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ings. Numerous analogies, mainly of thought,
have been found in Eph. to almost every book of
the NT, but especially to those connected with the
names of St. Luke and St. John. Parallels of
language and idea have been seen in the farewell
address at Miletus (Ac 20 18 ' 35 ; cf. Moff'att, op. cit.
p. 384) ; and Lock (loc. cit.) draws out the parallels
of thought with the Eucharistic prayer in Jn 17. It
is true that many of the conceptions of Eph. are
found in the Fourth Gospel, but this is not at all
unnatural. The parallels of language are by no
means striking. The connexion with Rev. , empha-
sized by Holtzmann, is very slight, and that with
Heb. is not much more definite (details in Salmond,
'Ephesians,' in EOT, p. 212 ff.).

The general impression made on the present
writer by the study of these various affinities is the
outstanding resemblance in general thought, and
even in expression, between Eph. and Romans a
resemblance which the difference of style does not
obscure. This in itself is a strong witness to the
authenticity of the Epistle.

LITERATURE. The following is only a small selection from a
very voluminous literature. I. Commentaries. Besides the
older Commentaries, such as E. W. E. Reuss (1878), H. Alford
(71874), and C. J. Ellicott (31864), the most notable are those of
A. Klopper (1891), G. G. Findlay (Expos. Bible, 1892), H. von
Soden (Hand-Kommentar, 1893, also artt. in JPTh, 1887, and
Hist, of Early Christian Literature. The Writingsofthe NT, Eng.
tr., 1906), T. K. Abbott (ICC, 1897, largely linguistic), E.
Haupt (in Meyer's Krit.-exeg. Eommentar uber das NT, 1902,
very valuable exegetically), J. Armitage Robinson (1903,
exegetical and philological, no introduction), S. D. F. Sal-
mond (EGT, 1903), B. F. Westcott (1906), P. Ewald (in
Zahn's Kommentar zum NT, 1910). Fundamental for modern
critical studies is H. J. Holtzmann's Kritik der Epheser-und
Kolosserbriefe, 1872.

II. Against Pauline authorship. Besides Baur, Schwegler,
Hitzig, are S. Davidson, Introd. to NT*, 1894 ; C. v. Weiz-
sacker, The Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., 1894-95 ; E. von Dobschutz,
Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr., 1904 ; O.
Pfleiderer, Primitive Christianity, Eng. tr., 1906-11 ; R. Scott,
The Pauline Epistles, 1909; J. Moffatt, LNT*, 1912.

III. For Pauline authorship. F. J. A. Hort, Prolegomena
to Romans and Ephesians, 1895 ; A. Robertson, art. ' Ephesians '
in Smith's DB2, 1893 ; W. Lock, art. ' Ephesians' in HDB ; T.
Zahn, Introd. to NT, Eng. tr., 1909 (a storehouse of facts);
A. S. Peake, Crit. Introd. to NT, 1909.


EPHESUS ("E^etroy, a grsecized form of a native
Anatolian name). The town of Ephesus was a little
south of latitude 38 N. , at the head of a gulf situ-
ated about the middle of the western coast of
Asia Minor. It lay on the left bank of the river
Cayster, at the foot of hills which slope towards
the river. In ancient times the river reached to
the city gates, but its mouth has gradually silted
up so that the city is now some four to six miles
from the sea. The effect of the river's action has
been to raise the level of the land all over. The
ruins, the most extensive in Asia Minor, give an
idea of how large the ancient city was. The
extent of the area covered by it cannot now
be exactly estimated ; but, as the population in
St. Paul's time was probably about a third of a
million, and in ancient times open spaces were
frequent and ' sky-scrapers ' unknown, the city
must have been large, even according to our
standards. The temple of Artemis (see DIANA), the
ruins of which were discovered by Wood, lies now
about five miles from the coast, and was the most
imposing feature of the city. Its site must have
been sacred from very early times, and successive
temples were built on it. Other notable features
of the city were the fine harbour along the banks
of the Cayster, the aqueducts, and the great road
following the line of the Cayster to Sardis, with a
branch to Smyrna. The heat in summer is very
great, and fever is prevalent. The harvest rain




storms are violent. The site was nevertheless so
attractive that it must have been very early oc-
cupied. The ancients dated the settlement of
Ionian Greeks there early in the llth cent. B.C.,
and the city long before St. Paul's time had be-
come thoroughly Greek, maintaining constant in-
tercourse with Corinth and the rest of Greece

The history of the city, with its changing
government, need not be traced here. It fell under
Roman sway, with the rest of the district, which
the Romans called 'Asia' (q.v. ) by the will of
Attains III. (Philometor), the Pergamenian king,
in 133 B.C. In 88 B.C. the inhabitants sided with
Mithridates, king of Pontus, and slaughtered all
resident Romans. They were punished in 84 by
Sulla, who ravaged the city. During the rule of
Augustus the city was embellished by a number of
new buildings.

When Ephesus came into contact with Christi-
anity, it still retained all its ancient glory. With
its Oriental religion, its Greek culture, its Roman
government, and its world-wide commerce, it stood
midway between two continents, being on the one
hand the gateway of Asia to crowds of Western
officials and travellers, as Bombay is the portal of
India to-day, and on the other hand the rendezvous
of multitudes of Eastern pilgrims coming to wor-
ship at Artemis' shrine. Traversed by the great
Imperial highway of intercourse and commerce, it
bad all nationalities meeting and mingling in its
streets. No wonder if it felt its ecumenical im-
portance, and believed that what was said and
done by its citizens was quickly heard and imitated
by ' all Asia and the world ' (>} olKov^vi), Ac 19 27 ).

In Ephesus a noble freedom of thought and a
vulgar superstition lived side by side. The city
of Thales and Heraclitus contained many men of
rich culture and deep philosophy, who were earnest
seekers after truth. Prominent citizens like the
Asiarchs (q.v.), who were officially bound to foster
the cultus of Rome and the Emperor, yet regarded
St. Paul and his message with marked friendliness
(Ac 19 31 ). Nothing but a wide-spread receptivity
to fresh ideas can account for the wonderful success
of the first Christian mission in the city, and for the
reverberation of the truth ' almost throughout all
Asia ' (v. 28 ). The best mind of the age was wist-
fully awaiting a new order of things. Having
tried eclecticism and syncretism in vain, it was
' standing between two worlds, one dead, the other
powerless to be born.' When, ' therefore, the
startling news came from Syria to Ephesus that
the Son of God had lived, died, and risen again,
it ran like wildfire ; its first announcement created
another Pentecost (v. 6 ) ; and in two years ' all they
who dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord, both
Jews and Greeks ' (v. 10 ).

Every spiritual revival has ethical issues, and
Ephesus quickly recognized that the new truth
was a new ' Way ' (v. 23 ). The doctrine now taught
in the School 01 Tyrannus, formerly the home of
one knows not what subtle and futile theories, had
a direct bearing upon human lives. That was why
it made 'no small stir' (v.'- 3 ). The message which
St. Paul delivered ' publicly and from house to
house ' (20 20 ), admonishing men ' night and day
with tears' (v. 81 ), was morally revolutionary. It
was a call to repentance and faith (v. 21 ) ; and,
though no frontal attack was made upon the estab-
lished religion of Ephesus, and no language used
which could fairly be construed as offensive (19 87 ),
yet it soon became apparent that the old order and
the new could not thrive peacefully side by side.
The gospel of mercy to all was a gage of battle
to many. St. Paul, therefore, found that, while
Ephesus opened ' a door wide and effectual ' (ivep-
yi}s) there were 'many adversaries' (1 Co 16 9 ).

This did not surprise or disappoint him. The
fanatical hatred of Ephesus was better than the
polite scorn of Athens. As the city of Artemis
lived largely upon the superstition of the multitude,
not only the priests who enjoyed the rich revenues
of the Temple, but also the artisans who made
'shrines' for pilgrims, felt that if Christianity
triumphed their occupation would be gone. Re-
ligion was for Ephesus a lucrative ' business '
(tpyaala, Ac 19 24 - 25 ), and the ' craft' (rt> rfpos, this
branch of trade) of many was in danger. Indeed,
the dispute which arose affected the whole city,
being regarded as nothing less than a duel between
Artemis and Christ. If He were enthroned in the
Ephesian heart, she would be deposed from her
magnificence, and the greatest temple in the
world 'made of no account' (19 27 ). The situation
created a drama of real life which was enacted in
and around the famous theatre of Ephesus. The
gild of silversmiths, led by their indignant presi-
dent Demetrius (q.v.); the ignorant mob, excited
to fanatical frenzy ; the crafty Jews, quick to dis-
sociate themselves from their Christian compat-
riots ; the brave Apostle, eager to appear before
',the people ' (rbv 8rj/j.ov) of a free city ; the friendly
Asiarchs, constraining him to temper valour with
discretion ; the calm, dignified, eloquent Secretary
(ypa.lj.fjM.Teus), stilling the angry passions of the
multitude ; and behind all, as unseen presences,
the majesty of Imperial Rome, the sensuous charm
of Artemis, the spiritual power of Christ these
all combined to give a sudden revelation of the
soul of a city. The practical result was that a
vindication of the liberty of prophesying was
drawn from the highest municipal authority, who
evidently felt that in this matter he was interpret-
ing the mind of Rome herself. To represent
Christianity as a religio licita was clearly one of
the leading aims of St. Luke as a historian.

The fidelity of St. Luke's narrative in its politi-
cal allusions and local colour has received confirma-
tion from many sources. As the virtual capital of
a senatorial province, Ephesus had its proconsuls
(iv6fara.Toi, Ac 19 38 ), but here the plural is merely
used colloquially, without implying that there
could ever be more than one at a time. As the
head of a conventus iuridicus, Ephesus was an
assize town, in which the judges were apparently
sitting at the very time of the riot (v. 3 *). Latin
was the language of the courts, and tiyopaioi (Lyovrai
is the translation of conventus aguntur. As a free
city of the Empire, Ephesus haa still a semblance
of ancient Ionic autonomy ; her affairs were
'settled in a regular assembly' (v. 89 ), i.e. either at
an ordinary meeting of the Demos held in the
theatre on a fixed day, or at an extraordinary
meeting called by authority of the proconsul.
Irregular meetings of the populace were sternly
prohibited (v. 40 ) ; and, indeed, the powers of the
lawful assembly were more and more curtailed, till
at last it practically had to content itself with
registering the decrees of the Roman Senate. The
proud claim of Ephesus to be the temple- warden
(veux6pov, lit. ' temple-sweeper ') of Artemis (v. 85 ) is
attested by inscriptions ana coins (W. M. Ramsay,
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 1895, i. 58 ; Letters
to the Seven Churches, 232). The Asiarchs who be-
friended St. Paul had no official connexion with the
cult of Artemis ; they were members of the Commune
whose function it was to unite the Empire in a re-
ligious devotion to Rome.

St. Paul's pathetic address at Miletus to the
elders of Ephesus (Ac 20 18 " 88 ), in which he recalls
the leading features of his strenuous mission in
the city his tears and trials (v. 19 ), his public and
private teaching (v. 20 ), his incessant spiritual and
manual toil (vv.* 1 -* 4 ) and declares himself pure
from the blood of all men (v. 28 ), presents as high




an ideal of the ministerial vocation as has ever
been conceived and recorded. There is no reason
to doubt that it gives an approximate summary of
his original words (cf. J. Moffatt, LNT, p. 306).

With the religious history of Ephesus are also
associated the names of Priscilla and Aquila
(Ac 18 18 ), Apollos (18 24 , 1 Co 16 12 ), Tychicus
(Eph 6 21 ), Timothy (1 Ti I 3 , 2 Ti 4 9 ), and especially
John the Apostle and John the Presbyter.
After the departure of St. Paul the Ephesian
Church was injured by the activity of false
teachers (Ac 2CP- *, Kev 2 4 ), but the Fall of Jeru-
salem greatly enhanced its importance, and the
influence of the Johannine school made it the
centre of Eastern Christianity. In the time of
Domitian it had the primacy among the Seven
Churches of Asia (Rev 2 1 ). The Letter to the
Church of Ephesus is on the whole laudatory.
The Christian community commanded the writer's
respect by its keen scrutiny of soi-disant apostles,
by its intolerance of evil, and its hatred of the
libertinism which is the antithesis of legalism.
But it had declined in the fervent love which alone
made a Church truly lovable to the Apostle. A
generation later, however, Ignatius in his Ep. to
the Ephesians uses the language of profound ad-
miration :

' I ought to be trained for the contest by you in faith, in ad-
monition, in endurance in long-suffering' ( 3) ; ' for ye all live
according to the truth and no heresy hath a home among you ;
nay, ye do not so much as listen to any one if he speak of aught
else save concerning Jesus Christ in truth ' ( 6) ; ' you were
ever of one mind with the Apostles in the power of Jesus Christ '
( ID-

Ephesus had a long line of bishops, and was the
seat of the council which condemned the doctrine
of Nestorius in A.D. 431. The ruins of the ancient
city, on Coressus and Prion, are extensive and im-
pressive. The theatre in which the riot (Ac 19)
took place is remarkably well preserved, and in
1870 the foundation of the Temple of Artemis was
discovered by J. T. Wood. The modern village
lying beside the temple bears the name of Ayaso-
luk, which is a corruption of &yios 6eo\6yos, the
title of St. John the Divine which was given to
the Church of Justinian.

LITERATURE. W. M. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches,
1904 ; Murray's Handbook to Asia Minor, 1895 ; G. A. Zim-
mermann, Ephesos im ersten christl. Jahrhundert, 1874 ; art.
' Ephesus ' in Pauly-Wissowa, v. [1905] ; J. T. Wood, Discoveries
at Ephesus, 1876 ; E. L. Hicks, Ancient Greek Inscriptions in
the Brit. Museum, iii. 2 [1890] ; D. G. Hogarth, Excavations
in Ephesus : the Archaic Artemisia, Z vols., 1908.


EPICUREANS. The Epicurean philosophers are
mentioned only once in the NT, viz. in Ac 17 18 .
During his second missionary journey St. Paul met
with them in Athens. Though he stayed there
not more than four weeks, the Apostle was deeply
moved by the sight of so large a number of statues
erected in honour of various deities. Not content
with preaching in the synagogue to Jews and prose-
lytes, he sought pagan hearers in their famous
market-place, thus imitating Socrates 400 years
before. The market-place was ' rich in noble
statues, the central seat of commercial, forensic,
and philosophic intercourse, as well as of the busy
idleness of the loungers' (Meyer, Com. on Acts, Eng.
tr., 1877, ii. 108). As the 'Painted Porch' in
which the Stoics taught was situated in the
market-place, and the garden where the Epi-
cureans gathered for their fraternal discussions
was not far away, it is not surprising that some
members of these two schools of philosophy were
among the Apostle's listeners. Athens was the
home and centre of the four great philosophies
founded by Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, and Epicurus.
The two first, however, had at this time been
supplanted by the two last ; thus, in encountering

the Stoics and Epicureans, St. Paul was face to
face with the most influential philosophies of the
day. Unfortunately, we know but little of the
character of the interview or its results. The
discussion was probably not hostile on the part of
the philosophers, though Cheyne seems to incline
to this view (EBi, vol. ii. col. 1323 n.). That St.
Paul's teaching must have been antagonistic to
theirs seems obvious.

1. Epicurus and the Epicureans. (1) Epicurus.
Epicurus was born in 341 B.C., probably at Samos,
an island oft' the coast of Asia Minor, and lived
about 70 years. His father Neocles was an
Athenian, who had gone to Samos as a colonist
after the Greeks had expelled a large number of
the natives. His occupation was that of a humble
schoolmaster, and his son is said to have assisted
him for some time. At the age of 18 Epicurus
left for Athens, returning home a year later to
Colophon, where his father now lived. Of the
beginnings of Epicurus' acquaintance with philo-
sophy our knowledge is slight and uncertain. Two
of his teachers were Nausiphanes, a disciple of
Democritus, and Pamphilus, a Platonist. But, as
the former owed much to Pyrrho, the well-known
Sceptic, it is hardly likely that Epicurus failed to
share in that obligation. He claims to have been
his own teacher, and this is true to the extent that
he rejected the prevalent philosophies of his time
and turned to such predecessors as Democritus,
Anaxagoras, and Archelaus. It was at Mitylene
that he began to teach philosophy, and at Lamp-
sacus his position as the head of a school was
recognized. He returned to Athens in 307 B.C.,
and settled there for the remainder of his life.
There he purchased a house and garden, the latter
becoming famous as the home of a large band of
men and women who became his devoted disciples
and friends. He died in 270 B.C. He had never
enjoyed robust health, and his general feebleness
and ailments were the ground upon which his
enemies based charges of evil living.

(2) The Epicureans. The community lived its
own separate life. The calls and claims of public
life were ignored and the usual ambitions of men
stifled. From all the political upheavals through
which Athens passed the Epicureans held strictly
aloof, exemplifying their principles by indifference
to environment and the endeavour to extract the
maximum of tranquil gratification from life by the
prudent and unim passioned use of it. They passed
their time in the study of Nature and Morality,
and their friendly intercourse with each other
supplied the necessary human elements. Most
serious charges were made from time to time
against both Epicurus himself and the community,
but the accusers were generally either disaffected
ex -disciples or rivals, and their motives were
malicious. One cannot but admit that the ideal
of 'pleasure' was well calculated to produce the
most disastrous results except in the case of the
noblest of men ; and it is hard to believe that the
garden contained only such. Yet consideration
must be given to the extraordinary devotion of the
brotherhood towards their head, in whom they
recognized their deliverer from the worst fears and
desires of life. An example of their unceasing
allegiance to their master may be found in the
statues erected in Epicurus' honour after his death.
Simplicity was the note of the cornnnniity's life.
For drink they had water with a small quantity
of wine on occasion, and for food barley bread. In
a letter Epicurus writes : ' Send me some Cynthian
cheese, so that, should I choose, I may fare sumptu-
ously.' And during the severe famine which
afflicted Athens, Plutarch informs us that the
Epicureans lived on beans which they shared out
from day to day (Demetrius, 34). But the bond




which held this remarkable company together was
the personality of Epicurus, who regarded his
followers not only as disciples but as friends.

2. Teaching. Epicurus is said to have written
300 books, but all have disappeared, and we are
dependent for our knowledge on writers two
centuries later. This misfortune is probably due
to the teacher's habit of summarizing his system
so that the disciples might commit it to memory.
His reputed lack of style may have contributed to
the same end. Nevertheless, the main outlines of
his teaching are clear enough, though on import-
ant details uncertainty prevails. Epicurus had no
interest in theories, except as they aided practical
life. Mere knowledge was worthless, and culture
he despised. His theoretical teaching treated of
Man and the Universe (his Physics) ; his practical
teaching used the knowledge so gained for the
regulation of human conduct (his Ethics). Under-
lying these was his peculiar Logic. Real Logic of
the Aristotelian type he could not tolerate. All
he wanted was a criterion of truth, or to ascertain
the grounds on which statements of fact could be
based. This is usually called the Canonic.

(a) Canonic. The criteria of truth or reality
according to Epicurus may be grouped under two
heads. (1) Sensation. Every sensuous impression
received by the mind is produced by something
other than itself, and is infallibly true. When
these feelings are clear, distinct, and vivid, the
knowledge they afford is real. Even the sensations
of the dreamer and lunatic are true, since they are
caused by some other object operating on the mind.
Any error arising from sensations is due not to the
sensations themselves but to the mind's misinter-
pretation of them. But Epicurus does not make
clear what that vividness is which is reliable and
incapable of misinterpretation. (2) Conceptions or
pre-conceptions, i.e. ideas which have been left in
the mind by preceding sensations. Here memory,
which recalls past impressions, and reasoning,
which interprets them, have been active, with the
result that the mind unconsciously confronts every
new sensation with impressions which may modify
any effect it may make. These conceptions, the
repetition of earlier observations, are true. But it
is well that they should be brought from time to
time into immediate connexion with the sensation
itself. Thus, if a distant square tower appear
round, closer examination will discover the error
and modify the impression for the future. It is
difficult to see how Epicurus would apply this
admirable criterion to his theory of the ' atoms '
and the ' void.'

(b) Physics. Epicurus relied on the senses alone
as the true basis of knowledge, and they reveal
only matter in motion. Consequently, matter is
the only reality. The incorporeal is the same as
the non-existent, i.e. void, and this applies even to
mind. When Epicurus explains the nature of
matter, the influence of Democritus is at once
evident. The immediate impression of the senses
suggests large masses of matter, but this is not
reliable. In reality the apparent masses are com-
posed of extremely minute, invisible particles or
atoms which differ only in weight, size, and shape,
and, though near to each other, do not touch.
Around each is a void. By analogy he argues that
this is true not only of the nearer world but also of
that which is most distant. He reaches this ex-
planation by the elimination of all other possible
theories. Atoms then being presumed, in what
way do they move ? Aristotle had taught that
celestial bodies move in a circular manner, and
fire upwards. But Epicurus claimed that the only
movement of which we are aware is that of the
fall of bodies to the earth downward movement.
All atomic movement then is eternally straight

downward. But this brings us to the conception
of relative stagnation, as every body is moving in
the same direction and at the same rate. To avoid
this difficulty, Epicurus fell back upon our in-
dividual experience of power to resist forces and
cause them to deviate from their original direction.
He then claimed for atoms something of the same
power. How, where, and when this strange power
operates we are not informed ; but, by assuming
it, Epicurus arrives at an explanation of those
vast aggregates of apparently concrete combina-
tions of which our senses are conscious. The only
difference between mind and matter is that the
former is composed of minuter and rounder particles
which pervade the body like a warm breath. To
explain our consciousness of taste, colour, sound,
etc., Epicurus resorts to a curious theory. In
addition to the primary particles which each body
possesses, there are secondary particles which vary
in each case. These ' thin, filmy images, exactly
copying the solid body whence they emanate,' are
continually floating away from it ; and when they
reach the various human organs, they produce with-
in the mind the sensations of which we are conscious.
This theory also accounts not only for our visions
of the ghosts of departed friends, whose secondary

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