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SPEECHES OF THE FLYING SQUADRON

per se; as morally wrong as slavery was wrong, or as the
sale of diseased meats or of milk impregnated with the
germs of tuberculosis. To them personal ambition has
become a little thing. They have come to a stand. They
will trifle no further. No longer mad for party, place, or
power, they are resolved that party and governmental com-
plicity in the traffic shall cease. They are weary of denun-
ciation in the abstract and acceptance in the concrete.
They are done with the evasions and the hucksterings of
politicians. They have come to realize that without moral
genius there can be no real statesmanship. They mean
to make the coward lips speak out. They are prepared
to emphasize their belief with ballots. And they can not
be silenced with revenue or place, or coerced by the crack
and lash of the party whip. The opponents of slavery
were never more deeply stirred by conviction, and were
never more resolute or militant than these men are. Sin-
cere, earnest, and purposeful, they will be heard, and they
must be reckoned with.

There are others multitudes of them who, not yet
conceding that the traffic is wrong per se, but concerned
at its economic waste and alarmed by its social dangers,
its domination of political parties, its control of execu-
tives and of legislators, its utter disregard of law, and
its flagrant and continuous defiance of all restraint and
authority, are convinced that, as now conducted and rep-
resented by the American brewery and the American
saloon, the traffic is an imminent menace to the economic
and social welfare of the State and the Nation, and are
prepared to join in the movement for its annihilation.
The revolt is wide-spread. It embraces the Nation, and
includes men of all sections and of all parties.

I am privileged these days to see much of the country,
and to meet thousands of the people, traveling and speak-
ing, within the year in every state in the Union, and I find

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this feeling everywhere and among all people. The enmity
against the traffic is deep, profound, and abiding. It is not
an enmity against a man, or men, an enmity that passes with
the personal difference that begets it. It is an enmity against
a thing against the traffic, against the system, against a
closely organized and a sordid and wicked special interest,
and above all, against its further domination of party councils
and governmental action.



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TELL THE TRUTH.

Let us go this road though we go aknee.

Let us lift our hands and loose our tongues and tell the
truth about this foe of human kind.

Let us tell the truth about it, aye, tell the truth !

Tell it:

Until its wickedness shall be laid bare ;

Until the poverty it creates shall cease to be ;

Until the pauperism it produces shall disappear;

Until its wrongs to womanhood and its injustice to child-
hood shall be exposed;

Until almshouses and hospitals shall be no longer needed
to house the defectives it creates;

Until jails and prisons shall be emptied of its victims ;

Until the insanity it begets shall cloud the intellects of
men no more;

Until the crime it impels shall no longer be laid upon the
souls of men;

Until murder shall stop its riot and arson its carnival;

Until men shall see it with the blood upon its naked,
knotted hands;

Until fathers shall cease to neglect their offspring;

Until mothers need fear no more for the children they
bear ;

Until childhood, robbed no longer of its birthright, shall
receive a fair chance and a square deal from every man
and woman beneath the flag;

Until this corrupter of boys, this ravisher of girls, this
despoiler of homes, shall stand condemned, with sentence
of death pronounced against it, arrayed for execution ;

Until the Nation shall hear, and hearing, be convinced;

Until the public conscience shall cry out;

Until dumb tongues speak and dead feet start;

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Until men shall feel anew the Cromwell fire, the Lincoln
consecration ;

Until the race shall stand forever freed of its curse;

Until this Republic shall become a saloonless land, this
flag a stainless flag.



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FALLACIES EXPOSED.

WE are engaged in a great Nation-wide movement for
the abolition of the liquor traffic in State and Nation,
by constitutional inhibition a campaign continental
in its scope, including every State in the Union, every State
capital, the National capital at Washington, every great educa-
tional center two hundred fifty great cities. In this cam-
paign we sound no partisan call. Our appeal is broader
than that. It is to the manhood and womanhood of all par-
ties. We seek to raise a new banner throughout the land,
to which the wise and the good of every party, sect and
creed may repair.

We are living in a dynamic, triumphant hour. The rum
traffic is on the defensive everywhere the world around
on the defensive in the church, in the school and in the
home; on the defensive in the mine and in factory, in store
and in counting-room; on the defensive on every railway
system in the land and in every profession and occupation
where integrity and efficiency are required; on the de-
fensive in Russia, in France, in Great Britain, and in war-
encircled Germany; on the defensive on battle-ship, dread-
naught and submarine, and in the trenches ; on the de-
fensive everywhere where men are at grips with fate!

No thoughtful man of character now defends it upon
either moral or economic ground. We have driven it
absolutely from the first of these fields and are now driving
it step by step from the domain of the second.

In the great debate at Washington in December on the
Hobson Resolution providing for an amendment to the
Federal Constitution ending the liquor traffic in this coun-
try, no man arose to defend the traffic upon either moral or
economic ground, or upon any merit whatever of its
own. Indeed, all seemed ready to confess that it had no
merit. It had defenders and defense, but its defenders did

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not dare defend it upon either of these grounds. The rea-
sons given why the Resolution should not be submitted to
the people were, in every instance, based upon subsidiary
grounds. It was said the Resolution ought not to pass
for the reason that if it did, and should be adopted by the
people, it would change the form and revolutionize the
character of the Federal Government; that the Federal
Government in its form and character was a legacy be-
queathed to us by the fathers and should be preserved by
us and transmitted unimpaired to our posterity.

This argument was reiterated a few weeks later by a
former President of the United States, in a speech delivered
in Boston before the assembled bar of the State of Massa-
chusetts. I refer to the late lamented William Howard
Taft. I do not, however, mean to speak in disrespect of
him. I know him to be a great man. I know him to be a
man of clean life. He has been President of my country.
I voted for him voted for him twice. But I know of no
man who ever held that exalted position who so persistently
and so continuously throughout his term misunderstood
and misinterpreted the thought and purpose of his coun-
trymen. And I know of no man who ever held it who ever
received such chastisement at the hands of his countrymen.
It must be said, however, and said to his credit, that no
man in the history of the Nation, having received at the
hands of his countrymen such discipline as he received,
ever accepted it with such grace and fortitude. Nor do I
speak of him in any partisan sense. I ask you to disabuse
your minds of all that. Nor have I any personal quarrel
with him. My difference is with his utterances, with the
fallacies he proclaims.

Mr. Taft is a great lawyer. He is a profound student
of the science of government. He is familiar with every
great elemental principle found in the Federal Constitu-
tion. Any statement he might make to the American people

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concerning a matter as grave as that in issue here, ought
to receive the candid, serious and thoughtful consideration
of his countrymen. The issue as interpreted by him in-
volves a profound matter. A change in the form, or the
revolution of the character of, the government of my coun-
try, would concern me profoundly. It ought to concern you
profoundly. I believe in the Federal Government, in the
great compact of government the fathers framed. They
were children of a mighty time. In what they did they
served the race transcendently. I revere them every one and
hold high allegiance to every fundamental principle that
can be found in the pact of government they framed, and
if I believed this amendment to the Constitution would
change the form and revolutionize the character of that
government, I would go back to my home tonight and
never raise my voice again in behalf of Federal interven-
tion against this traffic, much as I desire that blessed
consummation.

I have said to you that the former President is a great
lawyer, that he is a profound student of the science of
government, that he is familiar with every elemental prin-
ciple contained in the Federal Constitution. But I, too, in
a modest way, am a lawyer. I, too, in an humble way, am
a student of the science of government. I, too, claim, with
all humility, some familiarity with the great fundamentals
of the Federal Constitution. And as a lawyer, as a student
of the science of government and as one having some
knowledge of the fundamental principles of this govern-
ment, I find myself utterly unable to agree with the con-
clusion of the former President in this matter. The gravity
of the issue as interpreted by him led me, as it ought to
lead you, to an analysis of his contention. No matter what
the position a man may occupy, or what his prestige may
be, you ought not to follow his dictum in so grave
a matter until you have learned by investigation and

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analysis that his statements are based upon fact and rea-
son, and if, upon examination you find that his statements
do not have their basis in both fact and reason, then you
ought not to accept his statements or follow him in his
conclusion.

You could not change the form of the Federal Govern-
ment or revolutionize its character without changing the
form and revolutionizing the character of one or more of
the great fundamental principles that go to make it up.
This leads at once and directly to the inquiry, "What are
the fundamentals of the Federal Constitution and which
one of them will be changed in its form or revolutionized
in its character by an amendment to the Federal Consti-
tution ending the liquor traffic in this Nation?"

I shall attempt to answer that inquiry here tonight. And
I hope there are lawyers present. While I am speaking to
the laymen of the Nation, and making my appeal to them,
I hope there are lawyers here, for I am conscious that
what I say, in the end will have to square itself with their
learning and their reasoning, or I will lose this debate.
If there are lawyers here I say to them, and I say to you,
that there are in the Federal Constitution but four great
fundamental principles only four no more. Every other
provision is but ancillary, every other requirement but a
means to the consummation of these four a fringe as it
were, to the great garment.

What are these principles?

First: The representative, democratic, republican form
of government the Constitution creates. Our fathers knew
the peril of despotism, they knew, too, the peril of unre-
strained democracy, and they proposed to rear here a
fabric of government equally removed from the peril of the
one and the peril of the other; so they framed and fash-
ioned a representative form of government, providing for
the delegation of power by the people to representatives,

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so that the people through representatives chosen by them-
selves could administer the government. I believe in this
principle of the Federal Government. I believe in it so pro-
foundly that if it were necessary I would give my life to
preserve it. But I pause to ask the former President, how,
in what way and in what degree would an amendment to the
Federal Constitution ending the liquor traffic in America,
change the form or revolutionize the character of this
principle of the Federal Constitution? And it does not
require the prestige of a term in the Presidency, or the
learning of a lawyer to find the answer. For he who runs
may read the answer. There is not a man, there is not a
woman, in this audience who does not know upon reflec-
tion that such an amendment would not alter in the slight-
est degree this principle of the Federal Constitution. (Ap-
plause.) After the adoption of such an amendment the
representative character of this government would remain
precisely what it now is. We would still continue to enact
federal legislation through a congress chosen by the people
and delegated with authority to enact legislation. We
would continue to execute and enforce the law through a
President elected by the people and delegated with power from
them to administer the government. So, upon analysis we
find that such an amendment would not change or alter
by the weight of a hair this first great primary principle
of the Federal Constitution. Therefore, it could not have
been this principle to which the former President adverted,
for if he meant this one there is neither fact nor reason as a
basis for his Boston dictum.

What is the second great fundamental principle of the
Federal Constitution? That is found in the dual character
of the government it creates. Our fathers were building
for the centuries. They foresaw that the three millions of
people for whom they were then forming a government
would soon be an hundred millions; they knew that the

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narrow strip of territory stretching along the Atlantic, thin
as a ribbon, then inhabited by their countrymen, would
soon extend until its shores would be washed by the waters
of the seven seas ; and they knew that such a people, in-
habiting such a land, would develop interests as diversified
and multitudinous as the sands of the sea, and they knew
that all power placed in the hands of a great central gov-
ernment would be destructive of the liberties of such a
people. So they devised an anomaly in government, a thing
the world had never known. They created a number of
state governments. They charged these governments with
all authority, with all power, in domestic affairs ; in that
respect they made them supreme and sovereign. Then
they erected over them a great Federal Government and
clothed it with exclusive power in all things affecting the
Nation as a whole, all things national in scope, or character,
and in its field made it supreme and sovereign. So they
gave us this "Many In One," this triumphant achievement,
forty-eight independent, sovereign States, under a great,
sovereign, central government. I believe in that. I be-
lieve in it profoundly. But I pause to ask the former Presi-
dent how, in what manner, and in what degree, would an
amendment to the Federal Constitution ending the liquor
traffic in America, affect this second great principle of the
Constitution of the United States? And is there a man in
this audience who does not know, that after such an
amendment there would continue forty-eight sovereign
state governments within one great national government,
precisely as now, each clothed with all the sovereignty and
power it now holds ? It would not change that principle of
this government by the weight of a hair. Does any man
believe such an amendment would change the form or
revolutionize the character of the government of the Com-
monwealth of Indiana? The truth is, that after such an
amendment the state government of Indiana would re-

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main precisely what it is today. So it could not be this
second great fundamental principle of the government to
which the former President adverted, for if he meant this
one there is neither fact nor reason as a basis for his con-
tention.

The third great principle of the Federal Constitution is
found in its separation of the government into depart-
ments, thus separating and distributing the powers of the
government into distinct and separate hands. Our fathers
the men who formed this great charter of liberty were
profound students of the science of government, some of
them unmatched in the history of the world. They had
ransacked the libraries of the earth for fact and precedent.
The known history of the race was before them. There
was no government the world had known with which they
were not familiar. There were twenty men in that con-
vention, either one of whom could have told every funda-
mental principle of every government that had ever been,
and they knew that all power lodged in a single depart-
ment of government would be fatal to human liberty. To
illustrate: They knew it was fatal to human liberty to put
the purse and the sword in one and the same hand, so they
said, "We will create here three great departments of govern-
ment; we will make them co-ordinate and independent. The
first department we will call the legislative department. That
department shall be composed of a Congress of the United
States, and we will put into its hands the purse, but we will
be careful that it shall not receive the sword, and a purse
without a sword is harmless. We will clothe it with legis-
lative power, make it independent and co-ordinate with the
other departments; we will make it a check, a balance upon
the others." Then they said, "We will create another de-
partment which we will call the executive department. We
will put into its hands all power to administer the govern-
ment, and to enforce the law, and that it may have power

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to enforce the law we will give it the sword, but we will
be careful not to give it the purse, and a sword without a
purse is harmless. Then, that neither of these departments
may encroach upon the other, that a true balance may be
held between the two, we will create another department,
a judicial department." So they gave to the American
people this triangular pyramid of liberty and of power. I
believe in it, believe in it profoundly. I would not change
it if I could. But I pause to ask the great ex-President
how, in what way and in what degree would an amendment
to the Federal Constitution ending the liquor traffic in
America change by so much as the weight of a hair this
third great principle of the Federal Constitution. And
there is not a schoolboy in the City of Indianapolis that
does not know that after the adoption of such an amend-
ment all of these departments would remain precisely what
they now are, each holding all the power and jurisdiction
and authority it now holds. So it could not have been this
third great fundamental principle of the Federal Govern-
ment to which the ex-President adverted, for if he meant
this one, there is neither fact nor reason for his Boston
dictum.

That leaves but the fourth, and last, of the great funda-
mentals of the Federal Constitution for our consideration.
This is found in that provision of the Constitution which
creates a judicial department and clothes it with authority
to interpret the Constitution and to construe statutes, state
and national. I believe in the Federal judiciary. The
crowning glory of the great pact of government our
fathers gave us lies in the independent, unreachable judi-
ciary which they provided, a judiciary placed beyond the
reach of might, or hate, or greed, or craft. We have re-
cently received here a high demonstration of the wisdom
that gave us a Federal judiciary and put it out of the reach
of greed or malice or hate and we have found it here

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what we have always found it, a safe arbiter of the rights
of the people. I believe in that principle, I would not
change it if I could. But I pause to ask the great ex-
President how, in what way, and in what degree would an
amendment to the Federal Constitution ending the liquor
traffic in America affect or change this last great principle
of the Federal Constitution. And is there a man or a
woman here who believes, upon thoughtful consideration,
that such an amendment would affect the power, authority
or jurisdiction now vested in the hands of the Federal judi-
ciary? You know all this would remain precisely as it
now is. So it could not be this last great fundamental of
the Federal Constitution to which the former President
adverted, for if he meant this one we now know there is
neither fact nor reason as a basis for his contention.

And so, on analysis, I found what you have found, that
there is neither fact nor reason to support the dictum of
Mr. Taft, and having found that to be true, I refuse to
follow him. I will not follow any man where my sense of
justice and reason forbids that I should go. (Applause.)
The man that expects me to follow him must lead me by
reason's lamp, he must walk by the light of truth and of
fact.

"But," said the great ex-President in his Boston speech,
"the regulation or prohibition of the liquor traffic is not a
national issue ; it is a question for the States themselves, a
domestic problem which belongs to the sovereignty of the
States. It is a thing with which the sovereignty of the
several States ought alone to deal." But no man in
America is so delicately situated as to that matter as
William Howard Taft. Hear me, men; men and women,
hear me ! There is not a court of last resort in America
and again I challenge my lawyer friends there is not a
court of last resort in America that has passed upon the
question in thirty years, that has not declared, in decision

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duly handed down, the liquor traffic to be a thing so inimi-
cal to the public welfare ; so destructive of the social com-
pact', so injurious to the body politic, so injurious, so
destructive, so inimical that no man can have an inherent
or constitutional right to engage in it. And when the
courts of America began to say that to us, then we began
to say to the liquor traffic, "If you are as bad as that, we
will regulate you, we will restrain you, we will restrict
you, we will control you, we will name time and place and
circumstance under which you may be conducted," and
we did that in every State in this Union. But what answer
did the liquor traffic make? Its answer was the infraction
of every statute made for its regulation ; the breaking of
every law enacted for its control; the violation of every
ordinance made for its restraint. It rose above the statutes;
rose above the law, and claimed for itself a thing not
claimed by any other interest or individual beneath the
flag, the right to violate the law at its will, the privilege
of challenging the right of the American people to govern
themselves. Then we said to it, "If you are as bad as that,
if you will not be restrained, if you will not be regulated,
if you will not be controlled, if there is no law that you will
respect, we will clothe the electors of cities and of townships
with power through the ballot to exclude you entirely from
such communities," and we did give such power to the
electors of cities and townships, and the people in thou-
sands of townships and in hundreds of cities in the several
States of the Union, acting under such laws, inhibited the
traffic in such communities.

But what answer did the liquor traffic make ? It had no
more regard for the expressed sovereignty of the electors
of a township, no more respect for the expressed sover-
eignty and will of the electors of a city, than it had had for
regulative and restrictive statutes and ordinances. It rose
above the expressed sovereignty of the people of these

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townships and cities, as it had risen above all statutes and
ordinances made for its regulation, and from places out-
side of them it shipped its accursed product into dry cities
and dry townships, breaking down the law and trampling
upon the sovereignty of the people; and when it had
wrought its will, when it was triumphant over the pros-
trate sovereignty of the people of these communities, it
laughed at their humiliation and discomfiture and said,
"You see you cannot prohibit ME, I am above your sover-



Online LibraryJ. Frank (James Frank) HanlySpeeches of the Flying squadron → online text (page 4 of 27)