enoch and IV
Esdras (^.r.), "son of man" was among the Apoca-
lyptic writers a favorite term for the Messiah, and
accordingly it occurs frequently in Messianic apoca-
lypses embodied in the New Testament (Matt, xxiv.-
XXV. ; Mark xiii. 26; Luke xxi. 27, 36) and in Messi-
anic prophecies which are ascribed to Jesus regarded,
in accordance with this conception, as the "sou of
man" in the clouds (of glory) (Matt. xii. 40; xiii.
27, 41; xvi. 27; xix. 28; xxvi. 64; Mark viii. 38,
xiv. 62; Luke xii. 40; xvii. 22-30; xviii. 8, 31 ; xxii.
69; John i. 51, iii. 13, v. 27, vi. 62).

The term " son of man " has a quite different mean-
ing in such sayings as " the son of man is lord even
of the Sabbath day " (Matt. xii. 8 and parallels). It
denotes simply man as master over the Sabbath in
the same sense given it in the saying of the Rabbis,
" The Sabbath is given over unto you, but not you
unto the Sabbath " (Mek., Ki Tissa, 1).
General- In many passages the expression "son
ized Use of man " is used in the sense of " that
of Term, person, " or " myself, " a use of it known
to have been common in Talmudic
times. Thus when Jesus says " the son of man hath
not where to lay his head " (Matt. viii. 20), he means
simply "myself"; and likewise when he speaks of
his future suffering and betrayal, the term "son
of man " has nothing to do with the Messianic
title (Matt. xvii. 22 and parallels). Afterward the
records confounded the two usages, and conse-
quently Matthew uses the term promiscuously in
a manner which has to this day puzzled most of
the commentators (.see Wellhausen, "Des Menschen
Sohn," in " Skizzen und Vorarbeiten." 1899, pp. 187-
215; and comp. Dalman, "Die Worte Jesu,"1898,
pp. 191-218).

The following passage in Yer. Ta'an. ii. 65b is
remarkable. Commenting on Num. xxiii. 19 ("God
is not a man that he should lie, neither the son
of man that he should repent"), R. Abbahu, who
had frequent disputations with Christians in Ca?s-
area and was therefore acquainted with their termi-
nology, said : " If a man says, ' I am God, ' he lies ; if he
says, 'I am the son of man,' he will repent; if lie
says, 'I will ascend to heaven,' he will not succeed."

Bibliography : Chevne, Encuc. BibL: Wellhausen, Skizzen
und Vorarbeiten, 1899, pp. 187-215.

MANASSEH : 1 . The elder of two sons born
before the famine to Joseph and Osnath, daughter
of the priest of Heliopolis (Gen. xii. 50-51, xlvi.
20). Biblical etymology, deriving his name from
^L^'J (="to forget"), makes it signify "He who
causes one to forget," and explains it in the i)assage
"God . . . hath made me forget all my toil" (ib.
xii. 51). According to Gen. xlviii. 5, Manasseh
and Ephraim were put by the patriarch Jacob on
an equality with Reuben and Simeon as progeni-
tors of separate tribes. In the blessings invoked
by Jacob on the heads of Manasseh and Ephraim,
Manasseh, although the elder, was made subordi-
nate to Ephraim (ih. xlviii. 14). Tradition does
not tell wiiat caused Jacob's preference for Eph-
raim (see Ephratm and Juniou Right). Notwith-
standing his subordination, Manasseh's blessing




was not to be despised. Manasseh, like Ephraini,
was to be protected by " the Angel which redeemed "
Jacob "from all evil," and was to grow into a great
people (;'6. xlviii. 16, 19). Because Gen. xlviii. 20
reads, "in thee sliall Israel bless, saying, God make
thee as Ephraim and as Manasseh," the phrase " God
make thee as Ephraim and as Manasseh " has been
given a place in the benediction Jewish parents pro-
nounce over their sous on the eves of Sabbaths and
holy days. I Chron. vii. 14 reports that Manasseh
was married to a Syrian concubine. Targums Jeru-
shalmi and pseudo Jonathan to Gen. xlii. 23 make the
statement that Manasseh was steward in Joseph's
house, acted as interpreter for Joseph when the
latter talked to his brothers, and possessed extraor-
dinary physical strength, which he displayed at the
imprisonment of Simeon.
J. W. R.

2. One of the twelve tribes of Israel which re-
ceived a portion in the land of Canaan; itseponym
was a son of Joseph. While at the time of the
Exodus Manasseh numbered 32,200 (Num. i. 35, ii.
21) against Ephraim's 40,500 (Num. i. 32-33, ii.
19), before Israel's entrance into Canaan forty years
later Manasseh had increased to 52,700 (Num. xxvi.
34), and Ephraim had fallen to 32,500 (Num. xxvi.
87). This made Manasseh rank sixth in numerical
importance, the tribes more numerous being Judah,
Issachar, Zebulun, Dan, and Asher.

During the march through the Sinaitic desert
Manasseh's position was, with Ephraim and Benja-
min, on the western side of the Tabernacle (Num.
ii. 18-24) ; the chief of the tribe was Gamaliel, sou of
Pedahzur (Num. i. 10, ii. 20, vii. 54).

The Targums of Jerusalem and pseudo-Jonathan
to Num. ii. 18 report that the standard of the three
Rachel tribes revealed the tigure of a boy, with the
inscription: "The cloud of the Lord rested on them
until they went forth out of the camp"; and the
Talmud mentions that Manasseh's tribal banner,
during the journey to the Promised Land, consisted
of a black Hag with the embroidered figure of a
unicorn. Among the twelve spies sent by ^Nloses to
report on Canaan, Manasseh was represented by
Gaddi, son of Susi (Num. xiii. 11). Manasseh is re-
corded as prompting the enactment of laws regula-
ting- the possession of property in Canaan by daugh-
ters where the father had died witiiout a son ; tlie
particular case in question was that of the daughters
of Zelophehad (Num. xxvii. 1-8).

Manasseh was valorous. It took a prominent
part in the defeat of the natives encountered on
both sides of the Jordan. Reference is made to its
prowess in Num. xxxii. 39; Deut. iii. 14; Josh. xvii.
1 ; and particularly in I Chron. v. 18-22. Its war-
riors Machir, Jair, and Nobali conquered the most
diMicult districts, Argob and the hills of Gilcad.
The fearless chieftains Gideon, who with a small
army defeated the Midianites (Judges vi. 15), and
Jephtliah, who van(|uished tiie Ammonites (Judges
xi.), belonged to Manasseh.

The territory inhabited by Manasseh lay on botli
sides of the Jordan. The part east of the Jordan
was acquired after the concpiest of Gilead (Num.
xxxii.), and was requested on the ground of being
specially adapted for the grazing if cattle — tlie

same argument as that urged by Reuben and Gad
for preferring that section of Canaan. The boun-
daries of Eastern and Western Ma-
Territory nasseh can not be given with exactness.
of Eastern Manasseh probably extended

Manasseh. from the Jabbok to Mount Hermon
(its northern portion consisting of
Argob and Bashan), while Western Manasseh ex-
tended from Ephraim, lying directly south, to the
slopes of Mount Carmel(comp. Josh. xvii. 15: "Get
thee up to the wood country ").

Although more numerous than Ephraim shortly
before the conquest of Canaan, Manasseh did not
compare with Ephraim in wealth, power, and pop-
ulation in later times; Western Manasseh never
completely expelled the natives (Josh. xvii. 12;
Judges i. 27).

At the time of David's accession to the throne.
Western Manasseh sent to Hebron 18,000, and East-
ern Manasseh 120,000 — Reubenites and Gadites in-
cluded. After this event Eastern Manasseh gradu-
ally disappears and Western Manasseh lacks
prominence, although both sections had separate
rulers; Joel, son of Pedaiah, governed the lattei-,
and Iddo, son of Zechariah, governed the former (I
Chron. xxvii. 20-21).

Manasseh is heard of in the revival under Asa; in
the Passover celebration in the days of Hezekiah ;
in the subsequent attack on idolatry ; in the reform
instituted by Josiah; and in the restoration of the
Temple (II Chron. XV. 9; xxx. 1,10-11,18; xxxi.
1; xxxiv. 6, 9).

Like Reuben and Gad, Manasseh ultimately lost its
identity; it became assimilated with the inhabitants
of the country, whose idolatries it practised. The
children of Manasseh "transgressed against the God
of their fathers, and went a-whoring after the gods
of the people of the land, whom God destroyed be-
fore them" (I Chron. v. 25). In Ps. ix. 9 (A. V. 7)
and cviii. 8 Manasseh is called a most precious pos-

J. W. R.

3. According to II Kings xxi. 1, Manasseh, the
successor of Hezekiah upon the throne of Judah, was
but a boy of twelve at his father's death. His reign
of fifty-three years is the longest recorded in the
annals of Judah. There can be no doubt that Sen-
nacherib, the King of Assyria, departed to his capi-
tal in the days of Hezekiah (II Kings xix. 30), re-
garding Judah as a conquered and tribute-paying
province; and so it remained during the reigns
of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, his successors
upon the throne of Assyria. In their published in-
scriptions Manasseh of Judah is distinctly mentioned
as a vassal king (Schrader, " K. B." ii. 148, 238).
That tiiese sovereigns cherished a real interest in their
western domain is shown by their .settlement of col-
onists in Samaria (Ezra iv. 2, 9-10). Each of them
invaded and plunclered Egypt and maintained pro-
tracted sieges of the strong cities of Phenicia.

In II Kings, written withii\ a century or .so of
Manasseh's death, there is no hint of revolt. The
Chronicler, however, declares (II (Jhron. xxxiii. 11)
that in consequence of the deliberate unfaithful-
ness of Judah God brought upon the nation "the
captains of the liost of the King of Assyria," who




took Manassch in chains to Babylon. Thence, hav-
ing truly repented, he was restored to his throne,
where lie demonstrated the genuine-
Relations uess of his cliauge of heart by giving
with himself to measures of defense, ad-

Assyria, ministration, and religious reform. To
harmonize the Chronicler's testimony
with that of the Hebrew contemporary writings is
even more ditlicult. The crying need in the days
of Josiah, Manasseh's immediate successor, was re-
ligious reform; Jeremiali declared (xv. 4; comp. II
Kings xxiii. 26) that Manasseh's sins had yet to be

The writer in Kings emphasizes three deplorable
details of the reign of Manasseh: the religious re-
action which followed hard upon his accession ; its
extension by the free adoption of foreign cults; and
the bitter persecution of the prophetic party. Dur-
ing Manasseh's half-century the popular worship
was a medley of native and foreign cults, the influ-
ence of which was slow to disappear (Ezek. viii.).

Such a reaction involved the persecution of
who had bitterly condemned the popular syncretism.
The prophets were put to the sword (Jer. ii. 30).
"Innocent blood " reddened the streets of Jerusalem
(II Kings xxiv. 4). For many decades those who
sympathized with prophetic ideas were in constant
J. F. K. S.

4. Son of Johanan the high priest and brother of
Jaddua; married Nicaso, daughter of Sanballat
(Josephus, "Ant." xi. 7, g 2). In Neh. xiii. 28 he
is referred to as "one of the sous of Joiada, the son
of Eliashib the high priest," but is not mentioned
by name. It is further said (ib.) that, owing to his
being Sanballat's son-in-law, Nehemiah had deposed
him from the priesthood.

Josephus describes this fact at greater length.
He says that the high priest Jaddua, Manasseh's
brother, ^vas himself indignant at Manasseh on ac-
coinit of his marriage with a foreign woman, and,
joining the people of Jerusalem, he gave Manasseh
the alternative of divorcing his wife or of leaving
the priesthood. Manasseh went to Sanballat, and
declared to him that in spite of his love for his wife
he gave the preference to the priesthood. Where-
upon Sanballat promised him that if he would retain
his wife he would obtain for him from the king the
dignity of a high priest. He further promi-sed that
he would build with the king's approval a temple
upon Mount Gerizim, where Manasseh should offici-
ate as high priest. Manasseh, accordingl}', remained
with his father-in-law and became high priest in the
Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim ("Ant." xi. 8,
§§ 2-4). Still, Josephus says {ib. xii. 4, § 1) that
Manassch ofliciated as high priest at Jerusalem be-
tween the priesthood of liis nephew Eleazar and
that of Onias II. (see Sanballat).

BiBLiOGiiAPHY : Gratz, Gesch. ii. 161, 167,242; Schiirer, Gc^cli.
3d ed., i. ixi.
G. M. Sel.

MANASSEH, PRAYER OF : Greek poetic
composition attributed to Manasseh, son of Heze-
kiah. King of Judah, "when he was holden captive
in Babylon" (II Chron. xxxiii. 11-13, 18-19). It is
found amons: the Canticles which, in some of the

Septuagint manuscrijits, are appended to the 15ook
of Psalms, and is placed at the end of II Chronicles
in some Latin manuscripts (see Swete, "The Old
Testament in Creek." ii., pp. viii. and xi., and iii.,
pp. vi. and 8U2-804 ; Sabatier, " Bil)l. Lat." iii. 1038).
It is found also in the "Apostolic Constitutions" (ii.
22) and in tiie "Didascalia" (where it follows a ref-
erence to II Chron. xxxiii.). The Latin translation
found in some Vulgate manuscripts is not by Je-
rome, but is, according to Fritzsche, "certainly of
more recent origin." The Prayer of Manasseh was
never distinctly recognized as canonical by the
Church; but it has been deservedly retained by
Luther, and is included in the authorized English
version, among the Apocrypha.

In tiie "Apostolic Constitutions" (ii. 22) the whftle
story of Manasseh is given as an instructive lesson
to bishops in their dealings with the
The Story, erring and in tiie administration of
justice. The story is based upon II
Kings xxi. and II Chron. xxxiii. After recounting
the sins of Manasseh it relates that he was taken
captive to Babylon, bound in shackles of iron, and
cast into prison. Bread made of bran and water
mixed with vinegar was given him in small quan-
tities, only so much as would keep him alive. In
his great affliction he repented of his sins, humbled
himself, and sought Ynwii's forgiveness. Then
follows the prayer, after which Ynwii had compas-
sion upon him. A flame of fire appeared about him,
his chains and shackles melted, and he was restored
to Jerusalem and to his kingdom. Thereafter he
worsiiiped Yiiwn only and sought to undo the evil
he had done in the earlier part of his reign. Julius
Africanus (c. 221 c.e.), apparently, had read the
story in this form, for he says that " while Manasseh
was reciting a hymn his bonds burst asunder, iron
though they were, and he escaped " (see Hastings,
"Diet. Bible").

The prayer opens with an invocation addressed to
the "Lord, Almighty, God of our fathers, Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, and of their righteous seed." His
power, glory, and majesty are described, and His
compassion, long-suffering, and grace to the repent-
ant sinner. The passage following (not found in
the Greek MSS. of the LXX.) declares that God has
promised forgiveness to the transgressor and has
"appointed repentance unto sinners, that they may
be saved." He has not appointed repentance only to
persons such as the Patriarchs, who
The have not sinned, but "unto me that

Prayer. am a sinner. " There follows a confes-
sion of sin, couched for the most part
in general terms. The only api)roach to specific
statement is in the words, "I did not Thy will,
neither kept I Thy commandments" (omitted l)y
Codex A. "Apostolic Constitutions," and by Latin
MSS.); "I have set up abominations and multiplied
offenses." This, of course, may be understood as
referring to his idolatrous practises. Next he
pleads for forgiveness, and concludes with a confi-
dent expectation that God will save him and with
an outburst of praise for His mercy.

Ewald and, more recently, Budde (Stade's "Zeit-
schrift," 1892, pp. 39 ct seq.) have maintained the
view that the Greek version of the prayer is a trans-

Manasseh ben Israel



lation from a Hebrew original. This is not impos-
sible, but it is not supported by sufficieut evidence.

The author was evidently a Jew,

Author- but the place and date of composi-

ship. tion can not be definitely ascertained.

The story in II Chronicles assumes the
existence of a Prayer of Manasseh and of various
details of his life in the "history of Hozai" (R. V.)
or "of the seers" (LXX., i-l -uv loyuv tuv opi^vruv).
This history must have been lost, and the Greek
prayer is, most probably, the attempt of some pious
Jew of later times to reproduce it. Schurer (" Hist,
of the Jewish People," division ii., vol. iii., p. 188)
compares the interpolation of the prayers of Mor-
decai and Esther as supplements to the Book of
Esther, and the
Prayer of Azariah
and the Song of the
Three Holy Children
as supplements to
the Book of Daniel.
There is, indeed,
nothing in the con-
ception of God's for-
giving grace to the
repentant sinner
which is not implied
in the story in Chron-
icles as well as in
other still earlier Old
Testament passages,
as Ex. xxxiv. 6-7,
and Ps. xxxiv. 18, 11.
17. The emphasis,
however, upon the
fact that God is God
of the penitent as
well as of the right-
eous, and the concep-
tion of the Patriarchs
as conspicuous ex-
anqili'S of the latter,
point to the later
Judaism. F. C. Por-
ter (Hastings, "Diet.
Bible ") thinks it is a
Hellenistic composi-
tion. So docs Swcte
("Introduction to the

O. T. in Greek," p. 253). Nestle ("Sepluaginta-
studien," 1899, iii.) maintains that the text of the
})rayer in the Greek manu.serii)ts of the Sep-
tuagiut comes from the "Apostolic Constitutions,"
or from IIk; " Didascalia," and that it is not, as has
been commonly supposed, drawn by the latter fiom
the Septuagint.

Tliere appears to be no trace of the Prayer of
Manasseh in Jewish tradition. The Jerusalem Tal-
mud (Sanii. X. 2) relates that Manasseh was put into
an iron mule, beneath which a fire was kindled. In
his torture he prayed in vain to the idols lie had
formerly worshiped. At last he besouulil tlic God
of his fathers, and was delivered (comj*. Apoc. Ba-
ruch, vi. 4).

iii. 8U2-S0t ; Nestle, Septuatiintastudien, 1899, iii. Commen-
taries : Fritzsche, Exegtt isches Handbuch, 18.51; Ball, in
8pfafre/'\s Commentary (Apncryplia, ii. 363 et scq.t: Hvs-
sel, In Kautzsch, Apukryphen und Fseudepigraphen, 1899
(transl. and notes).
T. J. F. McL.

histor; born at La lioehelle about 1G04 (see Bethen-
court in "Jew. Chron." May 20, 1904); died at
Middleburg, Netherlands, Nov. 26, 1657. After the
auto da fe of Aug. 3, 1603, his parents had thought it
prudent to leave Lisbon. They soon passed on from
La Kochelle to Amsterdam, where Manasseh was
l)rought up under Isaac Uzziel of Fez, the rabbi of
the new congregation Neveh Shalom; the latter
died in 1620 and was succeeded by Manasseh. Two

years later Manasseh

ASNo KX win


Manasseh ben Israel.

(p'r'iin the en;rr;ivin^' liySilnm It.ilui.)

nini.IOGRAPllV : Text
Aijocriiplii- I»l>- xiv.,

Fritzs<-)ie. Vcl. Text. Cicrr. IJhri
',)*J ; Swete, 0/(( Ti'ftniiiiiit in (iicili.

married Rachel
Soeiro. He soon be-
came distinguished
as one of the best
orators of the Am-
sterdam pulpit, ri-
valing even Isaac
Aboab. The contrast
between their preach-
ing was acutely in-
dicated by a Spanish
priest of the time,
Fra Antonio Vieyra,
wiio reported, after
hearing both, that
" Manasseh said what
he knew and Aboab
knew what he said."
Neitlier preaching
nor private tuition
being sutlicient to
jirovide him with a
suitable livelihood,
iManasseh started the
first Hebrew i)ress in
Amsterdam (indeed,
ill all Holland), in
which he produced a
llcl)iew prayer-book
(.Ian. 12, 1()27) set up
from entiiely new
type, an index to
tlie Mill rash Rabbah
(1028), a Hebrew grammar of his teacher's, Isaac
Uzziel (1028), and an elegant and handy edition of
the Mishnah.

Meanwhile Manasseh ben Israel was occupied with
tlie coinpilatidii of his chief work, "El ('onciliador,"
a lal)ori(nis enuineiation and discussion of ail the
pa.ssages contained in the Old Testament whici) seem
to conflict with one another. Manasseh brouglit his

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