Isidore Singer.

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knight Diego de Aguayo, they seized weapons and
again attacked the Maranos. Girls were outraged;
and men, women, and children were pitilessly slain
The massacre and pillage lasted three days; those
who escaped seeking refuge in the castle, whither
their protectors also had to retire. It was then de-
creed that, in order to prevent the repetition of such
excesses, no Marano should thenceforth live in Cor-
dova or its vicinity, nor should one ever again hold
public office.

Like the persecution of the Jews in 1391, the at-




tack on the ^Maranos in 1473 spread to other cities.
At Montoro, Bujalance, Adamur, La Rambla, San-
taella, and elsewhere, they were killed, and their
houses were plundered. At Jaen the populace was
so bitter against them that the constable Miguel
Lucas de Iranzo, who undertook to protect them,
was himself killed in church by the ringleaders
(March 21, 22). The Maranos were fiercely attacked
by the populace in Andujar, Ubeda, Baeza, and
Almodovar del Campo also. In Valladolid the pop-
ulace was content with plundering the Neo-Chris-
tians, but the massacre was very fierce at Segovia
(May 16, 1474). Here the attack, instigated by D.
JuanPacheco, himself a member of a Marano family,
was terrible ; corpses lay in heaps in all the streets
and squares, and not a Neo-Christian would have
escaped alive had not the alcalde Andreas de Cabrera
interfered. At Carmona every IMarano was killed.

The introduction of the Inquisition was bitterly
opposed by the Maranos of Seville and other cities of
Castile, and especially of Aragon, where they ren-
dered considerable service to the king,
Introduc- and held high legal, financial, and mili-
tionof In- tary positions. As D. jNIiguel Lucas de
quisition. Iranzo, constable of Castile, had been
slain in the cathedral of Jaen, so the
inquisitor Pedro Aubues was assassinated twelve
years later in the cathedral of Saragossa, the former
by Christians, the latter by Maranos. The murder-
ers of De Iranzo went scot-free, while those of the
inquisitor were punished most cruelly. Together
with the introduction of the Inquisition an edict
was issued that henceforth the Jews must live within
their ghetto and be separated from the Maranos.
Despite the law, however, the Jews remained in
communication with their Neo-Christian brethren.
"They sought ways and means to win them
from Catholicism and bring them back to Juda-
ism. They instructed the Maranos in the tenets and
ceremonies of the Jewish religion; held meetings in
which they taught them what they must believe and
observe according to the Mosaic law ; and enabled
them to circumcise themselves and their children.
They furnished them with prayer-books; explained
the fast-days; read with them the history of their
people and their Law ; announced to them the coming
of the Passover ; procured unleavened bread for them
for that festival, as v/ell as kasher meat througliout
the year; encouraged them to live in conformity
with the law of Moses, and persuaded them that
there was no law and no truth e.vcept the Jewish
religion." All these charges were brought against
the Jews in the edict issued by Ferdinand and
Isabella, and formed the grounds for their banish-
ment from the country. The decree of e.vpulsion
materially increased the number, already large, of
those wlio purchased a further sojourn in their
beloved home by accepting baptism.

The Portuguese Maranos or Christaos Novos clung

much more faithfully and steadfastly tliaii their

Spanish l)rctliren to tiie religion of

In their fathers, bearing the most terrible

Portugal, tortures for tlie sake of tlieir faith.

The .scholar Simon Mimi of Lisbon,

who would not renounce Judaism even in j)rison,

his wife, his sons-in-law, and other Maranos were

enclosed in a wall built up to their necks, the
prisoners being left for three days in this agonizing
situation. As they would not yield the walls were
torn down, after six of the victims had died, and
Mimi was dragged through the city and slain. Two
Maranos who served as wardens in the prison
buried the body of the martyr in the Jewish ceme-
tery at the risk of their lives (Abraham Saba',
"Zeror ha-Mor," p. 105b; Gratz, "Gesch." viii. 398).
The Portuguese, being even more fanatical than
the Spaniards, hated the Maranos much more than
the Jews, considering them neither Christians nor
Jews, but atheists and heretics. Many a Portuguese
preferred death to being treated by a Marano phy-
sician. The hatred which was felt for the Maranos,
and which had long smoldered, broke out at Lisbon.
On April 17, 1506, several Maranos were discovered
who had in their possession "some lambs and poul-
try prepared according to Jewish custom; also un-
leavened bread and bitter herbs according to the
regulations for the Passover, which festival they
celebrated far into the night. " Several of them were
seized, but were released after a few days. The
populace, which had expected to see them punished,
swore vengeance. On the same day on which the
Maranos were liberated, the Dominicans displayed
in a side-chapel of their church, where several Neo-
Christians were present, a crucifix and a reliquary
in glass from which a peculiar light issued. A Neo-
Christian, who was so incautious as to explain this
ostensible miracle as being due to natural causes, was
dragged from the church and was killed by an infuri-
ated woinan. A Dominican roused the populace
still more; and two others, crucifix in hand, went
through the streets of the city, crying " Heresy ! "
and calling upon the people to destroy
Massacre the Maranos. All Neo-Christians
at Lisbon, found in the streets were killed ; and
a terrible massacre ensued. More than
500 Maranos were slain and burned on the first day ;
and the scenes of murder were even more atrocious
on the day following. The innocent victims of
popular fury, young and old, living and dead, were
dragged from their houses and thrown upon the
pyre. Even Christians who in any way resembled
Maranos were killed. Among the last victims, and
the most hated of all, was the tax-farmer Joao
Kodrigo Mascarenhas, one of the wealthiest and
most distinguished Maranos of Lisbon ; his house was
entirely demolished. In this manner at least 2,000
Maranos perished within forty-eight hours. King
]\Ianuel severely punislied the inhabitants of the
city. The ringleaders were either hanged or quar-
tered, and the Dominicans who had occasioned the
riot were garroted and burned. All persons con-
victed of murder or pillage suffered corporal pun-
ishment, and their property was confiscated, while
religious freedom was granted to all Maranos for
twenty years.

The Neo-Christians of Portugal, who were dis-
tinguished for their knowledge, their conunerce, and
tiieir banking enterprises, but were bitterly hated,
despised, and reviled by tiie Christians, were led to
entertain better hopes for the future by the appear-
ance of a foreign Jew, David Pe'ubeni. Not only
was this Jew invited by King Jolm to visit Portu-




gill; but, as appears from a letter (Oct. 10, 1528) of
b. Martin de Salinas to the infaute D. Fernando,
brother of the emperor Charles, he also received
permission "to preach the law of Closes" ("Boletin
Acad. Hist." -xli.x. 204). The ]\Iarauos regarded
Ke'ubeni as their savior and Messiah. The Neo-
Ciiristians of Spain also heard the glad news ; and
some of tiiem left home to seek him. Tlie rejoicing
lasted for some time; the emperor Charles even ad-
dressed several letters on the matter to his royal
brotiiev-in-law. In 1528, while Re'ubeni was still in
Portugal, some Spanish Maranos fled to Campo
]\Iayor and forcibly freed from the Inquisition a
woman Imprisoned at Badajoz. The rumor spread
at once that the Maranos of the entire kingdom had
united to make common cause. This increased the
hatred of the populace, and the Neo- Christians were
attacked in Gouvea, Alemtejo, Olivenga, Santarem,
and other places, while in the Azores and the island
of Madeira they were even massacred. These excesses
led the king to believe that the Inquisition might
be the most effective means of allaying the popular

The Portuguese Maranos waged a long and bitter
war against the introduction of the tribunal, and
spent with some satisfactory results immense sums
to win over to their cause the Curia and the most
influential cardinals. The sacrifices made by both
the Spanish and the Portuguese Neo-Christians were
indeed astonishing. The same Maranos who from
Toledo had instigated the riot of the communes in
1515, Alfonso Gutierrez, Garcia Alvarez "el Rico"
(the wealthy), and the Zapatas, offered through
their representative 80,000 gold crowns to Emperor
Charles V. if he would mitigate the harshness
of the Inquisition (" R. E. J." xxxvii. 270 etseq.). All
these sacrifices, however, especially those made by
the Mendes of Lisbon and Flanders, were powerless
to prevent or retard the introduction of the Holy
OfBce into Portugal. The Maranos were delivered
over to the popular fury and to the heartless serv-
ants of the Inquisition. They suffered unspeak-
ably. At Trancoso and Laraego, where many
wealthy Maranos were living, at Miranda, Viseu,
Guarda, Braga, and elsewhere they were robbed and
killed. At Covilhao the people planned to massacre
all the Neo-Christians on one day ; and to achieve
this the more easily, the prelates petitioned the
Cortes in 1562 that the Maranos be required to wear
special badges, and that the Jews in the cities and
villages be ordered to live in ghettos as before.

The Maranos, who were constantly threatened
and persecuted by the Inquisition, tried in every way
to leave the country, either in bands or as individ-
ual refugees. Many of them escaped to Italy, at-
tracted thither by the climate, which resembled that

of the Iberian Peninsula, and by its
Dispersion, kindred language. They settled at

Fekrara, and Duke Ercole I. d'Este
granted them privileges, which were confirmed by
his son, Alfonso I., to twenty-one Spanish Maranos,
physicians, merchants, and others (i6. xv. Wdet seq.).
Spanish and Portuguese Maranos settled also at
Florence; and Neo-Christians contributed to make
Leghorn a leading seaport. They received privi-
leges at Venice, where they were protected from
VIII.— 21

the persecutions of the Inquisition. At Milan thej'
materially advanced the interests of the city by their
industry and commerce, although Joilo de la Foya
captured and robbed large numbers of them in that
region. At Bologna. Pisa, Naples, Reggio, and
many other Italian cities they freely exercised their
religion, and were soon so numerous that Fernando
de Goes Loureiro, an abbot from Oporto, tilled an en-
tire book with the names of the Maranos who had
drawn large sums from Portugal and had openly
avowed Judaism in Italy. In Piedmont Duke
Emanuel Philibert of Savoy welcomed the Maranos
from Coimbra, Pablo Hernando, Ruy Lopez, and
Rodriguez, together with their families, and grant-
ed them commercial and industrial privileges, as
well as the free exercise of their religion. Rome was
full of Maranos. Pope Paul III. received them at
Ancona for commercial reasons, and granted com-
plete liberty " to all persons from Portugal and Al-
garve, even if belonging to the class of Neo-Chris-
tians." Three thousand Portuguese Jew^s and
Maranos were living at Ancona in 1553. Two years
later the fanatical Pope Paul IV. issued orders to
have all the Maranos thrown into the prisons of the
Inquisition which he had instituted. Sixty of them,
who acknowledged the Catholic faith as penitents,
were transported to the island of Malta; twenty-
four, who adhered to Judaism, were publicly burned
(May, 1556); and those who escaped from tlie Inqui-
sition were received at Pesaro by Duke Guido Ubaldo
of Urbino. As Guido was disappointed, however, in
his hope of seeing all the Jews and Maranos of Tur-
key select Pesaro asa commercial center, he expelled
(July 9, 1558) the Neo-Christians from Pesaro and
other districts (ib. xvi. 61 et seq.). Many Maranos
were attracted to Ragusa, foi'merly a consider-
able seaport. In May, 1544. a ship landed there
tilled exclusively with Portuguese refugees, as Bal-
thasar de Faria reported to King John.

At this same period the Maranos were seeking
refuge beyond the Pyrenees, settling at St. Jean de
Luz, Tarbes, Bayonne, Bordeaux. Marseilles, and
Montpellier. They lived apparently
In France, as Christians; were married by Catho-
lic priests ; had their children baptized,
and publicly pretended to be Catholics. In secret,
however, they circumcised their children, kept the
Sabbath and feast-days as far as they could, and
prayed together. King Henry III. confirmed the
privileges granted them by Henry II., and protected
them against such slanders and accusations as those
which a certain Ponteil brought against them.
Spanish and Portuguese Maranos petitioned Henry
IV. to permit them to emigrate to France, saying
that should he do so, a large number of their fellow
sufferers, "good men all of them," would choose
France as their home; but many Neo-Christians
who entered French territory were obliged to leave
within a short time. Under Louis XIII. the Mara-
nos of Bayonne were assigned to the suburb of St.
Esprit. At St. Esprit, as well as at Peyrehorade,
Bidache, Orthez, Biarritz, and St. Jean de Luz, they
gradually avowed Judaism openly. In 1640 several
hundred Maranos, considered to be Jews, were living
at St. Jean de Luz ; and at St. Esprit there was a
synagogue as early as 1660.




Next to Turkey the Maranos turned chietly to
Flanders, attracted by its flourishiug cities, such as
Antwerp, where they settled at an early date, and
Brussels. Before the end of the sixteenth century
Portuguese Maranos, under the leadership of Jacob
Tirado, arrived at Amsterdam. So many others fol-
lowed these that the city was called a new Jerusalem,
while liundreds of Neo-Christian families settled at
Rotterdam also. Maranos from Flanders, and others
direct from the Pyrenean Peninsula,
In went under the guise of Catholics to

Flanders. Hamburg and Altona about 1580,
where they established commercial re-
lations with their former homes. Christian IV. of
DeJimark invited some Neo-Christian families to set-
tle at Gllickstadt about 1626, granting certain priv-
ileges to them and also to the Maranos who came to
Emden about 1649.

Large numbers of Maranos, however, remained
in Spain and Portugal, despite the extensive emigra-
tion and the fate of countless victims of the Inqui-
sition. The Neo-Christians of Portugal breathed
more freely when Philip III. came to the throne and
by the law of April 4, 1601, granted them the privi-
lege of unrestricted sale of their real estate as well
as free departure from the country for themselves,
their families, and their property. Many, availing
themselves of this permission, followed their core-
ligionists to Africa and Turkey. After a few years,
however, the privilege was revoked, and the Inqui-
sition resumed its activity. But the Portuguese who
were not blinded by fanaticism perceived that no
forcible measures could induce the Maranos to give
up the religion of their fathers.

Individual Neo-Christians, as Antonio Fernandez
Carvajal and several from Spain, Hamburg, and
Amsterdam, went to London, whence their families
spread to Brazil, where Maranos had settled at an
early dale, and to other countries of America. The
migrations to Constantinople and Salonica, where
refugees had settled after the expulsion from Spain,
as well as to Servia, to Rumania and Bulgaria, and
even to Vienna and Temesvar, continued down to
the middle of the eighteenth century.

Whether there are still Maranos in Spain or not,
this much is certain, that there are many persons in
Barcelona, Saragossa, Madrid, Cordova, Toledo, and
Burgos who, conscious of their Jewish descent, are
well disposed toward the Jews. In Portugal there
is a community of Maranos at Covilha. See In-

Bibliography : Rlog, HM. ill. 147 et iteq.; Isaac da Costa, Tx-
rarl und die V61ker, (;erinan transl. by Mann, p. 274 ; Kay-
serllnf?, Oesch. der Jxidcn In Portu{ial, pp. 'M'^ et acq., and
bibliography trlven there ; li. E. J. xi. 148, xv. 118, xvl. til et
xeq., xllll. 2.'i9; Ally. Zeit. deft Jud. 1111. 402; Grunwald,
PortugiesenyrClher, pp. et sec/., 128 et seq,

J. M. K.

MARBE HASKALAH. See Society for



MARBLE (l^'*\^): A stone compo-sed mainly of
calciuni carbonate or of calcium and magnesium
carbonates. It is mentioned in the Old Testiiment
in three very late passages only. According to I
Chron. xxi.x. 2, David prepared, among other mate-
rials, white " marble stones " for the building of the

Temple. The account of the building in the Book
of Kings does not mention the use of marble. In the
Song of Solomon (v. 15) the author compares the legs
of the bridegroom to marble pillars in golden sock-
ets. Finally, Esther 1. 6 speaks of marble cohunus
and of a pavement of white and colored marble in
the palace of the Persian king. In the last-cited
passage it is not wholly certain if the text is intact
in the versions; consequently there is doubt whether
marble is really meant. In the other two passages
also the correctness of the text has been doubted
(see "Encyc. Bibl." s.v. "Marble").

Moreover, the fact that all the old authorities, es-
pecially the accounts of the building of the Temple,
preserve complete silence on the subject shows that
the Hebrews in olden times were not acquainted
with the use of marble as a building-stone. Its
employment for building purposes seems to have
been very limited even among the Assyrians.

E. G. H. I. Be.

MARBURG : 1 . Town in the Prussian province
of Hesse-Nassau. Jews are first mentioned as living
in Marburg in a document dated May 13, 1317, which
indicates that they were then organized as a com-
munity and possessed a synagogue ; also that they
dwelt in a special quarter of the town. From a
document of 1452 it appears that the synagogue was
demolished in that year, and that the Jewish ceme-
tery passed into Christian hands; hence the Jews
must have been expelled from Marburg about that
time. They gradually returned to the city; and in
1532 Landgrave Philipp revoked the decree of ex-
pulsion issued by him in 1524, and permitted the
Jews provisionally to remain in his territory for a
period of six years. Two Jews, named respectively
Liebmann and Gottschalk, availed themselves of
this permission in 1536.

As the Hessian cities repeatedly petitioned against
the admission of Jews, the number of the latter
remained very small: in 1744 there were only six
Jewish families at Marburg; in 1776, eight. No
one was permitted to harbor foreign Jews, except
at the times of the fairs, on pain of being fined and of
losing the privilege of protection. The Marburg
community increased somewhat with the granting
of freedom of residence; but even as late as 1902 it
numbered only about 300 members in a total popula-
tion of 16,668. It possesses a handsome synagogue
(built in 1897), a parochial and a religious school,
and a home for pupils and apprentices (opened in
1901) with seventy inmates.

Since 1823 Marburg has been the .seat of the board
of management of the union including the Jew-
ish communities in the districts of Marburg, Kirch-
hayn, Frankenberg, and Ziegenhain. Marburg is
the seat also of a district ral)binate, which includes
not only the former districts, but also those of Bie-
denkopf and Wetzlar. The district rabbis have been :
Moses Solomon Gosen, 1824-62 ; Liebmann Gersfeld,
1862-76; and Dr. Leo Munk, the present (1904) in-
cumbent, appointed in 1876. There are a number of
educational and philanthropic societies. Hermann
Cohen has been for a number of years professor of
philosophy at the University of Marburg.

D. L. Mu.




2. Austrian town, the second in the duchy of
Styria. It has a population of 24,501, including
about 100 Jews. Jews lirst settled at Marburg to-
ward the end of the thirteenth century ; gravestones
of that period are still found there. According to
the records they had a synagogue in their ghetto in
1277, as well as a scliool and a bath-house. The
Jews of Marburg were respected merchants; they
owned houses, fields, mills, and vineyards, and lived
peaceably with their neighbors. They were not af-
fected by the great persecutions of 1336 and 1338,
aud many Jews persecuted elsewhere found refuge
at ]\Iarburg on payment of an annual ta.\ of 40
gulden. In the old
tax -records of Mar-
burg the Jews are
described as quiet and
wealthy merchants
who paid their ta.xes
promptly. The Jews
who were expelled
from the territory of
the neighboring city
of Cilli iu 1404 were
received at Marburg,
to the benefit of its
commerce and indus-
try. The decree of
Frederick III. (1410-
1493) relating to the
importation of Hun-
garian wines was es-
pecially favorable to
the Jewish wine-mer-
chants. About this
time R. Israel Issek-
LEiN, one of the fore-
most rabbis of the fif-
teenth century, aud a
native of Marburg,
officiated there. Up
to the middle of the
fifteenth century the
Jews of Marburg
were generally re-
spected ; the Jew Eli-
jah was one of its
most prominent citi-
zens, and Gerl, Jacob,
and Aram Rorer were
in the employ of
noblemen as their
treasurers. Mention
is made also of
the Jews Cham, who
owned three, houses

money-lender Abraham b. Isaac advanced the
money for part of the expenses of the Diet and con-
tributed large sums for the equipment of the army.
The Jews Hirsel, Slisskind, and Aaron b. Soldmann
are mentioned among those who gave money to the
Christian Church.

Marburg is one of the four cities of Styria the
Jews of Avhich had a special judge ("Judenrichter"),
whose position was regarded as " very lucrative " ;
about 1440 it was held by the governor Sigmuud


" Judenpasse "

(From an old print

owned six, and Maul, who
in Marburg. The wealthy

von Rogendorf himself. There were special " Ju-
denmeister" for internal Jewish afiEairs. Notes of
debts held by Jews against Christians had to be in-
dorsed by the city judge. In 1477, when the Jews
of Marburg were building a new synagogue, David
b. Aram, who had removed a short time before to
Radkersburg, refused to pay the contribution of
twelve gulden which the community levied upon
him. The result was a tedious lawsuit, which
Frederick III. finally settled by deciding that the
defendant's assessment should be remitted, and that
he should be neither excommunicated nor subjected
to coercion of any other kind. The Jews of the city

continued to enjoy
the protection of the
authorities and the
good -will of their
Christian fellow citi-
zens until 1496, when
the emperor Maxi-
milian decreed the
expulsion of all Jews
from Styria. Those
in Marburg, appar-
ently, were permitted
to remain until they
had settled their
financial affairs, for
as late as 1499 some
were still living
there. Their prop-
erty was purchased
by (christian families,
the synagogue being
taken by Bernardin
Drukher, who trans-
formed it into a
Christian church.
After Drukher 's
death the records con-
tained in the build-
ing were destroyed
by the magistrate of
the city, and the
church was turned
into a storehouse ; in
1659 it was again con-
verted into a church;
in 1785 it became a
storehouse again; it
is now (1904) in use
as a tenement. The
ritual bath-house
was destroyed dur-
ing the last century. After the expulsion Jews
were not permitted even to pass througli Marbuig
except on the payment of a poll-tax. In 1783 they
were allowed to attend some of the fairs in Styria,
but not at Marburg. In 1811 three Jews were bap-
tized in that city, but none settled there again until
1867, when the merchant Jacob Schlesinger was
admitted. Some of the Jews now resident there are
government and district officials.

Bibliography : Puff, Marburg in Steiermark, Graz, 1847 ;
Muchar, Gcsch. dcs Herzogthums Steiermark, 9 vols., ib.
1844-77. „ ,,

D. S. Mu.

of Marburg in Hesse.

by Job. Aug. Koch.)





French pLysician; born in Amsteriiaiii Nov. 4, 1771 :
died in Paris Jan. 12, 1841. lie took the degree of
M.D. at Erlangen in 1792, and practised at Vienna,
Bamberg, and in Bohemia. In 1 79o he went to Paris,

Online LibraryIsidore SingerThe Jewish encyclopedia : a descriptive record of the history, religion, literature, and customs of the Jewish people from the earliest times to the present day (Volume 8) → online text (page 79 of 169)