J. William (James William) White.

A text-book of the war for Americans online

. (page 41 of 45)
Online LibraryJ. William (James William) WhiteA text-book of the war for Americans → online text (page 41 of 45)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook

the idea of securing peace by utilizing the power of all
nations willing to enter into a mutual and general agree-
ment to enforce the decrees of an International Court, or at
least willing to combine forces to prevent or resist attack
upon the territory of any one of the countries so agreeing,
is the idea which in some shape seems most likely to be put
into practical and effective form in the future.

An analogous plan, developed on somewhat different
lines, will be found described on pp. 368, 369, 370.


What General Opinions Are Justified by the Foregoing


Reviewing what I have written, and, more particularly,
what I have collated, it seems to me that I have given a
justifiable basis for the following opinions:

The war is a German-made war, having its source and
inspiration in the writings and teachings of the Pan-Ger-
manists; in the ambitions of an autocratic military caste,
headed by a highly neurotic, unbalanced, and possibly men-
tally diseased overlord, with mediaeval views of his rela-
tion to his country and the world, and supported by a
subservient corps of "learned men/ 5 the majority of whom
are paid servants of the State.

The war in the last analysis was made possible by the
megalomania of a prepondering section of the German
people, and by the carefully nurtured and fomented desire
for World Power.

To bring about this condition the German has been made
to believe in the superiority which does not exist of
his civilization to all other civilizations; in the pre-
eminenceequally non-existent of German "culture"; in
the theory that Might makes Right, and that it is only
in the course of Nature that weaker and therefore pre-
sumably inferior peoples should yield their ideals, their
liberties, and their destinies into the hands of any nation
that by the arbitrament of War should prove itself the
master of all others.

As a logical result of these views, at a time selected by


reason of the undoubted preparedness of Germany, the
supposed unreadiness and internal troubles of other na-
tions, and the growing burden of the German military
and naval armaments, the war was precipitated, on a rela-
tively trivial and entirely avoidable pretext, the other
great countries then concerned, England, Eussia and
France, having shown up to the last moment an honest
and sincere desire for peace.

As an immediate step toward the attainment of her
purpose, Germany violated a solemn contract entered into
deliberately, seventy-five years ago, and affirmed and re-
affirmed by her representatives almost up to the date of
its abrupt, but deliberate and, at first, admitted infraction.

As a result of this action and of the resistance properly
offered, in conformity with the very treaty which Ger-
many had contemptuously disregarded and set aside, the
world has witnessed with horror the brutal despoilment,
occupation, almost the annihilation, of a brave, innocent,
unoffending, highly civilized and industrious country by
an adversary whose only right in so doing rested on the
might it was able to bring to bear.

The commission of this crime has been followed by the
perpetration of various outrages upon the people of the
devastated State, and upon their fundamental rights and
liberties. It has been aggravated by lying attempts to
justify it, and by even more dastardly efforts to impute
breach of faith and national guilt to the victim.

During the entire period of the war, Germany has dis-
regarded, cast aside, evaded, or broken not only many
international laws and customs, based on underlying prin-
ciples of right and justice, but also formal conventions
to which she was herself a signatory. In each instance
the infraction has been accompanied or followed by quib-


bling, disingenuous, or untruthful attempts to explain,
palliate or vindicate the action.

The evidence as to atrocities committed by Germans,
either as individuals, or as minor detachments or com-
mands of the army, is formidable, and is constantly increas-
ing in both quantity and directness of detailed accusation.
It cannot be said to have yet been given to the world in
such form as to compel conviction in the mind of a pro-
German partisan. But the list of collective "atrocities,"
as set forth in German official orders, and as shown by the
undisputed occurrences of the war, is quite enough to
excite the abhorrence of civilized peoples, and to warrant
the widespread and growing suspicion that the charges of
the Belgians and French as to individual outrages are true.

Since the early days of the war there has been in this
country an organized German and German-American prop-
aganda, which has spared nothing in time, money, or ex-
ertion, to bring about a change in the firmly fixed and
far-flung conviction of this people that in the war Ger-
many is a criminal aggressor, fighting for her own ag-
grandizement, for the imposition of her so-called "Kul-
tur" upon other peoples, and for the attainment of a dom-
inating position in the world's affairs.

These efforts to influence American opinion have been
conspicuously unsuccessful, although they have been at-
tended by unscrupulous misrepresentations of the actions
and motives of other nations, including America, by
misstatements as to laws, treaties, diplomatic and other
procedures, and by venomous attempts to awaken inter-
national jealousies and resentments, especially toward
England, and next toward Japan. They have been accom-
panied b} r clumsy and transparent trials of cajoleries and
flatteries addressed to America, which did not, however,
suffice to conceal the underlying dislike and contempt.


They have been an unpleasant surprise to Americans, as
they have shown that a certain proportion of their fellow-
citizens of German blood or ancestry were, in their social
and political ideals, rather Germans than Americans, and
that their true allegiance was to a European hereditary
autocracy rather than to our own Democracy. They have
excited resentment but not alarm; have been a source of
irritation and annoyance, not of grave anxiety or appre-
hension. It is to be hoped that they are evidence merely of
the unbalancing effects of the terrific strain which this war
has put upon all thinking people, and that natural com-
mon-sense and kindliness have not been permanently ob-
scured by demoralizing and self-glorifying literature and
by exaggerated racial sympathy.

In spite of the war's stupendous proportions, the im-
mensity of its scope and area, and the diverse and conflict-
ing interests involved, the principles at stake are easily

Germany and her more or less insignificant and con-
temptible tools, Austria and Turkey, represent absolutism,
militarism, feudalism, medievalism, despotism, autocracy.
The "Monarchical idea" is a disingenuous substitute for
these terms, with which, however, it is in essence synony-

The Allies are fighting for democratic liberty, for repre-
sentative government, for the equal rights of individuals,
whether relatively unimportant persons or relatively pow-
erless States.

So far as America is concerned, Germany and her para-
sites stand for everything in which we do not believe. The
Allies represent and are fighting, starving and dying for
everything that makes possible American liberty, hap-
piness and independence.

The attitude of the American Government is disapproved


of by large numbers of Americans. Even those who do not
believe in actual physical intervention join with those who
do so believe, in deprecating a policy of impenetrable
silence in the presence of international outrages, and of
open disregard for international agreements and conven-
tions, combined with a policy of over-emphasized protest in
regard to commercial questions of vastly less real impor-

So far as America, as distinguished from the Adminis-
tration, is concerned, it may be said that while our tech-
nical position is one of "neutrality," our overwhelming
sympathy is with the Allies.

Our technical grievance lies in Germany's deliberate
flouting of conventions of which we were, with her, a sig-
natory ; our real grievance rests on the danger to humanity,
to the ideas that lie at the very foundation of our republic,
to our own future security, that would attend the success
of Germany in this war.

Our duties and our interests coincide.

We should at the very least strengthen the wavering,
reassure the doubting, give new hope to the despairing by
proclaiming to the world our absolute and unreserved
belief in the right and justice of the cause of the Allies,
and our determination to see to it, should the worst come
to them, that they shall have our material support to our
last dollar, our last bushel of corn, our last drop of blood.

But better it would seem to many of us, and in the long
run more truly merciful, if we now, on the basis of Ger-
many's admitted and open disregard of solemn obligations
entered into with us, decided to cast the weight of our
available force whatever it may be into the scale. For
one, I believe it would be enough to determine the result
and save tens of thousands of useful lives, months of suf-
fering to helpless women and children, and treasures of


civilization to the world and to the generations that are
to follow us.

We could, with far less bloodshed, and crime, and mis-
ery, and destitution, than will otherwise occur, insure a
victory for the Allies by feeding them, by protecting them,
by reinforcing them, if the war is protracted. We could
do at once, and with added speed and energy, what, in any
event, it is our bounden duty to do, and put ourselves in
condition to maintain and preserve our just rights on land
and sea.

We could set an example to all the other neutral nations
of the world, and, not impossibly, line them up with us
on the side of right and justice. We could shorten the
agony of the tens and hundreds of thousands in the lands
of the combatants, and in those that are being fought over.
We could transform the German ships which are taking
advantage of our docks and harbors into purveyors of food
and clothing to those whom Germany has first rendered
homeless and penniless, and then cast upon the charity of
the world.

We could do all this, to consider the most material
aspect of the situation, with less cost to the world in life,
suffering, or treasure, than would be caused by a month's
prolongation of the war; and with so much less cost to
ourselves, as compared with that of -b possible later war
between a Teutonized Europe and America that the present
suggested expenditure of physical and material resources
would be relatively insignificant.

Moreover, we would be in the position of having in the
presence of a tremendous crisis disregarded technicalities
and brushed aside the sort of quibbles by which, for ex-
ample, Germany is to-day trying to justify her rape of
Belgium ; the position of having taken, for the first time
in history, a stand based upon high moral international


obligations. At one step, whatever our present shameful
military and naval unpreparedness, we would, by so doing,
assume the leadership of the nations, would tie to us in
bonds of undying gratitude the peoples whose national
aims and purposes coincide with our own; would be able
to exercise an irresistible influence upon the course of
coming events in the direction of real democracy; would,
perhaps, even aid in bringing out of this welter and tur-
moil the sort of Germany that we would gladly welcome
to friendship and brotherhood.

It is hardly possible that, in the final result, the world
will permit the maiming and crippling of Belgium to
proceed to downright murder; or will submit tamely and
permanently to Prussian domination; or will allow the
ultimate outcome of the war to be adverse to the side of
right and justice.

But it is greatly to be wished that America would as
she well might convert hopes into certainties, shorten the
necessary interval of suffering and disaster, and leave a
record for bravery, decision and far-sighted humanity that
would be a source of proud gratification to generations of
Americans yet unborn.

Our unpreparedness must be admitted, but with un-
beaten and valiant friends there would be less risk of dis-
aster than if we supinely await their overthrow, and then
have, practically alone, to battle for all that, to us, makes
life worth living.

No one can prove that such a grim necessity will con-
front us, but the American who cannot see it as a possible,
even a probable and not very distant sequence of the emer-
gence of a "Triumphant Germany" from this war, is blind
to the teachings of history remote and recent.


1. The Evening Telegraph, Philadelphia, October 10, 1014.

2. The Nation, N. Y., November 12, 1914.

3. New York Evening Post, December 26, 1914.

4. Harpers' Weekly, October, 1914.

5. "Germany's War Mania," p. 21.

6. "The War and Culture."

7. "The War and America."

8. The Independent, N. Y., December 7, 1914.

9. New York Times' Correspondent.

10. "Germany Embattled," p. 96.

11. The Inquirer, Philadelphia, March 15, 1915.

12. The Public Ledger, Philadelphia, October 4, 1914.

13. "Imperial Germany," by Prince Billow.

14. Prof. Paulsen, quoted by Dawson in "The Evolution of Mod-

ern Germany."

15. The Public Ledger, September 27, 1914.

16. The Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, November 21,


17. The Nineteenth Century, September, 1914.

18. Quoted by The Outlook, New York, October 21, 1914.

19. Ibid.

20. Frankfurter Zeitung, quoted by the Public Ledger, February

1, 1915.

21. The Public Ledger, February 15, 1915.

22. The New York World.

23. The Literary Digest, New York, March 6, 1916.

24. "Deutschland. iiber Alles," p. 7.

25. Journal de Geneve, November 29, 1914.

26. "Germany's Swelled Head," London, 1907.

27. "Germany's War Mania," p. 13.

28. E. S. Martin, "The War Week by Week," p. 79.

29. North American Review, October, 1914.

30. "Germany's War Mania," p. 18.

31. Ibid., p. 82.

32. Ibid., p. 83.

33. Ibid., p. 96.



34. Ibid., p. 81.

35. The Public Ledger, November 13, 1914.

36. The Public Ledger, October 25, 1914.

37. "The War and Culture," p. 92.

38. The Outlook, December 16, 1914.

39. "Germany Embattled an American Interpretation," pp.

91, 92.

40. The North American, Philadelphia, October 25, 1914.

41. Ibid., September 27, 1914.

42. Ibid., October 26, 1914.

43. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

44. The North American, February 1, 1915.

45. The New York Times, October 29, 1914.

46. The North American, January 29, 1915.

47. The Outlook, March 10, 1915.

48. The Public Ledger, November 26, 1914.

49. The Sun, N. Y., January 10, 1915.

50. The Boston Post, February 7 and 14, 1915.

51. "The German Spy System," p. 44

52. The preface to "Fighting in Flanders."

53. "Les Crimes Allemands, d'apres des Te"moignages Allemands."

54. The Public Ledger, January 3, 1915.

55. The New York Times, February 7, 1915.

56. The Saturday Review, January 30, 1915.

57. The Outlook, December 30, 1914.

58. The North American, December 30, 1914.

59. "America and the World War."

60. The Atlantic Monthly, October, 1914.

61. The Outlook, August 29, 1914.

62. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

63. The North American, January 5, 1915.

64. "A Scrap of Paper," p. 18.

65. The Public Ledger, February 14, 1915.

66. "What is W 7 rong with Germany?" p. 125.

67. "Germany and the Next War."

68. Quoted by Reich op. cit.

69. "Germany's War Mania," p. 256.

70. The War Week by Week," p. 214.

71. The Outlook, December 9, 1914.

72. The Fortnightly Review, January, 1915.

73. The Outlook, November 4, 1914.


74. "The War Week by Week," p. 73.

75. "The War and America," 1914.

76. "The War Week by Week," p. 210.

77. The North American, October 6, 1914.

78. The Literary Digest, November 7, 1914.

79. The Evening Bulletin, Philadelphia, December 12, 1914.

80. "Germany and the Germans," p. 539.

81. Quoted by Keich op. cit.

82. The North American, October 6, 1914.

83. "Germany's War Mania," p. 10.

84. The Times, London, August 15, 1914.

85. The Nation, October 15, 1914.

86. "The War Week by Week," p. 154.

87. *"The War and Culture," p. 5.

88. The Evening Post, N. Y., January 30, 1915.

89. The Times, London, July 30, 1900.

90. The Times, London, August 11, 1900.

91. Emil Reich op. cit.

92. The Public Ledger, December 18, 1914.

93. The New York Times, December 18, 1914.

94. The Evening Sun, December 18, 1914.

95. The Sun, December 19, 1914.

96. The Spectator, November 7, 1914.

97. The Evening Post, N. Y., December 23, 1914.

98. The North American, December 15, 1914.

99. The Public Ledger, January 22, 1915.

100. The Literary Digest, December 20, 1914.

101. The Sun, December 15, 1914.

102. The Sun, December 18, 1914.

103. The Sun, December 23, 1914.

104. The Evening Post, N. Y., December 15, 1914.

105. The Outlook, December 23, 1914.

106. The Public Ledger, January 24, 1915.

107. The Literary Digest, January 9, 1915.

108. The Public Ledger.

109. The Japan Times, November 22, 1914.

110. The Outlook, December 30, 1914.

111. The Outlook, December 23, 1914.

112. The World, February 2, 1915.

113. The North American, February 9, 1915,

114. The Outlook, February 10, 1915.


115. The Reading Herald, Pa., January 16, 1915.

116. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915.

117. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915.

118. The Public Ledger, December 24, 1914.

119. The Nation, February 11, 1915.

120. Ibid.

121. The Literary Digest, February 13, 1915.

122. The New York Times, February 17, 1915.

123. The North American, October 11, 1914.

124. "Truth about Germany: Facts about the War."

125. The Nation, page 376, 1914.

126. "The War and Culture," p. 85.

127. Ibid., p. 88.

128. Miss Agnes Repplier, The Nation, December 24, 1914.

129. The Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915.

130. The Atlantic Monthly, March, 1915.

131. The Sun, December 20, 1914.

132. The Sun, December 23, 1914.

133. Ibid.

134. The Evening Post, December 21, 1914.

135. Ibid., December 22, 1914.

136. The North American, January 21, 1914.

137. The North American, December 4, 1914.

138. The Outlook, December 9, 1914.

139. The Evening Post, November 19, 1914.

140. The Nation, December 3, 1914.

141. The Evening Post, December 19, 1914.

142. The Sun, December 20, 1914.

143. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

144. "Social Insurance in Germany," W. H. Dawson.

145. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

146. Ibid.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid.

149. Staats Zeitung, October 10, 1914.

150. The Nation, November 12, 1914.

151. "Germany's War Mania," p. 21.

152. Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

153. Ibid.

154. The Nation, December 24, 1914.

155. The Atlantic Monthly, December, 1914.


156. New York Times, quoted in The Literary Digest, January

23, 1915.

157. Scribners, January, 1915.

158. The Literary Digest, January 23, 1915.

159. The Fatherland, New York.

160. The Public Ledger, February 17, 1915.

161. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

162. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915 (Interview with Asso-

ciated Press).

163. North German Gazette.

164. Quoted by Chapman; "Deutschland fiber Alles," p. 63.

165. New York Times, October 11, 1914.

166. Wall Street Journal, December 2, 1914.

167. The Independent, December 7, 1914.

168. The Literary Digest, January 16, 1915.

169. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

170. "The War and America."

171. "The Truth about Germany."

172. The Saturday Evening Post.

173. "The War and America," p. 43.

174. Ibid., p. 90.

175. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

176. Ibid.

177. Preussischer Jahrbuch, December, 1913.

178. The Atlantic Monthly, March, 1915.

179. The New York Herald, October 5, 1914.

180. Speech in the Reichstag, January 23, 1914.

181. The Atlantic Monthly, December, 1914.

182. The Zukunft (quoted by The Literary Digest, March 6,


183. The Outlook, 1914.

184. Quoted by E. S. Martin, "The War Week by Week," p. 95.

185. The Literary Digest, October 3, 1914.

186. Nature, October 2, 1914.

187. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914.

188. The Westminster Gazette, November, 1914.

189. "The War and Culture," p. 59.

190. "The War Week by Week," p. 142.

191. The North American, December 16, 1914.

192. The Evening Ledger, Philadelphia, January 27, 1915.

193. The Independent, January, 1915.


194. The Evening Sun, N. Y., January 25, 1915.

195. The Public Ledger, January 1, 1915.

196. The Keview of Reviews, February, 1915.

197. The Nation, October 15, 1914.

198. "The War Week by Week/' p. 146.

199. "Why and How a War Lord Wages War."

200. The Evening Bulletin, Philadelphia, October 17, 1914.

201. The Outlook, October 7, 1914.

202. The Record, Philadelphia, November 3, 1914.

203. The Evening Post, N. Y., November 4, 1914.

204. The New York Tribune, November 12, 1914.

205. The North American, October 18, 1914.

206. The New York Tribune, November 10, 1914.

207. The Public Ledger, October 26, 1914.

208. The Outlook, November 4, 1914.

209. "The War Week by Week," p. 54.

210. "The War and Culture," p. 100.

211. The Spectator, London, September 26, 1914.

212. "The War Week by Week," p. 133.

213. "Germany and the Germans," p. 547.

214. "The War Week by Week," p. 139.

215. The Atlantic Monthly, November, 1914.

216. "The War and Culture," p. 69.

217. The New York Tribune, November 10, 1914.

218. "The War and America," p. 205.

219. "The War and Culture," p. 78.

220. Ibid., p. 76.

221. The Outlook, October 21, 1914.

222. Journal de Geneve, November 29, 1914.

223. The San Diego Union.

224. The Public Ledger, December 22, 1914.

225. Ibid., January 24, 1915.

226. Ibid.

227. The Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915.

228. Ibid.

229. Yale Review, January, 1915.

230. The London Observer, January 17, 1915.

231. The Public Ledger, January 28, 1915.

232. Ibid., February 6, 1915.

233. The North American, February 15, 1915.

234. The Public Ledger, February 15, 1915.


235. Ibid.

236. Ibid., January 24, 1915.

237. The Outlook, February 3, 1915.

238. E. S. Martin, Editor of "Life."

239. "The War Week by Week," p. 161.

240. The Evening Telegraph, January 1, 1915.

241. The Public Ledger, January 24, 1915.

242. Ibid., February 9, 1915.

243. Ibid., January 29, 1915.

244. Ibid.

245. Mr. Monroe Buckley Ibid., January 19, 1915.

246. The Sun, February 3, 1915.

247. The North American, January 22, 1915.

248. The Daily Telegraph, January 2, 1915.

249. The Literary Digest, January 9, 1915.

250. The Spectator, January 9, 1915.

251. The New York Times, February 3, 1915.

252. The Chronicle; quoted by The Literary Digest, December

12, 1914.

253. The Literary Digest, December 12, 1914.

254. Ibid., January 2, 1915.

255. The North American, February 26, 1915.

256. Ibid., February 11, 1915.

257. The Outlook, February 3, 1915.

258. The North American, January 25, 1915.

259. "The War and Culture," p. 100.

260. The North American, December 23, 1914.

261. The Outlook, December 2, 1914.

262. The New York Times, December 15, 1914.

263. Albert B. Weimer, Esq., of Philadelphia,

264. The Literary Digest, January 23, 1915.

265. Ibid.

266. Ibid., December 5, 1914.

267. The Outlook, September 2, 1914.

268. Ibid.

269. The Outlook, January 6, 1915.

270. Ibid., November 25, 1914.

271. Ibid., January 27, 1915.

272. The Review of Reviews, February, 1915.

273. The Literary Digest, January 30, 1915.

274. The North American, February 5, 1915.



275. Ibid., October 18, 1914.

276. The Outlook, March 17, 1915.

277. "The German Spy System/' p. 75.

278. The Nation, March 11, 1915.


In addition I have consulted :

"Pan-Germanism," by Roland G. Usher.

"The Evolution of Modern Germany," by W. H. Dawson.

"Germany and England," by Prof. J. A. Cramb.

"Men Around the Kaiser," by F. W. Wile.

"Why We Are at War," Great Britain's Case, by members of the

Oxford Faculty of Modern History.
"Nietzsche and Treitschke: The Worship of Power in Modern

Online LibraryJ. William (James William) WhiteA text-book of the war for Americans → online text (page 41 of 45)