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LOS ANGELES
WHOLESALE CO-OPERATION
IN SCOTLAND
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Wholesale Co-operation
in Scotland
THE FRUITS OF FIFTY YEARS' EFFORTS
(1868— 1918)
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE
WHOLESALE SOCIETY, COMPILED TO
COMMEMORATE THE SOCIETY'S
GOLDEN JUBILEE
BY
JAMES A. FLANAGAN
CO-OPERATIVE NEWS
Glasgow :
The Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society Limited
95 Morrison Street
1920
PRINTED BY THE
SCOTTISH CO-OPERATIVE WHOLESALE SOCIETY LIMITED"
SHIELDHALL. GLASGOW
ACO | 830
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA LIBP
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THIS JUBILEE VOLUME
is
DeMcatefc
TO THE HUMBLE MEN AND WOMEN, OF SLENDER , MEANS
AND GIANT HOPES. WHOSE FAITH IN CO-OPERATIVE
PRINCIPLES AND LOYALTY TO CO-OPERATIVE PRACTICE
HAVE REARED THE WONDERFUL ORGANISATION WHOSE
OPERATIONS ARE HEREIN DESCRIBED.
1965103
FOREWORD
It will be news to many readers, although probably not
to most, that Scotland has a double title to be regarded
as the Mecca of Co-operative pilgrims who wish to visit
the scenes of the earliest known Co-operative experiments.
Documentary evidence has established the fact that the
Fenwick Weavers' Society* practised Co-operation, in the
sense in which " Co-operation " is conceived by consumers
who club together for economic advantage, in 1769 — or,
let us say, one hundred and fifty years ago. That is the
earliest Co-operative Society in Great Britain, or anywhere
else, of whose existence documentary proof has been
brought to light. Upon that fact rests Scotland's first
title. The second title rests upon the fact that two
Scottish societies still trading have had a longer
continuous existence than any other societies in the
kingdom — if not in the whole world. These two societies
are the Bridgeton Old Victualling Society (Glasgow),
which was established in 1800, and the Lennoxtown
Friendly Victualling Society, which was established in
1812. The natural law is so strongly predisposed to
Co-operationf in every sense that it may be assumed that
Co-operation, even in the trading sense, showed itself in
many places and in many forms during the centuries that
passed before the Fenwick experiment, notwithstanding
* See p. 22 and Appendix I.
t " All are needed by each one;
Nothing is fair or good alone." — Emerson.
viii FOREWORD
the fact that no contemporary writings have been
unearthed to prove this view. Many little societies
followed those I have mentioned.* In their way, these
little societies were all charming manifestations of the will
to exist ; but circumstances were against their becoming
the Co-operative societies of to-day just as circumstances
are against the wild rose of the wayside becoming, of
itself, a Sunburst or a Gloire de Dijon. With the spread
of education among the working-classes, and with
inspiration drawn from their own experiences, later
generations of Co-operators devised means to protect
their societies from the withering blasts that blew from
without, and also devised means to develop their societies
from within. Experiences, that were sometimes unhappy,
showed that Co-operative societies spread over the
country could do a great deal to help the people who made
use of them ; but showed also that these societies could
do a great deal more if they themselves co-operated than
if each society remained an isolated unit. Co-operation
between societies, or the federation of societies, seemed
only a rational development of Co-operation between
individuals, and this development in Scotland has most
frequently taken the form of federated baking societies.
The federated baking societies are, as a rule, local in
their operations, t but most Co-operative federations in
Scotland, which are not purely local organisations, serve
some single purpose or are concerned with some single
trade.* The Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society
* Over three hundred existed in 1830.
fThe United Co-operative Baking Society (Glasgow) is something more than
a local organisation ; but it is unique in some respects.
XE.g. Paisley Co-operative Manufacturing Society; The '"Scottish Co-operator"
Newspaper Society ; The Scottish Co-operative Laundry Association.
FOREWORD be
differs from them all in its magnitude and in its scope.
No trade, except the trade in intoxicating liquors, is
without its scope ; no part of Scotland is outwith its
territory ; as the local Co-operative societies grow, it
grows. It is a national institution to the Co-operative
mind because even the other Co-operative federations in
Scotland are members of it. From the public point of
view it may also be regarded as a national institution,
because the societies which constitute its membership
•comprise over half a million men or women members who,
with their families, account for more than half the
population of Scotland. The Jubilee of such an
Association warranted the publication — in the public
interest as well as in the Co-operative interest — of a clear
account of what the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale
Society is ; how it is constituted ; how it came into being ;
how, and by what stages, it has grown into the giant
Association it now is ; and what it has actually done,
during the past half century, to entitle it to claim the
respect and the gratitude of the masses of the people of
Scotland. To compile this account has been my task.
I have already had the pleasure of preparing several little
books* in which I have submitted records of the
achievements of some local Co-operative societies that
had completed fifty years of activity, and a similar task
fell to me when the Lennoxtown Society celebrated its
â– centenary .t These experiences, contrary to what one
might expect, only increased the anxiety with which
I faced the undertaking which the publication of this
*" Alloa Co-operative Society" (1912); "Co-operation in Lanark" (1913);
""Co-operation in Sauchie " (1915).
+ " Memoirs of a Century" (1913).
x FOREWORD
volume completes. Those little works dealt with local
ventures which were, nevertheless, local triumphs for
Co-operation. The volume now in the reader's hands is
not a local record. It surveys half a century of massed
Co-operative effort in Scotland. By it, some will judge
whether there is wisdom in that form of collectivism which
we call Voluntary Co-operation, or whether Co-operation
is worth while. Some readers will begin with minds not
favourably disposed to Co-operation, and I hope that they
will not end their reading in the same disposition. The
book, however, is written primarily for Co-operators who
already know something of the Scottish Co-operative
Wholesale Society. It is a Co-operative production.
Men dead and gone have been among my collaborateurs ;
for, although their voices are now hushed, their written
records live, and have been readily placed at my disposal
by their successors in the Co-operative movement. My
indebtedness to living Co-operators is acknowledged
elsewhere. The S.C.W.S. directors and officials have
not sought to influence my treatment of the subject, and
they are therefore not committed to the views I express
in these pages. I ought to add that the publication has
come later than was intended ; but that ought not to be
altogether regretted, as it has enabled me to view the war
activities of the S.C.W.S. in truer perspective.
J. A. F.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Foreword vii
HISTORICAL SECTION.
I. Hardships of the Scottish People Before the Co-
operative Era 1
II. Advent of Co-operation and Growth of the Movement
till 1860 20
III. The Conception of Wholesale Co-operation and an
Odd Result 3 8
IV. How the S.CW.S. was Brought to Life 50
V. Five Years of Experimental Effort 69
VI. Serious Storms Safely Weathered 87
VII. Distributive Branches Denote and Aid Progress 100
VIII. Productive Enterprises Follow Success in Distribution 114
IX. The Society's Coming of Age and a Retrospect 133
X. An Eventful Decade in which the Society Accepts a
Challenge 144
XI. The Society Carries its Flag Overseas 165
XII. A Chapter of Memorable Events 178
XIII. The Last Decade and the Greatest 195
XIV. A Jubilee-year View of " The Wholesale " 235
XV. The Economic Influence of the Wholesale 243
XVI. The Wholesale in Times of National Crisis 269
XVII. The Wholesale as a Social Influence 283
XVIII. Conclusion 291
DESCRIPTIVE SECTION.
I. " Morrison Street " 301
II. The Central Premises 303
III. The Grocery Departments 308
IV. Leith Grocery Branch 315
V. Kilmarnock Grocery Branch 317
VI. Dundee Grocery Branch 318
VII. The Drapery Warehouse 320
VIII. Furniture Warehouse and Showrooms 324
IX. Edinburgh Furniture Warehouse 327
X. Stationery and Advertising 329
XI. Insurance and Friendly Societies 334
XII. The Paisley Road " Gusset " 338
XIII. Other Glasgow Centres 340
XIV. Building and Allied Departments 342
XV. Flour and Oatmeal Milling 346
Xll
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
XXXIX.
XL.
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Creameries, Margarine Factory, and Milk Centres . . . 352
Sausage, Ham-curing, and Bacon Factories 359
Fish and Fish Curing 361
Aerated Water Factories 363
Shieldhall and its Interests 366
Boot and Shoe Production and Tannery 370
The Printing Department 374
The Clothing Factories 379
Shirts, Hosiery, and Underclothing 382
The Cabinet Factory 387
The Tinware Factory 390
Productive Grocery Departments 393
The Chemical and Sundries Department 396
Tobaccos and Cigarettes 400
Mechanical, Electrical, and Motor Engineering 403
Brush Factory and Cooperage 404
The Fire Brigade 405
Wool Spinning and Weaving 406
The Jute Mills 410
Transport and Allied Departments 414
Soap and Glycerine Works 418
Wholesale Estates and Farms 422
Tea and Cocoa Production 425
Overseas Enterprises 430
Retail Branches of the Wholesale 435
APPENDICES.
Notes on the Fenwick Weavers' Society 440
Statistics from First Scottish Co-operative Survey, 1 867 442
Scottish Co-operative Statistics, 1911 443
Scottish Co-operative Statistics, 1918 444
Original Plan of the S.C.W.S 445
First Quarterly Report of the S.C.W.S 446
Descriptive Account of Procession at Opening of
Central Premises 448
Table Showing Progress of S.C.W.S. since 1868 450
S.C.W.S. Capital Account, 1918 454
Inventory of Land in Possession of the S.C.W.S., 1918 455
Inventory of Buildings in Possession of the S.C.W.S.,
1918 457
Table Showing S.C.W.S. Employees at Date of Jubilee
Celebrations 458
Comparative Table showing Trading Relations
between Wholesale and Retail Societies 459
Committee and Officials at the Coming of Age 460
Directors, Auditors, and Officials at Jubilee 461
List of Elected Officials and Directors since 1868. . . . 464
Jubilee Celebrations, 1 91 9 468
ILLUSTRATIONS
Morrison Street, Glasgow Frontispiece.
Robert Stewart, J.P Facing page xvi.
John Pearson, J.P n 1
William Maxwell, K.JB.E „ 16
Robert Macintosh, J.P. , n 17
David Dale and Owenite Associations n 22
Old-time Scottish Co-operative Board n 23
Pioneers of the S.C.W.S .. 26
Early English and Welsh Helpers ,.,.-... M 27
The Two General Managers n 32
Survivors of the Original Board * 33
The Society's Secretaries — 1868-1918 n 48
The Only Treasurers of the S.C.W.S n 49
Directors before Mr Barrowman's Retirement in 1881 m 64
Joint Group English and Scottish C.W.S. Directors, 1897 m 65
Group of Joint Buyers, 1897 n 80
Some Veteran Officials in 1 91 8 n 81
More Veteran Officials ,, 96
Board of Directors, 1899 .. 97
Jubilee Year Group of Directors m 112
S.C.W.S. Finance Committee, 1918 n 113
S.C.W.S. Grocery Committee, 1918 m 128
S.C.W.S. Drapery Committee, 1918 ,, 129
Auditors at Jubilee n 144
The S.C.W.S. Supreme Court n 145
A Federation of the World „ 176
Distinguished Visitors at Shieldhall u 177
Original Site at 95 Morrison Street n 192
S.C.W.S. Central Premises „ 193
At the Central Premises n 208
The Grocery Departments m 209
The Grocery Departments — Elevation of New Warehouse n 224
Leith Grocery and Provision Warehouse n 225
Drapery Warehouse, Glasgow (exterior) n 240
Drapery Warehouse, Glasgow (interior) n 241
Glasgow Furniture Warehouse — One of the Showrooms. . n 256
China, Crockery, and Glassware Department n 256
Music and Musical Instruments Department m 257
Jewellery Saleroom n 257
xiii
xiv ILLUSTRATIONS
Stationery Warehouse and Showroom Facing page 272
Chancelot Flour Mills „ 273
Regent Flour Mills , 288
Enniskillen Premises u 289
Fish and Fish Curing n 304-305
A Hive of Industry n 320
Spinning and Weaving Mills n 321
Wool Bings and Carding Room at Ettrick M 352
Tay bank Works — Jute Preparing and Spinning n 353
Taybank Works — Jute Yarn Winding and Weaving.... M 368
The Wholesale's Prize Stud „ 369
Opening of Calderwood Castle n 384
Belgian Refugees at Calderwood Castle n 385
Tea Production — Estates of the E. and S. C.W.S n 400
Views on the Tea Estates n 401
Employees on the Tea Estates n 416
Blending and Packing Tea at the London Warehouse.. n 417
West African Enterprises n 424
Views of Cape Coast Castle n 425
Luton Cocoa and Chocolate Works n 432
The Society's Retail Branches n 433
ERRATA.
Page 26 (nineteenth line from top). — For "are on " read "are not on."
Page 31 — For " Mr Littlejohn, M.P.," read " Mr Littleton, M.P."
Page 146 (tenth line from bottom).— For " 1840 " read " 1890."
Page 212 (seventh line from bottom). — For " legislation " read "litigation."
HISTORICAL SECTION
THE PRESIDENT
Mr ROBERT STEWART, J. P.
Elected Director 1899. Elected President 1908.
THE SECRETARY
Mr JOHN PEARSON, J. P., Provost of Alloa
Elected Director 1888. Elected Secretary 1907.
I.
HARDSHIPS OF THE SCOTTISH PEOPLE BEFORE
THE CO-OPERATIVE ERA.
HOSTILITY TO THE EDUCATION OF THE " LOWER ORDERS " WHY THE
DOMINATING CLASSES OBJECTED TO SCHOOLS EXTENT OF VAGRANCY
IN SCOTLAND— THE PEOPLE'S AFFECTION FOR EDUCATION AND THE
CAUSE THEREOF THE PARISH SCHOOLMASTER AND HIS WORK THE
SELFISH SCOTTISH NOBILITY THE RIGHTS OF LANDLORD OVER THE
LIFE OF THE TENANT— SLAVERY FOR SCOTTISH WORKERS RECOGNISED
BY LAW : ITS ABOLITION TAXATION PROFITS WAGES.
Scotland has the credit of having enacted Compulsory-
Education by an Act* of the Scots Parliament passed as early
as 1494. It is true that it only applied to a small section of
the people, the Barons and Freeholders, who were to be mulct
in fines of £20 if they did not " put their sons to the schules,
fra they be sex or seine yciris of age " ; but these were the
people who dominated the country, and the Act, for its time,
was an acknowledgment of the indispensability of education foi
those who had to do, or were at least expected to do, serious
thinking. At that time Scotland, with a population of less
than a million, had three universities for England's two. There
were grammar schools and high schools and a variety of
elementary schools in .every part of the country, all of which
served a useful purpose, and many of which were taken advan-
tage of to a considerable extent. John Knox formulated the
ideal of " a school in every parish, a higher school or college
in cities and large towns, and university education." Between
1560 and 1620 attempts were made by the Scots Parliament to
encourage learning, and many privileges similar to Benefit of
Clergy were granted to those who were considered scholars.!
But education was as costly in Scotland as in other places —
except in a few schools — and it was so costly in universities
* "Acts of the Scots Parliament," Chap. liv.
tCleland's " Annals of Glasgow."
A
2 WHOLESALE CO-OPERATION IN SCOTLAND
that students at these universities were granted special
permission to beg alms.
In the three succeeding centuries, the Scottish Universities,
according to Chambers's Encyclopaedia, did the special service
of supplying the want of those secondary schools which formed
part of John Knox's proposed national system, but which were
not achieved owing to the poverty of the country and the
selfishness of the leading nobility. Even the provision of the
parish school was not carried out rapidly. In 1616 the Privy
Council ordained that there should be a school in every parish.
The injunction was ignored, and the Scots Parliament found
it necessary to pass Acts for the same purpose in 1633, 1645,
and 1696 ; which made it clear that, for one reason or another,
there must have been many parishes without schools ; and the
ideal was not in full application even in the middle of the
nineteenth century.* It would be easy to understand why
people did not send their children to schools where these existed.
The reasons for that would be similar to the reasons which
prevent parents from agreeing readily to the raising of the
school-leaving age to-day, even in Scotland, and which make
many parents in England resentful of any attempt to abohsh
the half-time system. These reasons are either the poverty or
the selfishness of the parents. The poverty of the parents,
however, did not constitute the chief reason for the disobedience
to the Acts of Parliament cited. These Acts were not framed
to compel people to send their children to parish schools ; they
simply ordered that there should be a school in every parish
to which people could send their children if they wished them
to be educated. The reason why these schools were not provided
seems also to have been economic ; for, more than a century
ago, Cleland, in the Annals already quoted, excuses himself from
entering into a refutation of " the illiberal arguments brought
against the principle of educating the lower orders of the people "
because the whole case had been put, shortly before he wrote
his Annals, by " a respectable writer on political science." This
respectable writer had to controvert the argument (of the
opponents of the education of the poor) " that even being
able to read renders the lower classes of the people impatient
of labour, dissatisfied with their condition, turbulent in their
* Kerr's " Scottish Education in School and University."
HARDSHIPS OF THE SCOTTISH PEOPLE 3
disposition, and apt to find fault with the religious and political
establishments of the country." These same opponents of the
poor also argued that the wants of society required " that some
be employed in the lowest and most degrading offices " ; and
those who took that view naturally enquired " to what purpose
will it be to improve the lives of those who can be happy only
in proportion as their ideas are grovelling and unrefined." Such
were the views that a Glasgow political scientist had to combat
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The views were
not new. Every new ascendancy that has come has attributed
such views to the preceding ascendancy. In Scotland the
Reformers attributed these views to the clergy of the Pre-
Reformation period ; Liberal politicians have blamed Tory
politicians for putting such views into practice, and the political
representatives of Labour blame Tory and Liberal alike for
allowing the rich to keep the poorer classes in ignorance. There
was some method in the madness of those who kept the doors
of the school locked and barred against the common people,
or who forgot to provide a schoolmaster. The position was
much the same as in Ireland, where permission would be
ostentatiously given to erect a school and a site for the school
refused. Plain living, they say, notoriously leads to high
thinking ; and a little knowledge is a dangerous thing for some
people when it is possessed by those whose environment conduces
to high thinking. The environment of the Scots people in the
last two centuries was certainly plain enough to conduce to the
high thinking, and many were fortunate if they could even count
upon a plain living ; for in the beginning of the eighteenth
century, when there was less than a million of a population,
there were 200,000 vagrants who simply begged their way about
the country.* The Captain of Industry as we know him to-day
may curtail the educational opportunities of his " hands " ;
but he will rarely employ an illiterate if there is a choice ; he
prefers one who has some slight elementary knowledge, sufficient
at least, to be able to read and write and count a little. There
are, as we all know, employers who encourage their employees
to undertake educational courses ; but, with a few honourable
exceptions, such employers are only assisting their workers to
become more profitable servants. That is the more elegant way
* Fletcher of Saltoun.
4 WHOLESALE CO-OPERATION IN SCOTLAND
of putting it ; and the red-hot Socialist would say more bluntly
that such employers only want to make the worker able to
produce more wealth for them. The dominant class to-day is
the capitalist-employing class. The dominant class up till the
eighteenth century had passed, and well into the nineteenth
century, was the class which comprised the nobles and the
landowners who had bought land from the nobles, or to whom
it had become forfeit for the non-payment of money lent to the
nobles. Well, the nobles and the landowners had no particular
desire to see the masses of the people educated. There were
the best of reasons why they should not be educated. If they
were educated and could read, there was no knowing what they
might read ; and if they read they might think, and there was
no knowing what sturdy people might think, especially people
who, for the greater part, had not a great deal to lose. The
nation had already thought the English yoke should be cast off,
and, thanks to Bruce and the Abbot of Aberbrothock, it was
done in both the temporal and spiritual senses. The nation had
thrown over two forms of religion and had taken to a third.
The nation had got rid of a queen, however divided opinions
were on the subject ; and the people had been involved in wars
over the ruling sovereign's right to rule. Their nobles, and their
landlords, had led them ; but there was the danger that if
schools were set up in every parish as the Parliament decreed,
the people, with their outlook widened, might readily adopt the
same questioning attitude to the nobles and the landowners
that these same classes had led them to adopt towards others
in power. There was, nevertheless, a very considerable affection
for education among the people themselves. Devoutly religious
men were not content to have the Bible read to them ; they
yearned to read it for themselves, and it will be found, I believe,
that the fervour of the religious life of those centuries did most
to popularise the parish schools that did exist. The parish
schoolmaster was not the " wage-slave " that many teachers
account themselves to-day. He longed for pupils. He was
father and friend as well as teacher. Some of these old worthies
were scholars of brilliant attainments. It is nearly fifty years
since the board school took the place of the parish school, and
most of the old parish schoolmasters have passed away ; but
occasionally one reads an obituary paragraph in the newspapers
HARDSHIPS OF THE SCOTTISH PEOPLE 5
in which it is mentioned that the old worthy whose death is
chronicled was a parish schoolmaster. There must be but few of
them left. Yet these old men sent brilliant students into the
world ; and in more than one case it might be said that the
schoolmaster of a little country parish parted with pupils
equipped not only with the three " R's," but possessed of a keen
enthusiasm for history and geography ; and with a knowledge
of mathematics, Latin, and other higher subjects sufficient to
carry them through the entrance examination at a university.
The spread of education of that kind came late. If it had
come earlier several things might have happened. The Union
of Parliaments, for instance, would never have taken place, and
many laws and customs that prevailed till comparatively recent
times would not have been tolerated by the people.
There grew up in Scotland a vigorous democratic tendency ;
for the Scottish clans had, under their own laws and regard-
less of the Statute Book, simply exercised in their own way the