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e.g. in Clem, ad Cor. we find the Return described
as an ?Xewr<j (17) rather than as a irapovyLa or an
dn-o/cdXi^is. And in Ignatius the term ' Parousia '
is applied to the First Coming of our Lord at His
Nativity (ad Phil. 9). Such changes show that
the traditional Jewish scheme is undergoing a
measure of ' re-statement ' at the hands of men who
were unaccustomed to the apocalyptic scheme of
the Last Things.

(b) Occasionally we meet with clear signs of
Greek thought, e.g. Ign. ad Rom. 3, ' Nothing
visible is good.' And some thirty years later we
find the Epistle to Diognetus reflecting a thoroughly
Greek theory of the relation of the soul to the
body (7, 10).

(c) The conception of the Eucharist as a
' Mystery,' through which immortality is conveyed
to the believer, though (as we have contended
above) not sanctioned by St. Paul himself, seems
to be implied in some of the sub-apostolic writings :
e.g. Ign. ad Eph. 20, ' Breaking one bread, which
is the medicine of immortality, and the antidote
that we should not die, but live for ever ' ; cf . Iren.
adv. Hcer. iv. 8, ' Our bodies, when they receive
the Eucharist, are no longer corruptible, having
the hope of resurrection to eternity.'

(d) The idea that ' salvation ' is a future blessing,
to be gained by external acts, or by membership of
an organized society, may also be traced to the sub-
Apostolic Age : e.g. Ign. ad Phil. 3, ' If any man
followeth one that maketh a schism, he doth not
inherit the Kingdom of God.'

As a result of these and other modifications,
early Christian eschatology in the Gentile churches
gradually assumed a form which, though Jewish in
phraseology, was sufficiently intelligible to those
who were not familiar with the presupposition of
Jewish apocalyptic. With the exception of a few
doctrinal features, such as Chiliasm, which proved
to be but temporary phases of thought, the escha-
tology of the Church of the 2nd. cent., as seen, e.g.,
in Irenseus, had discarded its distinctively ' primi-

tive ' characteristics, and was not far from the normal
type of Christian eschatology as it has been taught
in subsequent ages of the Church.

LITERATURE. For apostolic eschatology in general, see S. D.
F. Salmond's art. on ' Eschatology of the NT ' in HDB, and
J. A. MacCulloch's art. on ' Eschatology ' in the ERE ; also
R. H. Charles, Eschatology : Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian?,
1913; E. C. Dewick, Primitive Christian Eschatology, 1912;
S. D. F. Salmond, Christian Doctrine of Immortality, 1904 ;

For the Jewish 'background of ideas," see Charles, op. tit.,
and the same writer's editions of the Jewish apocalypses,
especially his Book of Enochs, 1912; V. H. Stanton, Tht
Jewish and Christian Messiah, 1886.

For the eschatolog-y of the NT books, see the Comm. and Artt.
ad toe., especially H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John,
1909, and R. H. Charles, Studies in the Apocalypse, 1913 ; and
for Pauline eschatology, H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul's Con-
ceptions of the Last Things, 1904 ; the same writer's artt. on
'St. Paul and the Mystery-Religions' in the Expositor, 8th ser.,
iv. [1912] 60, 212, 306, 434, 539 ; K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles
of St. Paul, 1911 ; A. Schweitzer, Paul and his Interpreters,
Eng. tr., 1912. The two last-named works apply the 'Consist-
ent Eschatological theory ' to the apostolic writings.

For the influence of Gentile thought on Christian eschatology.
see C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its non-Jewisn
Sources, Eng. tr., 1912 ; F. Cumont, The Oriental Religions in
Roman Paganism, 1911 ; E. Hatch, The Influence of Greek
Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890 (Hibbert
Lecture, 1888).

Of the Christian apocalypses, many are edited in TS, vols. ii.
and iii. ; The Ascension of Isaiah, by R. H. Charles, 1900 ; The
Sibylline Oracles, by Alexandre, 1841-56, and Rzach, 1892.

For particular aspects of apostolic eschatology, see the
articles in this Dictionary on ANTICHRIST, HEAVEN, HELL, MAN


is quite different in character from 1 Es. , which it
follows in the English Apocrypha. It belongs to
the apocalyptic order, and is closely related in time
and thought to the Apocalypse of Baruch (g.v.).
Some early writers cite it as prophetical Clement
of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 16) and Ambrose (de
Excessu Satyri, i. 64, 66, 68, 69) in particular ; but
Jerome speaks slightingly of it as a book he had
not read or required to read, because it was not re-
ceived in the Church (c. Vigilant, ch. 6). In the
authenticated edition of the Vulgate, it is relegated
to an appendix, along with 1 Es. and the Prayer of
Manasses. It is not reckoned canonical by the
Church of Rome, nor is it used in the English

1. Contents. As it stands in our Apocrypha,
2 Es. consists of 16 chapters ; but the first two and
last two are separate works which have been added
to the original book, and have no inward connexion
with it. The prefixed chapters (1. 2), though
written in the name of Esdras, exhibit an anti-
Jewish spirit, in striking contrast to that of the
chapters that follow. They speak of the rejection
of the Jews and the call of the Gentiles as a
Western Christian of the 2nd cent, might have
done. A connexion has been suggested between
them and the Apocalypse of Zephaniah, of which
fragments are extant in Coptic. The subjoined
chapters (15. 16) make no mention of Esdras, and
their contents are colourless enough to admit of
either a Jewish or a Christian author. In imita-
tion of Jeremiah's prophecies, they predict wars
and tumults, denounce God's wrath on the wicked,
and encourage the righteous to endure. The pro-
bable quotation of 16 59 in Ep. xxix. of Ambrose
'extendit coelum sicut cameram' would indicate
that these chapters were known in the middle of
the 4th century. Possibly they had their origin
about a century previously, in the wars of the
Arabian Odenathus and Sapor I. of Persia.

Divested of these additions, 2 Es. is a series of
seven visions, separated for the most part, in the
experience of the seer, by periods of fasting and
prayer. Their purpose is to shed light on the
mysteries of the moral world, and restore the faith
in God and reliance on His justice which had been
shaken by the downfall of Jerusalem. At the out-



set the seer announces himself as Salathiel, with
the parenthetical explanation that he is also Esdras.
In the first four visions (chs. 3-10) the angel
Uriel appears, to resolve the doubts of the seer,
and comfort him with the hope of God's speedy
intervention. In the fifth (ens. 11. 12) a great
eagle is seen, with three heads, twelve wings, and
certain wings of smaller size. She is encountered
and annihilated by a lion, and Esdras learns that
the eagle is the fourth kingdom of Daniel, and the
lion the Messiah. The sixth vision (ch. 13) reveals
the Messiah as a wondrous man, coming out of
the sea, destroying His enemies, and gathering
the righteous and peace-loving to Himself. In the
seventh (ch. 14) Esdras is warned that the end is
near, and instructed to have ninety-four books
written, but only to publish twenty-four of them
(the usual Talmudic reckoning of the books of the
OT). On the accomplishment of his task, Esdras
is translated to heaven.

2. Text and versions. The original text no
longer exists ; but versions are extant in Latin,
Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic (two), and Armenian.
Some fragments in Sahidic have also come to light
(in 1904), and traces have been found of an old
Georgian translation. The Latin version is in
every respect the most important, as well as the
only one which contains the four additional
chapters. It was through this version that the
book found its way into the appendix of the Vul-
gate, and thence into our Apocrypha. The Oriental
versions are of value chiefly for the assistance they
afford in testing and correcting the Latin. A
curious illustration of their usefulness in this way
was given by Bensly in 1875, when he discovered a
missing fragment of the Latin text consisting of 70
verses, the existence of which had been suggested
by the presence of these verses in the Oriental
versions. This long passage has now been restored
to its place in our Apocrypha, between verses 35
and 36 of the seventh chapter. The basis of all the
existing versions, with the possible exception of the
Armenian, is generally acknowledged to be a Greek
text, now lost ; but some difference of opinion has
arisen as to whether that was the original text.
While the more prevalent view that the book was
composed in Greek has found such defenders as
Liicke, Volkmar, and Hilgenfeld, some recent
scholars, including Wellhausen, Charles, Gunkel,
and Box, contend for a Hebrew original.

Some confusion of nomenclature has been caused
by the varying titles of the versions. The Latin
MSS mostly distinguish five books of Ezra : the
first being the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah, the second
the prefixed chapters of 2 Es., the third the 1 Es.
of the Apocrypha, the fourth chs. 3-14 of 2Es.,
and the fifth its subjoined chapters. According
to this arrangement, our book is now commonly
denominated 4 Ezra, although the title Ezra-
Apocalypse, suggested by Westcott as the prob
able form in the lost Greek text, has also come
into use.

< 3. Literary structure. Of late years, the ques-
tion of the literary structure of the book has as-
sumed increasing prominence. Its essential unity,
as coming from the hand of a single writer, who
may, however, have used and failed to assimilate
adequately material previously existing, is still
maintained by such scholars as Gunkel, Porter,
and Sanday. On this theory, its date is fixed
with some degree of unanimity between A.D. 81
and 96, the Fall of Jerusalem, which gives occasion
to it, being rightly referred to the destruction by
Titus in A.D. 70, and the difficult Eagle Vision
being interpreted of the succession of Roman
Emperors (Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian) after
that event. Another theory, however, ascribing a
composite character to the book, has recently been

worked out with much ingenuity by Kabisch,
Charles, and Box. The last-mentioned finds five
independent works in our Apocalypse : (1) a Sala-
thiel Apocalypse (S = chs. 3-10), composed about
A.D. 100 ; (2) the Eagle Vision (A = chs. 11. 12),
belonging to the time of Domitian or possibly
Vespasian ; (3) the Son of Man Vision (M = ch. 13),
written before A.D. 70; (4) the Ezra Legend (E 2 =
ch. 14), dating about A.D. 100; and (5) extracts
from an old Ezra Apocalypse (E), interpolated in S,
and belonging to some period before A.D. 70.
These separate documents were welded into a
single book by a redactor (R), and published about
A.D. 120. Whatever may be said for this analysis,
it helps to elucidate certain features of the book
which have hitherto been puzzling and obscure :
divergent eschatological conceptions, varying his-
torical situations, breaks of thought, and linguistic

4. Value and relation to NT. On either theory,
the book remains of great importance, especially
for the understanding of later developments of
Judaism, and the environment of the early Chris-
tian Church. A fine expression of later Judaism,
it reveals a passionate clinging to the merciful
goodness of God, notwithstanding a measure of
disappointment with the Law, and the most dis-
astrous experience. Its spirit may be somewhat
narrow, its style not infrequently tedious, its later
visions lacking in imaginative power, and its solu-
tions of the moral problem disappointing; yet it
strikes a truly reflective note, and breathes through-
out an unconquerable faith in God and the vindica-
tion of His righteousness. In these characteristics,
perhaps, no less than in its nnconscious admission
of the weakness of Judaism, lay the strength of its
appeal to Christian readers ; but its present-day
value is chiefly historical, as it is practically con-
temporaneous with the NT literature, and shows
points of contact with it. Direct dependence can
hardly be established, yet there are similarities of
thought and language to most of the NT books,
while, as Gunkel has clearly shown, there are
marked affinities with the Pauline letters and the
Book of Revelation.

(a) The speculations of St. Paul are closely
paralleled by the discussions of moral and religious
problems in the earlier part of 2 Esdras. Our
author presumably belonged to the school in which
the great Apostle was trained ; and, especially in
his treatment of sin and the weakness of the Law
as a redemptive power, has much in common with
him. Sin is essentially transgression of the Law,
and alienates from God (2 Es 9 s6 7 48 ; cf. Ro 5 13 - 20 ).
Its origin is to be found in the Fall of Adam and
the evil heart (cor maligmtm) which he has trans-
mitted to his descendants (2 Es 7 118 3 20 ' 22 - 25 - 26 4 30 ;
cf. Ro 5 12 , 1 Co 15 21 ). Accordingly it is universal,
and has universally as its result not only spiritual
corruption and infirmity, but physical death (2 Es
3 7 ; cf. Ro 512. I*- is- n. ai). i n f ur ther agreement
with St. Paul, and in opposition to the usual
Rabbinical doctrine, our author despairs of the
efficacy of the Law to redeem and save the sinner
(2 Es 9 s6 ; cf. Ro 3 20 ). Its promised rewards have
little encouragement or inspiration for beings so
constituted as to be unable to keep it (2 Es 7'w-isi).
At the best, though the world is perishing, it may
still be hoped that a few may be saved (9 IS - ^). It
is all a puzzle and pain to the apocalyptist. Un-
acquainted with the great solvent ideas in which
the Apostle found satisfaction for heart and mind,
he resigns himself to the inscrutableness of God's
ways, the limitations of human intelligence, and
the pre-determined Divine purpose in the history
and end of the world, while talcing what comfort
he may from the assurance of God's faithfulness
and love to His ancient people (4 - 28 - 31 - s8 - 48 5 31 - 40 ).




This attitude of mind may not have been uncommon
among the Jews of his time.

(b) The points of comparison with the Johannine
Apocalypse are of an eschatological kind, and
appear most prominently in the later chapters of
2 Esdras. The same visionary method of Divine
revelation is pursued ; the schemes of the Last
Things run upon similar lines ; Rome is again the
hostile world-power standing in the background;
and there are not wanting resemblances of diction
close enough to suggest a common source (cf. 2 Es
9 s5 and Rev 6 9 ' 11 , 2 Es 4 41 and Rev I 18 ). In 2 Es.,
too, especially when the earlier chapters are com-
pared with the later, an inconsistency of eschato-
logical representation is revealed, which is reflected
not only in the Book of Revelation, but in other
NT books as well. Probably it attached to the
current conceptions of the time, and did not greatly
trouble the author or redactor of our book. In
the earlier chapters, the eschatology is entirely of
an individual character, concerning itself with the
future of the soul, and postulating, immediately
after death, a personal judgment and entrance into
an eternal world of punishment and reward (7 75ff- )-
The later chapters (11. 12) are prevailingly political,
and revive the old eschatology of the nation, with
its scheme of preliminary woes, world- judgment,
and earthly Messianic kingdom of indefinite dura-
tion. Some attempt is made in the book to adjust
these points of view by the introduction of a
temporary reign of the Messiah before the final
consummation, which ushers in the glorious
Heavenly Kingdom. This reign seems to have
been expected to compensate the nation for the
years of oppression in Egypt ; and, by a comparison
of Gn 15 13 with Ps 90 15 , its length was fixed at 400
years (7 26 " 30 ). By a similar process of inference
Slavonic Enoch had determined the duration of the
temporary Messianic kingdom as 1000 years, or a
millennium. On this matter the Book of Revela-
tion follows Enoch.

Withal, there are still left in 2 Es. a number of
divergent ideas. At one time the Messiah is pre-
sented as a purely human being, an earthly, tem-
poral ruler of the line of David (12 32ff -) ; at another
time he appears as a superhuman, pre-existent
being, to whom the title ' Son of God can be ap-
plied (T*- w 13 32 - OT - 52 14 9 ). In some passages the
Judgment is personal and individual, and takes
place immediately after death (778-101. in. 128) . j n
others it is universal, and reserved for a great day
at the end of the world (I 33 - 43 - ** 8 1 ). Now the
Messiah is Judge (12 32 - M), now God Himself (6 6 ).
Side by side with the old restricted view of a
resurrection of the righteous only stands the later
view of a general resurrection (7 28 ~ 44 ), the one at
the beginning, the other at the close of the Mes-
sianic period, as in the Book of Revelation. These
discrepancies belonged to the environment of the
early Church, and it was part of her intellectual
task to combine them into a harmonious belief.

LrraRATUKB. G. Volkmar, Das vierte Buck Esra, 1858 ; A.
Hilgenfeld, ilessias Jiidoeorum, 1869 ; F. Rosenthal, Vier
apokryphische Bucher, 1885 ; R. Kabisch, Das vierte Buck
Esra, 1889 ; J. Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, 1899 ;
R. H. Charles, The Apocalypse of Baruch, 1896, and Eschato-
logy: Hebrew, Jewish, and Christian, 1899 (21913); R. L.
Bensly and M. R. James, The Fourth Book of Ezra (= TS
in. 2 [1895]) ; H. Gunkel, ' Das vierte Buch Esra,' in Kautzsch's
Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des AT, 1900; Leon
Vag-anay, Le Probleme fschatologique dans le IVt livre
d' 'Esdras, 1906 ; F. C. Porter, The Messages of the Apocalyp-
tical Writers, 1905 ; Bruno Violet, Die Esra-Apokalypse, 1910 ;
G. H. Box, The Ezra-Apocalypse, 1912, and * IV Ezra ' in R.
H. Charles's The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the OT,
1913- D. FREW.

ESSENES. The Essenes were a Jewish monastic
order, probably long preceding, not long surviving,
the founding of Christianity.

1. Authorities. Essenes are not mentioned

either in the NT or in the Talmud. Our chief
authorities are (1) Josephus (BJu. viii., Ant. xvm.
i. 5, XIII. v. 9, XV. x. 4fi'.); (2) Philo (Quod omnis
probus liber, 12, 13) ; (3) Philonic fragment in
Eusebius (Prcep. Evang. VIII. xi.) ; (4) Pliny (HN
v. 17, probably drawn from Alexander Polyhistor).
Some additional details are to be found in the
Fathers (esp. Hippolytus) who deal with Judaeo-
Christian heresies. Probably there is need of
criticism of the main sources, but we may take
them as trustworthy as to the facts adduced.

2. Name. This occurs as Essenoi (Jos. 14 times,
Hippol., Synesius) ; Essaioi (Philo, Hegesippus,
Porphyry, Jos. 6 times) ; and in varying forms in
Epiphanius Ossaioi, Ossenoi, lessaiui. For a dis-
cussion of various etymologies seeLightfoot((7oZos-
sians, 1875, p. 115 A). The name is best taken
from Syr. Julse, in plur. absol. hcisen, emphat.
hasaia ; ' Essene ' thus= ' pious.' For our purpose
we are not concerned with giving a full account of
the Order, nor with tracing its history, and specu-
lating as to the origin of its peculiarities. We
have merely to give a brief outline of its main
features, and deal chiefly with the influence it
exerted on the development of Christianity.

3. Organization and characteristics. The
Essenes were organized as a close Order on a
basis of celibacy and absolute communism (Jos.
BJ II. viii. 3 f . ; Philo in Euseb. Prcep. Evang.
VIII. xi. 4). Josephus speaks of a branch who
allowed marriage (BJ II. viii. 13), but this must
have been a minority. The officials were elected,
and were implicitly obeyed (n. viii. 6). The Order
was recruited by voluntary adhesions, or by adopt-
ing children (viii. 2). Candidates passed through
a two-stage novitiate. For a year they lived under
discipline, then they were admitted to the solemn
initiatory ablution which separated them from the
world, and after other two years they received full
privileges of table-fellowship. They bound them-
selves by a fearful oath to reverence God ; to do
justice ; hurt no man voluntarily or on command ;
obey the officials ; conceal nothing from fellow-
members, and divulge nothing of their affairs even
at the risk of death ; be honest and humble ; com-
municate doctrines exactly as they had been re-
ceived ; and preserve carefully the sacred books
and the names of the angels (II. viii. 7).

For morality the Essenes ranked high. ' In
fact, they had in many respects reached the very
highest moral elevation attained by the ancient
world' (EBr 11 ix. 780*). Their lives were ab-
stemious, humble, helpful. Sensual desires were
sinful ; passions were restrained. Their word was
as good as an oath, and they forbade swearing.
Their modesty was excessive. They condemned
slavery (BJ II. viii. 2, 5, 6 ; Philo in Euseb. Prcep.
Evang. vm. xi. 11).

In devotion to the Law and in ceremonial cleans-
ings they out-Phariseed the Pharisees. The Order
was in four grades, and contact with one of a lower
grade constituted a defilement. Where the Pharisee
washed, the Essene bathed. Their food was care-
fully prepared by priests. Their Sabbatarianism
was extreme, and their reverence for Moses was
such that they treated any disrespect to his name
as blasphemy worthy of death (BJ II. viii. 9).

As to worship, they differed from normal Judaism
in two important points : (a) they rejected animal
sacrifice, and sent to the Temple only offerings of
incense (Jos. Ant. XVIII. i. 5) ; (b) in some sense
they worshipped the sun ; ' daily before the rising
of the sun, they address to it old traditional prayers
as though supplicating it to rise ' (BJ II. viii. 6).

In doctrine they held strongly a doctrine of
Providence, appearing to Josephus to be fatalists
(Ant. XIIL v. 9). They took a dualistic view of
man's nature. Through evil desire souls fell into




uniting themselves with bodies. Free from the
body, the soul of the good will rise joyously, as if
delivered from long bondage, and find a resting-
place of felicity beyond the ocean, whereas for the
bad is reserved a dark, cold region of unceasing
torment (B J II. viii. 11).

They revered certain esoteric books which pro-
bably dealt with angelology, magic, and divination.
They were in repute as prophets (BJ II. viii. 12).
They commended speculation in theology and
cosmogony, and made researches into medicine
(viii. 6), probably magical. They abhorred the
use of oil (viii. 3) ; and that they abstained from
flesh and wine has been often asserted, but is very

4. Relation to Christianity. That in several
points Essenism, as described, is in agreement
with Christianity, is beyond question. On the
ground of those resemblances, some, e.g. DeQuincey,
have held that the Essenes are but Christian monks.
This view cannot be taken seriously. Others, e.g.
Ginsburg, have made Christianity a development
of Essenism, and represented Christ as a member
of the holy Order. With the question as to the
relation of Jesus to Essenism we are not concerned
(Lightfoot, Colossians, p. 158 ff., may be consulted).
We merely note that the differences between the
two are as pronounced as the resemblances.

(1) Was James an Essene? We may, however,
deal with an assertion, sometimes made, that
James, the writer of the canonical Epistle, was
an Essene. Those who believe so found their belief
upon the account of James given by Hegesippus
(in Euseb. HE ii. 23), who nourished about A.D. 170.
He asserts that James abstained from flesh, wine
and strong drink, and the bath ; that he allowed
no razor to touch his head, no oil to touch his body,
and that he wore only fine linen (which was the
dress of the Essenes). If this account were reliable,
it would not prove that James was an Essene.
Those who believe so must hold the common, but
quite wrong, opinion that all Jews were Pharisees,
Sadducees, or Essenes, and that all showing asceti-
cism were Essenes. James might be an ascetic with-
out being an Essene, as one may to-day be an
abstainer without being a Good Templar. In the
notice of Hegesippus itself we have conclusive
evidence that James could not be an Essene, for
he abstained from the bath, which to the Essenes
was of such importance. Besides, as Lightfoot
shows (Col. p. 168), Hegesippus is far from trust-
worthy here. There is no evidence at all for the
identification of James with the Essenes.

(2) Did the Apostolic Church copy the Order ?
The resemblances are striking, and we shall mention

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