J. Frank (James Frank) Hanly.

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his doctrine, and the harm he did was therefore minimized.

The Middle West is in the midst of a great moral and
civic revival which is touching and stirring the public con-
science as it has rarely been touched or stirred before.
The people, now as always, the well and source of
power, are coming more and more to see and understand
that honest administration of public affairs, enforcement
of the laws which they themselves have enacted, and
simple, straight-forward ways, are essential to their pea^ ,
prosperity and their happiness. They have rediscovered, as
it were, the fact that obedience to the law is the first duty
of every citizen and the foundation of the liberty they have
inherited, and that clean habits, moral fiber and sturdiness
of purpose are essential elements in the character and life
of every man to whom the administration of public affairs
is confined.

Something of what Mr. Jerome was pleased to call "the
moral yearnings of rural communities" has taken hold of
men and women throughout the great States of the Miss-
issippi Valley, whether their abode be in the country or



in the city. And that something, whatever it is and wher-
ever it appears, is both wholesome and beneficial. It
strengthens, uplifts and ennobles whomever it touches, in
whatever grade of society he belongs. It is beginning to
give direction to the thoughts and deeds of many people.

In truth, "rural life and its moral yearnings" contributes
so much each day to the welfare of the country in the
way of increase of property and of wealth, of stamina of
character, of health, of physical, moral and mental vigor,
and of individual happiness that it cannot be made the
subject of a successful sneer even by Mr. Jerome.

It contains the salt that saves the leaven of American
citizenship. It is the ballast that keeps the ship of State
righted and afloat. It is the "rock in a weary land." It is
the buttress and the sure defense of the institutions
founded by the fathers.

Life in rural communities, country, village or town,
is, as a rule, sane and natural. Temptations are fewer and
less potent than in the city. Field, river, hill and valley;
free air and unobstructed space ; the phenomena of sunrise
and sunset; the associations of the day, with its arch of
blue; with its shadow and its sunshine and the majesty
of its cloud and storm; the solitudes of the night, with its
vaulted sky, sprinkled and jeweled with distant worlds and
stars afar; the mysteries of life as exemplified in bird and
beast and flower and leaf and tree, and the appeals of
nature everywhere, all combine to teach simplicity of
life, to develop character, to beget reverence for Him who
made the universe and called forth the worlds that are in
it, and are conducive to the development of physical,
mental and moral fiber. Somehow God is nearer in the
country than in the city. His nearness makes it easy for
men to hear and obey. The men and women who are born
and reared amid such environment are wont to have moral
yearnings and it is well for the city that they are. There



is not a city in the land which does not owe more than it
can ever pay to the men and women who come to it from
the country. These men and women come possessed of
moral yearnings, of desire to serve, and with courage to
achieve. They replenish daily the city's depleted stream of
life. They restore the wasted energies of its population,
give strength, virility and moral fiber to its citizenship,
and save it from the ruin of its misrule, its sins and its
dissipations. But for them its business, professional and
social life, would deteriorate and die of its own impoverish-
ment. The problem of the age in this country is not the
government of rural communities, but the government of
the cities. The purchasable electorate, than which there
is no greater peril to free institutions, is not found in the
rural communities, but it is found, in the main, in the shift-
less, idle and criminal population of the cities. The "wider-
open" the city is, the greater are the shiftless, idle and
criminal classes ; and the greater this population is, the
greater is the peril to free institutions.

And yet we are told by Mr. Jerome that there ought to
be two codes of laws touching public morals, one code
strict enough to satisfy the moral yearnings of rural com-
munities, and another liberal enough to satisfy the desire
for license on the part of city populations. I cannot agree
with him. If restraints upon the freedom of individual
action are needed in one place more than in another, it is
in the cities and not in the country. Where men congregate
or dwell in great numbers, as in the cities, individual will
and choice must of necessity be restricted in many ways
for the good of the population as a collective body. Speed
of railway trains, of electric cars, of motors and of vehicles
of every kind must be limited without regard to the will
of those who operate them, in order that the limbs and
lives of the many may be preserved. Matters relating to
sanitation make other limitations upon the will of the



individual essential for the protection of the whole. Fire
limits must be established within which the individual may
not build of combustible material lest the property of all
be imperiled. The right to store explosives cannot be left
to individual caprice because of the jeopardy that would
attach to the lives of all. These are only a few of the
many instances in which individual will and freedom of
action find limitations necessarily fixed by the law,
limitations, the necessity of which arises from and is
incident to increased and multiplied populations.

In the cities limitations upon individual choice touching
matters which relate to public morals are as essential as
in the matters just named. Where population is congested
and includes every grade and stratum of society from the
lowest to the highest, temptation is multiplied many times,
and the necessity of restraining the individual will becomes
imperative lest the moral life of the whole city be con-
taminated. The enforcement of restrictions along lines
touching public morals is more difficult in the cities than
in rural communities. Men become careless and indifferent
to abuses and excesses abuses and excesses, too, which
are as fatal to the peace and welfare of the community as
a pestilence. Pope understood this when he wrote:

"Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
As to be hated needs but to be seen;
But seen too oft, familiar with her face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace."

But the necessity of the enforcement of such restrictions,
however, is none the less imperative because of the increased
difficulty attending their enforcement. In every great city
there are men who make it their business to make money
out of immoral practices, and who, for sordid reasons
alone, desire either such an interpretation of existing laws



or such laxity of their administration and enforcement as
will leave them free and untrammeled to pursue their
unholy callings. I do not believe or charge that Mr. Jerome
is knowingly the representative of these men, but I do
believe and say that every one of them is a believer in the
doctrine he preaches, and that every one of them applauded
his utterance when he declared for' two codes of laws
relating to public morals, one for the country and one
for the city; one made to satisfy the moral longings of
rural communities and another to meet the desire for
license of the so-called liberal element of the great cities.

The doctrine embodied in his statement is a dangerous
and pernicious doctrine. That immoral practices are more
dangerous in city than in country is a truth too self-evident
to need argument. They reach and contaminate more peo-
ple. Their evil influences affect the weakest spot in our
body politic, and their attack is directed against the most
vulnerable point in the fabric of American government.

The "thou shalt nots" of the law are even more essential
in the cities than in rural communities, and they must
continue to apply to them with at least equal force and
vigor. Sin is sin wherever committed. Dissipation is
dissipation; debauchery is debauchery; gambling is gam-
bling; adultery is adultery; embezzlement is embezzle-
ment; bribery is bribery; theft is theft; arson is arson,
and murder is murder, whether committed in the city or
in the country. The condemnation of the law must con-
tinue to be upon them every one and everywhere, and its
hand must continue to fall with impartial vigor upon every
one who commits any of them, wherever he resides and
whatever may be his environment.



From a Chautauqua Address delivered at Fountain Park
Assembly, Remington, Indiana, August 16, 1905.

THERE are those who seek to make the question of
obedience to the law a personal issue between them-
selves and the man who happens for the moment
to be the Chief Executive of the State. In this they are
in error. There is, there can be, no personal issue between
us. The issue exists, that I admit; but it is not between
them and me. It is between them and a far greater and
a more enduring power than I. It is between them and
the law itself. The challenge to them to surrender, or the
command to obey the law does not come from me, but
from the law ; and they will continue to come with increas-
ing frequency and growing insistence years after I have
gone. I will soon cease to have to do with public affairs.
I will soon pass entirely from the stage of action and
thus be forever eliminated from the problem, but the law
will survive, and the issue will remain. It will continue
to abide and to endure until the great public, stirred by
the prickings of an awakened conscience, shall rally to
the law's support and give it victory. The result of the
battle lies not with one man, nor with one administration,
but in the decision to be formed in the hearts and con-
sciences of a people, who, for more than a century, have
found the law a safe and an abiding house of refuge, and
who believe in its sovereignty, in its sanctity and in its
majesty. Aye! more than this. The issue is wrapped in
the evolution of the race itself, and it will continue to
unfold, for it is a part of the unerring, changeless purpose
of the Infinite, until the process of the suns shall have
ceased and time shall be no more.



HUMAN history is more than a series of accidents.
Through the ages one increasing purpose runs. God
is, and reigns. Something there is in man immortal
and divine, lifting him, and ever lifting him into endeavor and
achievement. The history of the race is the story of an ever
upward climb. The sepulcher of the centuries is filled with
the whitening bones of dead evils slain by man in his climb
toward God. Human history may run for decades on the
dead level of the commonplace, then suddenly, as blooms the
century plant in a night, God's unchanging purpose bursts
full-blossomed on the thorny stem of Time. A great oc-
casion and a great man meet. The result: A climax of
destiny, a mountain-peak of human achievement.

To every generation there comes one opportunity for
race-wide service, and happy is the generation that has a
man to lead it to the fulfillment of that opportunity.

No generation ever solves more than one great racial
problem. It is as though in the sublime endeavor to meet
one great eccasion the race exhausts itself for that gen-
eration, and finds itself unable to solve or grasp another
great racial issue.

One hundred and thirty-eight years ago there came to our
fathers such an opportunity. It came to them to decide, let us
hope once for all, whether this new world should continue to
be the plaything of kings and emperors and czars, or was to
become the habitat of a great, free, powerful democracy.
They met their opportunity. A great occasion and a great
man met. The result : A new Nation, founded in virgin
soil, dedicated to human liberty. No man has for the men
who wrought that tremendous thing a profounder respect
or a deeper or higher admiration than I hold. They were
children of a mighty time. They builded broad and deep.



They made the race their debtor. And yet, in the moment
of their great achievement, they fell.

Declaring man's equality before the law, they framed a
pact of government providing for the inequality of men
before the law the inequality of slave and master.

Proclaiming man's inherent right to life and liberty, they
framed a pact of government denying both to an entire

Insisting before the world that all governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the governed, they
framed a pact of government depriving a whole people of
all right of participation therein.

Strong enough to conceive liberty as the birthright of
all, they were not potent enough to give virility to their
conception. They were great enough to establish freedom
for themselves, but they were too weak to extend it to
the bondman.

When they failed to do that, and gave constitutional
recognition to the right of one man to own the flesh and
blood of another, they sowed the wind, and their children
lived to reap the whirlwind. Lived to reap it? Aye, lived
to reap it in four long, suffering years of civil war!

Lived to reap it in sixteen thousand millions of money
expended and property destroyed;

Lived to reap it in five hundred and fifty thousand new-
made graves ;

Lived to reap it in the red hours at Chancellorsville ; in
the carnage at Antietam; in the sacrificial baptism at
Fredericksburg; in the crimson woods at Chickamauga ;

Lived to reap it in the three red days at Gettysburg, in
the wheatfield and among the trembling hills ; at Spottsyl-
vania and at Cold Harbor;

Lived to reap it in Lovejoy mobbed, in John Brown
crucified, in Ellsworth slain, in the martyrdom of Abraham



Lincoln, the sweetest, gentlest, tenderest character the
world has known since the Christ returned to glory!

But in the hour of the whirlwind's red reaping God's
unchanging purpose flowered again. A great man and a
great occasion met. The result : The transformation of the
Great Declaration from a prophecy unfulfilled to a Irving,
pulsing fact; a Nation sown in weaknes, raised in power;
the preservation of the Union, the death of slavery, Free-
dom enthroned. I hold reverential regard for the great
soul who led them, and for those who followed in that stu-
pendous achievement. But as fell the fathers in the hour
of their triumph, so fell the men of the generation of Abra-
ham Lincoln in the moment of their sublime achievement.
That they might obtain revenue with which to prosecute
the war, to maintain armies, and save the life of the Nation,
they entered into a compact with hell, solemnized a part-
nership between the Federal Government and a racial evil
greater far than the one they warred against. They gave
Federal legislative recognition to the liquor traffic, put
about it the protection and sanctity of the law, and gave
it the badge of respectability, and when they did it, they,
too, sowed the wind, and we, their children, are living to
reap the whirlwind;

Reaping it in four hundred and fifty thousand men and
women convicted of crime in this Nation every year, three
hundred thousand of whom are victims of this traffic;

Reaping it in four hundred thousand insane men and
women men and women bereft of reason, one hundred
thousand of whom are victims of this traffic;

Reaping it in fifty thousand little children who fall in
this Nation every year, sixty-seven per cent, of whom are
the victims of this traffic;

Reaping it in national decay, in moral degeneracy;

Reaping it in man-failure, in woman-failure, and man-
failure and woman-failure in this Nation mean institutional



failure failure of institutions for which men have died
at the battle's front, sad only that they had but one
life to give. There are those who pray for more men in
this country. I utter a better prayer than that. I pray not
for more men in my country, but for more man in the
men' who are in my country. But we will get no more
man in the men who are in the country until the country
rids itself of this hateful thing that debauches daily the
man in the men of the country.

Reaping it in the domination of this traffic over the affairs
and the life of the great cities of the Nation. There is not a
great city in America where government is not near the dis-
solving point this hour. In the city of Chicago the United
Societies, backed by the organized liquor traffic, commercial-
ized vice and capitalized sin, dominate political action, write
party platforms, name party candidates and make cowards of
public men ! In the city of New York, gun-men, in broad
day, shoot down citizens on the public thoroughfares under
guarantee of protection at the hands of the police depart-
ment of the city itself! Government near the dissolving
point in every great city of America !

The rum traffic is bent upon administering all govern-
ment, local, State and National, and every department of
government, legislative, executive and judicial. Its unholy
hands are upon everything. If you want an example a
bill of particulars it can be quickly furnished. The City of
Terre Haute is nearby. The scenes enacted there within
the year ought to be still fresh in your memories. I put
it to you: Is not government near the dissolving point
over there, with the Mayor of the city, the Comptroller of
the city, the Superintendent of the Police Department, the
Judge of the Police Court, the Sheriff of the County, and
the Judge of the Circuit Court, all out of the city, serving
prison sentences for malfeasance in office, or the violation
of statutes enacted to protect the purity of elections and



the civic life of the community whose commissions they
held ? And back of these wrongs and crimes wrongs and
crimes that have disrupted the government of a whole city
and an entire county, and shamed a State is this God-
opposed, hell-marching traffic. Its responsibility for it all
has been fixed by words other than my own fixed by judi-
cial decision, hot from the lips of the outraged Court before
whom these unfortunate defendants were tried. With one
hundred and eighteen of them arraigned before him for
sentence upon conviction duly had or confession of guilt
openly and voluntarily made, the fearless, purposeful, but
just Judge of the Court in which they stood, fixed for all
time Rum's deep share in the crimes they had committed,
when in the course of the judgment he there pronounced,
he said:

"The evidence in this case shows that this con-
spiracy had its inception in the saloons of Terre
Haute. It was directed from them, and consum-
mated through them. I have the notion that the
saloon will have to go. The American people will
not tolerate it. They will rise in their might and
destroy it."

You heard these words when they were uttered. But I
have repeated them that they may find an abiding place in
your memories and become unforgettable. I was in the
City of Denver when I read them, and I immediately tele-
graphed the Judge, congratulating him :

"You are right. Saloons will have to go. I have
been trying for ten years to do a man's full share
toward hastening their departure. What you say
from the bench in the Roberts trial, I saw from the
Governor's office for four years. Your words yes-


terday were potent and will be powerful and far-
reaching in their influence. I congratulate you
and welcome you to the ranks of those who be-
lieve the traffic will have to go."

The great design upon which our fathers wrought, and
which fell unfinished from their great hands, ennobled by
their high endeavor and consecrated by their blood ;

The great design caught and wrought upon by the great,
gaunt hands of Lincoln, and those who followed him
wrought upon by them in sacrificial, crowned achievement,
until the hope of men and the will of God, fused into a unity
of purpose, gave it the luster and the glory of the stars ;

That great design thus wrought upon, but yet unfinished,
rests now in our hands; and in the chalice of heaven's un-
changing purpose a new great occasion is forming; a mo-
ment, and it will tremble into bloom. Opportunity the
opportunity that comes but once to any generation is
ours; ours this holy hour. And as this new great occasion,
typifying the will and purpose of the Father of Nations and
of peoples, bursts full-blossomed upon our vision, may
God Almighty grant that we find the man to meet it ; and
if we do, out of the meeting will come another star-loved
peak of human endeavor and achievement.

That we might have a part in preparing the heart of
our countrymen to meet this great occasion we have
planned and are carrying to successful consummation this
monumental campaign of ours ; and my heart thrills with
joy this afternoon not with pride; for, before God, I have
thrown that out of my heart and out of my life my heart
thrills with joy that you have responded so generously to
our endeavor here in the city in which I live and have my
home. May the generous contribution you have made to
this great cause here this day be a covenant a covenant
between us and the Father that we will see the great



occasion through; see it through in Indiana; see it through
in this Republic!


We thank Thee, our Heavenly Father, for this visit of
the Flying Squadron. We praise Thee for these meetings
of the last three days, and we pray that Thy divine bless-
ing and benediction shall be upon its members. Keep the
train on the track, bring it in on time, may they fill every
date, and may the blessing of God be upon them and upon
us. We pray Thy blessing upon our own State. May the
day speedily come when we shall see the prayers of our
fathers and our mothers answered in this country when
the Nation shall be dry. We ask these favors in Jesus'
name. And now may the benediction of the Father, Son
and Holy Ghost be upon us all, now and evermore. Amen.



BORN in Mercer County, Illinois, May 22, 1867, Mr.
Stewart's boyhood days were spent on the farm. He
was graduated from Woodhull, Illinois, high school in
1885, and taught school for two years. He was made
Secretary and Organizer for the District Lodge of Good
Templars, doing his first public work for Temperance and
Prohibition that year.

He entered Eureka College in 1887, working his way
through school. Following his graduation and marriage
in 1890, three years were given to evangelistic work. He
was Secretary of the Illinois Christian Endeavor Union
for two years, and President of that organization for two
years. During this time he was pastor of the Disciples'
Church at Mackinaw, Illinois.

In 1896 Mr. Stewart was elected Chairman of the Illinois
State Prohibition Committee and presided over the Illinois
Prohibition Convention that year, and in 1900 was made
Chairman of the Prohibition National Committee, serving
five years.

Elected to the Illinois Legislature in 1902, on the Prohi-
bition ticket, he carried his ideals with him into that legis-
lative body, and though the only Prohibitionist in the House,
was instrumental in the passage of many bills in which the
people of Chicago and the State were interested.

Since serving in the Illinois Legislature and as National
Chairman, Mr. Stewart has been in demand in reform work,
and upon chautauqua and lecture platforms. His intense
personality and overwhelming enthusiasm, supplemented
by his irresistible and convincing logic, have made him a
powerful and popular figure in the public life of the

A member of the Executive Committee from the begin-
ning, he was the most powerful assistant Governor Hanly
had in the planning and the management of the Flying
Squadron campaign.



In connection with the Governor, and with Mr. William
M. Conrad, of Washington, D. C, Mr. Stewart is devoting
his great talents to the founding of the "National Enquirer"
and the "Flying Squadron Foundation," but giving, mean-
while, much time to the platform in behalf of the cause to

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