Isidore Singer.

The Jewish encyclopedia : a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 8) online

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dling of the lights on the Feast of Dedication (Ha-
NUKKAii). The acrostic signature is that of Morde-
cai. Zunz ("Literaturgesch." p. 580) is inclined to
place the author of this hymn in the middle of the
thirteenth century. He may have been the ^Morde-
cai ben Isaac ha-Levi who wrote the Sabbath table-
hymn "Mah Yafit" (Majufes), or even the scholar
referred to in Tos. to Niddah 36a. Or, to judge
from the appeal in the closing verse, now generally
suppressed, he may have been the Mordecai whose
father-in-law was mart^'red at Mayence in 1096.

The bright and stirring tune now so generally as-
sociated with "Ma'oz Zur" serves as the "represent-
ative theme " in musical references
The to the feast (comp. Addik Hu ; Akda-

Traditional mut; Hallel). Indeed, it has come
Tune. to be regarded as the only Hanukkah
melody, four other Hebrew hymns for
the occasion being also sung to it (comp. Zunz, I.e.
pp. 422, 429; D. Kaufmann, in "Ha-Asif," ii. 298),
as well as G. Gottheil's paraphrase, " Rock of Ages,"
in the " Union Hymnal " (No. 107). It was originally
sung for "Shene Zetim" ("Olives Twain"), the
"Me'orah,"or piyyut, next preceding the Siiema' in
the Morning Service of the (first) Sabbath in the eight
days of the Feast of Dedication. Curiously enough,
" Shene Zetim " alone is now sometimes sung to a mel-
ody which two centuries ago was associated rather
with " Ma'oz Zur. " The latter is a Jewish-sounding
air in the minor mode, and is found in Benedetto

Ma'oz Zur



Marc€llo's'"Estro Poetico Armonico," or "Parafrasi
Sopra li Salmi " (Venice, 1724), quoted as a melody
of the German Jews, and utilized by Marcello as the
theme for his " Psalm XV." This air has been tran-
scribed by Cantor Birnbaum of Konigsberg in the
"Israelitische Wocheuschrift " (1878, No. 51).

The present melody for the Hanukkah hymn has
been identified by Birnbaum asan adaptation from the
old German folk-song "So weiss ich eins, dass micli
erfreut, das plucmlein auff preiter heyde," given in
Bohme's " Altdeutsches Liederbuch " (No. 635) ; it was
widely spread among German Jews as early as 1450.
By an interesting coincidence, this folk-melody was
also the first utilized by Luther for his German
cliorals. He set it to his " Nun freut euch lieben
Christen gmein " (comp. Julian, "Dictionary of
Hymnology," s.«. "Sing praise to God who reigns
above "). It is familiar among English-speaking
people as the tune for a translation by F. E. Cox

ck'ty, i. 36, London, 19(X) ; Jewish ChronicleiLonaon), Nov. 33,
1888; Dec. 20, 1889; Dec. .5, 1890; Dec. 26, 1891 ; L. Lewandow-
ski, Chanukka-Hi/mne (two voices and piano), Berlin ; J. Ro-
senfeld, Chniiukka Hymnc fUr Kinderstimmen, Berlin;
D. Rubin, Maoz Tsur fUr Chor und Orgel ; A. Schoenteld,
JVationalgesang zur Erinnerung an die Siege der Makka-
bilr, Posen.

A. F. L. C.

MAPU, ABRAHAM : Russian Hebrew novel-
ist ; born near Kovno Jan. 10, 1808 ; died at Konigs-
berg Oct. 9, 1867. Mapu introduced the novel into
Hebrew literature. His early education in Bible
and Talmud was received at the heder, on leaving
which, at the age of twelve, hecontinued the study of
the Talmud in private, and was so successful that he
soon acquired the name of " 'Illui " (Friedberg, " Zik-
ronot," in "Hausfreund," i. 22). Moved thereto by
liis own poetical and impulsive disposition and in-
fluenced by his father, Jekuthiel, himself a mystic
and cabalist, Mapu took up, at the age of fifteen,
tlie study of Cabala. According to an anecdote re-


Yewa - nim nik - be

zu 'a




azai bi - me Hash - man




-i» — g^-

Ufa - rezu ho - mot mig - da - lai, wetim - m'u kol ha




Umin - no






'asah nes


le - sho - sban - nim;



bi - nah ye - me shemo-nah

ka - be'u shir



re - na

• mm.

of the hymn "Sei lob und ehr dem hochsten gut,"
by J. J.' Schutz (1640-1730). As such it is called
" Erk " (after the German hymnologist), and, with
harmonies by Bach, appears as No. 283 of " Hymns,
Ancient and Modern " (London, 1875). The earliest
transcription of the Jewish form of the tune is due
to Isaac Nathan, who set it, very clumsily indeed,
to the poem "On Jordan's Banks" in Byron's "He-
brew Melodies" (Loudon, 1815). Later transcrip-
tions have been numerous, and the air finds a place
in every collection of Jewish melodies. It was
modified to the form now favored by English Jews
by the delicate liturgical taste of Mombach, to
whom is due the modulation to the dominant in the
repetition of the first strain, shown in the transcrip-
tion above.

Bibliography: Ed. Birnbaum, Chnnurn-Melndie fUr Pinnn-
fortf. mit Vorbenurkutm, Kiinipsberg, 1890; E. Breslaiir,
Sind Originale Mdodien hri drii Judcn GrachicMUch
Nachweisbnr? p. 70, Lelpsic, 1898; Coben and Davis, Voice
of Prayer and Praise, No. 294 (and especiallv Mombach. in
N09.64and 66), London, 1899; Journal of the 'Folk-Song So-

lated of him, he attempted to give his studies practi-
cal effect by endeavoring to render himself invisible.
Though he carefully followeil cabalistic prescriptions
he was cruelly disillusioued by being addressed by
a friend at the very moment when he thought him-
self secure from mortal ob.servatioii (ib.). IMapu later
studied Talmud and Cabala with Elijah Kali.shcr
(Ragoler), rabbi at Slobodka (Mapu's birthplace).
In Kalisher's house he found a cojiy of the Psalms
with a Latin translation, and this awakened within
him a desire to study Latin, which he did from that
translation. A better opportunity to study Ijatin
presented itself when he formed the acquaintance of
a Catholic priest while teaching in a country school;
and he made such good progress in the language
that he wrote a book in Latin {ih. i. 24).

From this time dates Mapu's devotion to secular
studies, particularly to languages and literatures,
which he pursued henceforth assiduously. In the
forties he removed with his family to Rossieny, gov-
ernment of Kovno; there he became acquainted with



Ma'oz Zur

Abraham Mapu.

the scholar Senior Sachs, who greatlj' lieightened his
love for ancient Hebrew history and literature and
for the beauties of Biblical diction, of which Mapu
made later such good use in his romances (Brainin,

"Abraham Mapu," p.
36). A few years later
he became teacher in
the house of Apatov
Parnes at Wilna, and
then was appointed
teacher of Jewish re-
ligion and German at
the gymnasium of
Kovno. In 1860 his
iiealth began to fail;
he suffered especial! }'
from palsy in his right
hand, which made
writing difficult for
him: in 18 67 he
went for medical
treatmerrt to Konigs-
berg, where he died
{ib. i. 67).

The literary activity of Mapu fell in a period of
barrenness for Hebrew literature, as far as fiction
was concerned. Here and there a poem of moderate
value, or a translation of a French romance, had ap-
peared, but there was not one original novel. His
first book, "Ahabat Ziyyon," begun
in 1831 and published at Wilna in
1853, is a romance of the time of King
Hezekiah and Isaiah. In this as well
as in his other works, one recognizes
the unmistakable influence of the French Romantic
school — of Victor Hugo, Dumas (pere), and Eugene
Sue, particularly of the last-named, whom Mapu al-
ways admired {ib. i. 49). Perhaps through their influ-
ence Mapu succeeded in giving to his characters gen-
uine naivete and naturalness, which combined with
a higiily successful use of Biblical diction to make
this work classic. " Ahabat Ziyyon " was translated
into German as " Tamar " by S. Mandelkern (2d
ed., Leipsic, 1897), without mention of Mapu's
authorship; into English, under the tit'.e "Amnon,
Prince and Peasant," by Frank JaiTe (London, 1887),
and by Schapiro, under the title " In the Days of Isa-
yah " (New York, 1903) ; into Yiddish, in Warsaw
(1874). His second work, "AshmatShomeron "(Wil-
na, 1865), is likewise a work of powerful imagina-
tion. It is a romance of the days of Ahaz, King of
Judah, and of Pekah b. Remaliah and Hosea b. Elah,
kings of Israel, depicting the wild, orgiastic character
of Samaritan society and setting against it the purity
and simplicity of Judean society. " 'Ayit Zabua' "
(Wilna, 1857-61) is a novel, in five parts, of modern
life, picturing the struggle of the Maskilim against
the "painted vulture," or hypocrite — a standing epi-
thet at that time for the ultra-Orthodox.

Mapu wrote also "Hozeh Hezyonot," a romance,
In ten parts, of the times of Shabbethai Zebi; but
owing to the intervention of the " hypocrites " of his
town the manuscript was destroyed while on its
way to the minister of public instruction for ap-
proval, only a fragment being preserved. His other
works are "Hanok la-Na'ar" and "Amon Pada-



gug," Hebrew text-books (Wilna, 1859, and Konigs-
berg, 1868), and " Hausfrauzose " (Wilna. 1861).

Bibliography : A. Kaplan, Hayye Mapxi, Vienna, 1870; Brai-
nin, Abraliam Mapu, Piotrokow, 1900; Friedberg. ZiTfrodof,
in HausfreuncU I. tii et Keq.; S. Sachs, Le-Toledot Abraham
Mapu, in Ha-Meassef, pp. 13 et seq. (supplement to Ha-Zefi-
rah, Warsaw, 1903); N. Slousehz, Litteratwe Hebraloue,
pp. 104 et seq., Paris, 1903.

ir. R. A. S. W.

MAB (-|0) : Aramaic noun meaning "lord."
Daniel addresses the king as " ^lari " (= " my lord " ;
Dan. iv. 16 [A. V. 19]; comp. Hebr. "Adoni," used
in speaking to the king). luthe Palestinian schools
" Mari " and " Rabbi " were customarily employed in
addressing the sages. It is said of King Jehosha-
phat tiiat on seeing a scholar he rose from his throne,
and saluted him with the Avords, " Abi, abi ; rabbi,
rabbi ; mari, mari " (Ket. 103b ; Mak. 24a). Jesus
was addressed by his disciples both as "Mari" and
as "Rabbi" (comp. Dalman, "Die Worte Jesu," i.
269 et seq.). In conversation, " Mari " was used as a
respectful form of address in Palestine (comp. Yer.
Pes. 21b, lines 48-49: no DiyS"* n!?, "'-iDT nnp'-X);
" Mar, " in Babylonia (comp. Yoma 20b : no KD^^). In
the latter country "Mar" became also a title prece-
ding the name, and it was sometimes customary to
call scholars "Mar" and not "Rab," particularly in
the case of the two great contemporariesof Rab( Abba
Arika) — Mar Samuel and Mar 'Ukba. When Abaye
was speaking of his uncle and teacher Rabbah bar
Nahmani, he merely said "Mar," without adding
any name (Pes. 101a). When Tabyomi, R. Ashi s
son, cited in a lecture sentences by his father, he
did not refer to him by name, but said " Abba Mari "
(= "my father, my lord ").

Tabyomi's contemporaries never referred to him
by name, but called him " Mar " ; in the Talmud he
is, therefore, designated only as "Mar bar Rab
Ashi. " " Mar " and " Rab " ( = " lord " and " master ")
together became a customarj^ title of the Babylonian
scholar in the geonic period. Sherira Gaon is the
first one to use this combination, in the letter in

which he refers to the first geonim —

Title and Mar Rab Hanan at Pumbedita and

Name. Mar Rab Mar at Sura (where "Mar"

is already a proper name; S(.'e Jew.
Encyc. v. 568, s.v. Gaon)— and he always prefixes the
double title "Mar Rab" to their names {ib. v. 571).
In the prayer "Yekum Purkan," dating from the
time of the Geonim, the scholars are designated as
"Maranan we-Rabbanan" (="our lords and mas-
ters"). The title "Mar Rab," also, was combined
with the personal suffix of the first person plural, so
that the Geonim were called "Marana Rabbana"
(—"our lord, our master"). This seems to have
been the official title in the headings of the questions
addressed to the Geonim (comp. Harkavy, " Respon-
sender Gaonen," p. 149; Neubauer, "M. J. C." i. 41,
etc.), and it is the exact ramaic counterpart of the
Hebrew " Adonenu we-Rabbenu,"by which, accord-
ing to the tannaitic Halakah, the king was to be ad-
dressed (Tosef., Sanh. iv. 3). The gaon was called
also simply " Marana " (Harkavy. I.e. pp. 83, 107, 140,
143), or the Hebrew "Adonenu" was used instead
{ib. pp. 88, 187, 278, 314), which was rendered in
Arabic by "Sayyiduna." "Mar Rab" was applied




also to scholars who were not geonim (Harkavy,
I.e. pp. 24, 172).

The title "Mar" was not customary in the West,
so that Abraham ibu Daud, in liis " Sefer ha-Kah-
balah," refers to the Geonim merely as " Rab." Men-
ahem Meiii distinguishes only the scholarly and
noble Todros and his son Levi of Narbonue by tlu;
title "Marana we-Kabbana" (Neubauer, I.e. ii. 229).
Isaac Lattes {ib. ii. 238) likewise designates certain
sciiolars of Narbonne by the title "Maran" (pD =
NJID), which also means "our lord." This is the
title subsequently applied as a mark of respect
to Joseph Caro, the author of the Shulhan 'Aruk
(comp. Azulai, "Sheni ha-Gedolim," i. 82). One
of Lattes' manuscripts has "Morenu" (UIIO) in-
stead of " Maran." The title " Morenu," which orig-
inated in the fourteenth century, is developed from
the older form "Marana" (Giidemann, "Gesch." iii.
31). The Hebrew form " Morenu " instead of " Mara-
na " occurs sporadically even in the geonic period
(comp. Harkavy, I.e. pp. 27.5 and 276, where the gaon
Saadia is entitled " Morenu we-Habbenu"). There are
other indications, also, which show that the two
words were regarded as synonymous (comp. Targ.
to Prov. V. 13, where '•-iirD is translated by TllllD =
"my lords, my masters"; Sanh. 98, where noi ^3"l
is to be read instead of ""TiOl "l ; and Dalman, I.e. p.
268). Thus tlie old Hebrew title "Marana" was
changed to "Morenu," with the meaning "doctor
noster," perhaps under the influence of the custom
which had become prevalent among Christian schol-
ars of addressing one another with the title " doc-
tor." As shown in the examples given above, "yo
itself designated tlid teacher and sage.

s. s. W. B.

MARAH (lit. " bitter ") : The name of a station
or halting-place of the Israelites in the wilderness
(Ex. XV. 23; Num. xxxiii. 8), so called in reference
to the water of the well found there. It was reached
by the Israelites three days after crossing the Red
Sea and after tliey liad passed the valley of Shur
and the wilderness of Athan. The well is variously
identified with 'Ayun Musa, 'Ain Naba, or Al-
Gharkadah (comp. Holzinger, "Exodus," p. 55; Dill-
mau, "Exodus," p. 177). The Talmud says that at
Marah three laws were added to the seven com-
mands already given to Noah — those regarding the
institution of tribunals. Sabbath observance, and
obedience to parents (Suk. 56b; Levy, "Neuhebr.
WOrtcrb." iii. 244b).

.1. E. I. N.

MARANO (plural, Maranos, generally written
Marranos) : Crypto-Jews of tlie Iberian Peninsula.
The term, which is frequently derived from the New
Testament phrase "maran atha " ("our Lord hath
come"), denotes in Spanish "damned," "accursed,"
" banned "; also "liog," and in Portuguese it is used
as an opprobrious epitiiet of the Jews because they
do not cat pork. The name was applied to the
Spanish Jews who, through compulsion or for
form's sake, became converted to Christianity in
consequence of the cruel persecutions of 1391 and of
Vicente Ferrer's missionary sermons. These "con-
versos" (converts), as they were called in Spain, or
"ChristAo'^ Novos" (Neo-Christians) in Portugal,

or "Chuetas" in the Balearic Isles, or "Anusim"
(constrained) in Hebrew, numbered more than
100,000. With them the history of the Pyrenean
Peninsula, and indirectly that of the Jews also, en-
ters upon a new phase ; for they were the imme-
diate cause both of the introduction of the Inquisi-
tion into Spain and of the expulsion of the Jews
from that country. The wealthy Maranos, who en-
gaged extensively in commerce, industries, and
agriculture, intermarried with families of the old
nobility; impoverished counts and marcpiises un-
liesitatingly wedded wealthy Jewesses; and it also
happened that counts or nobles of the blood royal
became infatuated with handsome Jewish girls.
Beginning with the second generation, the Neo-
Christians usually intermarried with women of their
own sect. They became very influential through
their wealth and intelligence, and were called to im-
portant positions at the palace, in government cir-
cles, and in the Cortes; they practised medicine and
law and taught at the universities; while their chil-
dren frequently achieved high ecclesiastical honors.
The Maranos and their descendants may be divided
into three categories. The first of these is composed
of those who, devoid of any real affection for Juda-
ism, and indifferent to every form of
Classes of religion, gladly embraced the oppor-
Maranos. tunity of exchanging their oppressed
condition as Jews for the brilliant
careers opened to them by the acceptance of Chris-
tianitJ^ They simulated the Christian faith when
it was to their advantage, and mocked at Jews and
Judaism. A number of Spanish poets belong to
this category, such as Pero Ferrus, Juan de Valla-
dolid, Rodrigo Cota, and Juan de Espanaof Toledo,
called also "El Viejo" (the old one), who was con-
sidered a sound Talmudist, and who, like the monk
Diego de Valencia, himself a baptized Jew, intro-
duced in his pasquinades Hebrew and Talmudic
words to mock the Jews. There were also many
who, for the sake of displaying their new zeal, per-
secuted their former coreligionists, writing books
against them, and denouncing to the authorities
those who wished to return to the faith of their
fathers, as happened frequently at Valencia, Barce-
lona, and many other cities (Isaac b. Sheshet, Re-
sponsa. No. 11).

The second category consists of those who cher-
ished their love for the Jewish faith in which they
had been reared. They preserved the traditions of
their fathers; and, in spite of the high positions
which they held, they secretly attended synagogue,
and fought and suffered for their paternal religion.
Many of the wealthiest Maranos of Aragon belonged
to this category, including the Zaportas of Mouzon,
who were related by marriage to the royal house of
Aragon; the Sanchezes; the sons of Alazar Yusuf
of Saragossa, who intermarried with the Cavallerias
and the Santangels; the very wealthy Espcs; the
Paternoys, who came from the vicinity of Verdun
to settle in Aragon; the Clementes; the sons of
IMoses Chanioro; the Villanovas of Calatayud ; the
Coscons; and others.

The third category, whicli includes by far the
largest number of Maranos, comprises those who
yielded througii stress of circumstances, but in their




home life remained Jews and seized the liist opportu-
nity of openly avowing their faith. They did not

voluntarily take their children to the

Temporary baptismal font ; and if obliged to do so,

Maranos. they on reaelnug home washed the

place which had been sprinkled. They
ate no pork, celebrated the Passover, and gave oil to
the synagogue. "In the city of Seville an imiuisi-
torsaid to the regent: ' My lord, if you wish to know-
how the iMaranos keep the Sabbath, let us ascend
the tower.' When they had reached the top, the
former said to the latter: 'Lift up your eyes and
look. Tiiat house is the home of a Marano ; there is
one which belongs to another; and there are many
more. You will not see smoke rising from any of
them, in spite of the severe cold; for they have no
tire because it is the Sabbath.' Pretending that
leavened bread did not agree with him, one IVIarano
ate im leavened bread throughout the year, in order
that he might be able to partake of it at Passover
without being suspected. At tlie festival on which
the Jews blew the shofar, the Maranos went into
the country and remained in the mountains and in
the valleys, so that the sound might not reach the
city. They employed a man specially to slaughter
animals, drain away the blood, and deliver the meat
at their homes, and another to circumcise secretly "
("Shebet Yehudah," pp. 96 et scq.). The Jews of
tliat time judged the Maranos gently and indul-
gently ; in Italy a special prayer was offered for them
every Sabbath, asking that "God might lead them
from oppression to liberty, from darkness to the

lightof religion" (nivn D^Jtnjn ^Ki:;" ^DIJK 1D''nN

^njn i?DC> inyn onix pnM DDm^ u'\\>'Qr\ n-acoi
n^'SN»D"i r^nrh m^'o iJX':»*n dx^^'vi i^yT-n Dy"':^'r1

pox naXJI mix h ; MS. Roman I^Iahzor of the year
1441). To the Maranos who lived in secret conform-
ity with the Jewish law, the Rabbis applied the
Talmudic passage: "Although he has sinned, he
must still be considered a Jew "; and Ariusim, who
took the first opportunity of going to a foreign
country and openly professing Judaism, nnght act
as witnesses in religious matters according to rab-
binic law. A distinction was frequently made be-
tween Spanish and Portuguese Maranos in regard to
marriage and divorce (Isaac b. Sheshet, I.e. Nos. 4,
11; Saadia ibn Danan, in Edelmann, "Hemdah
Genuzah," pp. lA^etseq.; Joseph b. Leb, Responsa,
i. 15 ; the responsa of Moses ben Habib, Samuel de
Medina, and many others).

The large numbers of the Maranos, as well as their
wealth and influence, aroused the envy and hatred
of the populace, whom the clergy incited against
them as unbelieving Christians and hypocrites.
The Neo-Christians were hated much more than the
Jews, and were persecuted as bitterly as their former
coreligionists had been. The first riot against them
broke out at Toledo in 1449, and was accompanied
with murder and pillage. Instigated by two canons,
Juan Alfonso and Pedro Lopez Galvez, the mob

plundered and burned the houses of
In Spain. Alonso Cota, a wealthy Marano and

tax-farmer, and under the leadership
of a workman they likewise attacked the resi-
dences of the wealthy Neo-Christians in the quarter

De la ]\Iagdilena. The Maranos, luider Juan de la
Cibdad, opposed the mob, but were repulsed and,
with their leader, were hanged by the feet. As an
immediate consc(iuence of this riot, the Maranos
Lope and Juan Fernandez CoUi, the brothers Juan,
l\'dro, and Diego Nunez, Juan Lopez de Arroyo,
Diego and Pedro Gonzalez, Juan Gonzalez de lUes-
cas, and many others were deposed from ollice, in
obedience to a new statute. Another attack was
made upon the Neo-Christians of Toledo in July,
1407. The chief magistrate ("alcalde mayor") of
the city was Alvar Gomez de Cibdad Real, who had
been private secretary to King Henry IV., and who,
if not himself a "con verso," as is probable, was at
least the ])rotector of tin; Neo-Christians. He, to-
gether with the prominent ^laranos Fernando and
Alvaro de la Torre, wished to take revenge for an
insult iiiliieted by tiie counts de Fuensalida, the
leaders of the Christians, and to gain control of the
city. A fierce conflict was the result. The houses
of the Neo-Christians near the cathedral were fired
by their opponents, and the conflagration spread so
rapidly that 1,G00 houses Avere consumed, including
the beautiful palace of Diego Gomez. ]\Iany Chris-
tians and still more Maranos perished in the flames
or were slain; and the brothers De la Torre were
captured and hanged.

The example set by Toledo was imitated six years
later by Cordova, in which city the Christians and
the Maranos formed two hostile parties. On March
14, 1473, during a procession in honor of the dedi-
cation of a society which had been
Riots at formedunder the auspices of the fanat-
Cordova. ical Bishop D. Pedro, and from which
all "con versos" were excluded, a little
girl seems to have accidentally thrown some dirty
water from the window of the house of one of the
wealthiest Maranos, so that it splashed over an image
of the Virgin. Thousands immediately joined in
the fierce shout for revenge which was raised by a
smith named Alonso Rodriguez ; and the rapacious
mob straightway fell upon the Maranos, denouncing
them as heretics, killing them, and plundering and
burning their houses. To stop the excesses, the
highly respected D. Alonso Fernandez de Aguilar,
whose wife was a member of the widely ramified
Marano family of Pacheco, together with his brother
D. Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordova ("el gran Capi-
tan "), the glory of the Spanish army, and a troop of
soldiers, hastened to protect the Neo-Christians. D.
Alonso called upon the mob to retire, but instead of
obeying, the smith insulted the count, who imme-
diately felled him with his lance. The people,
blinded by fanaticism, regarded their slain leader as
a martyr. Incited by Alonso de Aguilar 's enemy, the

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