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synonymous, and the ' unutterable groanings ' suit
better a limited human soul than a heavenly power.
But the stirrings of the Spirit which make the
soul conscious of earth's ' broken arcs ' give
the promise of heaven's ' perfect round ' of ' the
glory which shall be revealed to us-ward ' (cf. St.
Augustine's Confessions, bk. xiii. ; also Browning's
Abt Vogler). H. BULCOCK.

GROWTH, INCREASE (Gr. aSfr). In most of
the passages in which the idea of growth, growing,
increase, occurs in the NT the words in use in the
Greek are either parts or compounds of the verb
avt;dv<a. The abstract noun 'increase' (aOfrffis) is
found in only two passages Eph 4 18 , Col 2 19 but
the root of the word and the idea underlying occur
frequently all through the apostolic writings. We
also find Tre/ucrcretfw, 'abound/ irpoKdirru, 'advance,'
irXeovdfa and tvSvvapow, ' strengthen,' translated by
the word ' increase.' Originally and in classical
Greek the word av^dvu signified 'increase by
addition from the outside,' used e.g. of a State
increasing by adding to its territory, but in the
NT the word is mainly used of seminal growth
from within, such as the growth of a plant, animal,
or person. The Hebrew writers were fond of com-

Earing things natural with things spiritual, and
>und frequent analogy between natural and
spiritual processes. They had a great wealth of
words to express the idea of growth, and most of
them signify the organic growth of living objects.
According to Hebrew ideas, the natural laws of
physical growth are made to apply to the spiritual
realm. God is supreme in the world of Nature and
the world of spirit alike. In both there is growth,
and that is represented as the gift and working of
God. He causes grass to grow (Ps 104 14 147 8 ), while
the growth of restored and penitent Israel (Hos
14 8 - 7 ) is regarded as the result of the gracious
operations of the forgiving God who is ' as the dew
unto Israel.'

These ideas are carried forward to the NT, and
we have frequent references to the phenomena of
growth, while the comparison between growth in
the natural and in the spiritual world is fully de-
veloped. Four separate connexions in which the
idea of growth is applied can be distinguished.

1. In Jn 3 80 the word avi-dvu is applied to the
growing power and authority of Jesus Himself as
a religious teacher. ' He must increase.' The
same idea is expressed in Ac 9 22 where the growing
spiritual power of St. Paul as a preacher of the
gospel is referred to. The word used, however, is
vSwafj.6w, which emphasizes the aspect of power
rather than the growth of it.

2. In the Acts of the Apostles the idea occurs in
connexion with the progress of the Church as an
external organization. The phrase in Ac 6 7 12 24
19 20 , ' The word of God increased ' or ' grew,' which
seems to be a formula used to close the various
sections in the history, refers to the growth of the
number of believers. Here the word used is avdv<o.
The statement in Ac 16 8 , ' The churches increased
in number daily,' which also closes the preceding
section dealing with the second visit of St. Paul to
Asia, varies slightly. The verb used is irepiffo-etiu,
but the idea is the same. As a result of apostolic
labours the number of believers increased. In the
same way we read in St. Stephen's speech that the
people of Israel 'grew and multiplied in Egypt*
(Ac 7").

3. We find the word used in a theological con-
nexion referring to the growth of individual be-




lievers in Christian character and graces. The
apostolic preachers did not regard their work as
finished when they had converted Jews or heathen
to Christianity. The Christian life had to be lived,
and Christian character had to be formed. Growth
and increase must follow the new birth. This
growth is, on the one hand, regarded as a natural
development from the new seed implanted in the
new birth. The new creature must grow in faith,
in knowledge, in grace, in righteousness, in Chris-
tian liberality and brotherly love. Thus the Apostle
Paul rejoices that the faith of the Thessalonians
'groweth exceedingly' (2 Th I 3 ). He prays that
the Colossians may increase in the knowledge of
God (Col I 10 ), and beseeches the Thessalonians that
they increase (or lit. ' abound,' Gr. irepio-ffetw) more
and more in brotherly love, by which he means
Christian liberality (1 Th 4 10 ). For the purpose of
furthering this growth, God has given apostles,
prophets, evangelists, pastors, and teachers (Eph
4 10 -* s ). In the same way St. Peter instructs his
converts to desire the sincere milk of the word, that
they 'may grow thereby' (1 P 2 2 ), and directly
exhorts them to ' grow in grace and in the know-
ledge of our Lord and Saviour ' (2 P 3 18 ). On the
other hand, this increase in grace or Christian
character is at the same time the work of God.
Thus St. Paul prays that the Lord may make the
Thessalonians to increase and abound in love (1 Th
3 12 ). In writing to the Corinthian Church, he com-
pares the work done by himself and Apollos, and
declares, 'I planted, Apollos watered, God in-
creased' (1 Co 3 6 ). The object of all three verbs
is the faith of the believers in Corinth, which St.
Paul's preaching had kindled and Apollos had
nourished ; but the work of both would have been
ineffective but for God's working, His making the
seed to grow and increase (1 Co 3 7 ). Likeness to
Christ is regarded by the apostolic writers as the
end of this growth (Eph 4 18 ).

4. But not only is the idea of growth applied to
the Church as an outward organization, the visible
Church which grows in numbers, and to the Chris-
tian character of individual believers ; it is also
applied to the Church as a spiritual unity which
the Apostle Paul describes as the ' body of Christ.'
According to the Apostle, all believers are members
of that body ; but the growth of the individual
members in Christian character and especially in
love leads to the growth or increase of the body as
a whole. The Church will finally reach consum-
mation and completion by a long process of growth
and development. The nature, law, or order of this
growth of the Church as the body of Christ is de-
scribed in Eph 4 16 as 'proceeding in accordance
with an inward operation that adapts itself to the
nature and function of each several part and gives
to each its proper measure. It is a growth that is
neither monstrous nor disproportioned, but normal,
harmonious, careful of the capacity, and suited to
the service of each individual member of Christ's
body' (S. D. F. Salmond, 'Ephesians,' in EGT, p.
338). All the members are united to one another
and to Christ the Head, and draw nourishment
and inspiration from Him and from one another,
and thus increase ' with the increase of God ' (Col
2 19 ), by which we may understand either the in-
crease which God supplies, or, better, simply the
increase such as God requires.

LITERATURE. S. D. F. Salmond, ' Ephesians,' In EGT, 1903 ;
A. S. Peake, 'Colossians,' in EGT, 1903; H. A. W. Meyer,
Dererste Brief an die Korinther* (Kommentar, 1861), Der Brief
an die Epheser* (do. 1859), Die Brief e an die Philipper, Kolosser,
und an Philemon* (do. 1866) ; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians and
Philemon, 1878; B. Whitefoord, art. 'Growing,' in DCG.


GUARD. (1) In Ac 5 W , 12- the AV renders
$i5Aaices ' keepers,' which the RV retains in the
former passage, where the watchmen are Jewish,

but changes into 'guards' in the latter, where
they are .Roman. Arrested by the high priest
Annas, and put ' in public ward (Ac 5 18 : lv rrjp^o-ei
dr]fj.ocrla), Peter and John were not chained ; their
keepers merely shut the prison-house (dea-fjuarripiov)
and stood on guard outside. But when St. Peter
was arrested by Herod Agrippa, and imprisoned
in the fortress of Antonia or the adjoining barracks,
he was chained to two soldiers, while other two
kept watch at the door of the prison (<f>v\aic^, Vulg.
career). The station of the latter two was appar-
ently 'the first ward' (<f>v\aicfi, Vulg. custodia),
which the prisoner had to pass before he could
effect his escape. The four soldiers together made
a quaternion (rerpaSiov), and four such bodies of
armed men were told off to mount guard in suc-
cession during the four watches into which, in
Roman fashion, the night was divided.

(2) The above-named Agrippa himself, having
incurred the displeasure of Tiberius, once had the
experience of being chained as a prisoner for six
months to soldiers of the Imperial bodyguard in
Rome. It was fortunate for him that the Emperor's
sister-in-law Antonia, who used her influence with
Macro, the prcefectus prcetorio, ' procured that
the soldiers who kept him should be of a gentle
nature, and that the centurion who was over
them, and was to diet with him, should be of
the same disposition' (Jos. Ant. XVIII. vi. 7).
Tiberius' death restored him to liberty, and Cali-
gula consoled him with the gift of a chain of gold,
equal in weight to the one of iron which he had
worn (ib. vi. 10).

(3) To another such iron chain, which coupled
St. Paul to one soldier after another of the same
Imperial guard, allusion is made in each of the
Captivity Epistles. Thanks to the favourable
report given by the centurion Junius on handing
over his charge to the praefect of the Praetorians,
St. Paul probably received better treatment than
an ordinary prisoner ; but the fact remained that
in his own hired house he was the Sfotuos of Christ
Jesus, alwa

s wearing galling ' bonds ' (defffiol, Ph
!' w- " 1, Col 4 18 , Philem 10 - , 2 Ti 2 9 ), called also
a ' chain ' (AXuru, Eph 6 20 , 2 Ti I 16 ). Great good,
however, resulted from his imprisonment; for
through the frequent relief of the guard, and the
Apostle's skill in changing an enforced fellowship
with armed men into a spiritual communion, the
real significance of his bonds their relation to his
faith in Christ gradually became known among
all 'the Praetorians,' the finest regiment of the
Roman army (Ph I 12 - u ). The arguments for this
interpretation of the word Trpairwpiov are fully
stated by Lightfoot, Philippians*, 1878, p. 99 f.
Other possible explanations will be found under

In the Republican days the cohors prcetoria, or
cohortes pratorice, formed the bodyguard of the
prcstor or proprcetor, who was governor of a
province with military powers. Under the Empire
the Praetorians came to be the Imperial body-
guard, which, as constituted by Augustus, was
made up of nine cohorts, each of a thousand picked
men. They were distinguished from other legion-
aries by shorter service and double pay, and on
discharge they received a generous bounty or grant
of land. Tiberius concentrated the force in a
strongly fortified camp to the east of Rome, on a
rectangle of 39 acres, where the modern Italian
army also has barracks. One cohort, wearing
civilian garb, was always stationed at the
Emperor's house on the Palatine ; others were
often sent to foreign service. The Praetorians
were under a prcefectus prcetorio, or more often
two, sometimes even three jprcefecti. These were
originally soldiers, but ultimately the office was
mostly filled by lawyers, whose duty it was to




relieve the Emperor in certain kinds of civil and
criminal jurisdiction. One of Trajan's rescripts to
Pliny (Ep. 57) indicates that the proper course to
take with a certain Bithynian prisoner is to hand
him over in chains 'ad prsefectos prsetorii mei,'
and the case seems to be parallel to that of the
Apostle, who made an appeal unto Caesar (Ac
25"- 21 ). JAMES STRAHAN.


GUILE. Guile is the usual translation of WXos
(Lat. dolus), which meant first ' a bait for fish ' (Od.
xii. 252), and then, in the abstract, ' wile,' ' craft,'
' deceit.' Guile is traced to the workings of that
' abandoned mind ' which is itself the punishment,
natural and in a sense automatic, of those who
reject God (Ro I 29 ). The guile which character-
ized Jacob the Jew as well as Ulysses the Greek
was indeed often admired as a national trait by
which duller races could be outwitted. But it is
one of the unmistakable marks of a Christian
convert that he puts away all guile, and, like a
new-born babe, desires the milk that is without
guile (ddo\ov yd\a, 1 P 2 2 ). Henceforth he refrains
his lips that they speak no guile (3 10 ). People who

are themselves guileful find it difficult to believe
that anybody can be disinterested, and St. Paul
the Apostle (like many a modern missionary) was
often supposed to be cunningly seeking some
personal ends. ' Being crafty, I caught them with
guile ' (2 Co 12 16 ), is a sentence in which he catches
up some wiseacre's criticism of his actions, and
gives it a new turn. His own conscience was clear ;
his ' guile ' as a soul-winner was not only innocent
but praiseworthy. His exhortation (irapdK\rjffis,
' evangelical preaching') was not of error nor (in any
bad sense) in guile (1 Th 2 3 ) ; he was neither de-
ceived nor deceiver, neither fool nor knave. But he
had not infrequently encountered men of the latter
type. Bar-Jesus the Magian, who tried to under-
mine his influence at the court of Sergius Paulas (Ac
13 8 ), was actuated by a mad jealousy, realizing as he
did that the position which he had skilfully won
was fast becoming insecure. Driven to his wits'
end, and seeing that exposure was imminent, he
felt the ground shaking beneath his feet. His
punishment had a Dantesque appropriateness.
' Full of all guile,' he was yet made a spectacle of
pitiful impotence : ' there fell on him a mist and a
darkness, and he went about seeking some to lead
him by the hand ' (13 10> "). JAMES STBAHAW.



HADES. Hades is a Lat. word adopted from
the Gr. "AiS-rjs (tfSrjs), which is used in the LXX to
translate the Heb. Sheol and in NT Gr. to denote
the same idea as was expressed by Sheol in the OT,
viz. 'the abode of the dead.' The word has been
consistently used in the RV of the NT to render
d'drjs on each of the 10 occasions of its occurrence
(Mt II 23 16 18 , Lk 10 16 16 23 , Ac 2 27 - 81 [in 1 Co 15 M
critical texts give for 4^ of TR], Rev I 18 6 8
2Qis. 14^ j n pi ace O f the misleading ' hell ' of the AV.

In Mt II 23 (Lk 10 15 ) the word is employed in a
purely figurative sense. Capernaum, ' exalted unto
heaven,' is to 'go down unto Hades,' i.e. is to be
utterly overthrown. Figurative also is the state-
ment in Mt 16 18 that ' the gates of Hades shall not
prevail against' the Church of Christ. As the
strength of a walled city depended on the strength
of its gates, ' the gates of Hades ' is a metaphor for
the power of death, and the promise amounts to
an assurance of the indestructibility of the Church.
In Lk 16 23 the rich man lifts up his eyes in Hades,
being in torment, and sees Abraham afar off and
Lazarus in his bosom. Hades is used here in its
traditional sense of the under world of the dead,
whether righteous or unrighteous. Not only Dives
but Lazarus is there. But it is no longer conceived
of in the negative fashion of the OT as a realm
of undifleren dated existence in which there are
neither rewards nor penalties. In keeping with
the pre-Christian development of Jewish thought
(cf. 2 Mac 12 43 , Eth. Enoch, 22), it is represented
now as a scene of moral issues and contrasted ex-
periences the selfish rich man is 'tormented in
this flame'; the humble beggar is ' comforted ' in
Abraham's bosom. The moral lesson that the
recompense of character is sure and that it begins
immediately after death is very clear ; but it is
going beyond our Lord's didactic intention in a
parable to find here a detailed doctrine as to the
circumstances and conditions of the intermediate

Ac 2 s7 is a quotation from Ps 16 10 which in v. n
is applied to Christ, of whom, as risen from the
tomb, it is said that He was not 'left in Hades,'
i.e. in the regions of the dead. In the same
general and ordinary sense the word is used in
Rev I 18 : 'I have the keys of death and of Hades ' ;
cf. the close association in the OT of death with
Sheol (Ps 116 3 , Pr5 5 ).

In Rev 6 8 Hades is personified as a follower of
Death upon his pale horse. In the author's vision
of the Judgment (20 lia ) the sea and Death and
Hades give up the dead which are in them (v. 13 ),
and finally Death and Hades are themselves cast
into the lake of fire (v. 14 ).

LITERATURE. H. Cremer, Bib.-Theol. Lexicon of NT Gr.,
Eng. tr.4, Edinburgh, 1895, s.v. ej.Sr^ ; G. Dalman, art. ' Hades '
in PRE3; S. D. F. Salmond, Christian Doctrine of Im-
inortality*, Edinburgh, 1901, p. 277 ff., also art. 'Hades' in


HAGAR (*A.yap). After the manner of the later
Jewish interpreters of OT history, of whom Philo
is the best representative, St. Paul treats the story
of Hagar (Gn 16 1 ' 14 21 8 ' 21 ) as an allegory (&rtvd
tffTiv d\\r)yopovfjLeva, Gal 4 s4 ).

' Allegory (oAAos, other, and ayopevetv, to speak), a figurative
representation conveying a meaning other than and in addition to
the literal. . . . An allegory is distinguished from . . . &n ana-
logy by the fact that the one appeals to the imagination and
the other to the reason ' (EBr^ i. 689*>).

St. Paul neither affirms nor denies the historicity
of the Hagar narrative, but his imagination reads
into it esoteric meanings, which make it singularly
effective as an illustration. Ishmael the elder
brother, the son of Hagar the bondwoman, the
seed of Abraham by nature, persecuted Isaac the
younger brother, the son of the f reewoman, the child
of promise and heir of the birthright, and was
therefore cast out and excluded from the inherit-
ance of the blessing. This is interpreted as mean-
ing that the Christian Church, the true Israel of




God, endued with the freedom of the Spirit, is
persecuted by the older Israel, which is under the
bondage of the Law. Hagar, the mother of bond-
men, answers to the present Jerusalem (rjj vvv
'1epovffa\^fj,), but the Jerusalem which is above (^
4ca> 'Ifpovo-aXjn) is the mother of Christian free-

Luther wisely says that ' if Paul had not proved the righteous-
i ess of faith against the righteousness of works by strong and
k ithy arguments, he should have little prevailed by this allegory.

. . It is a seemly thing sometimes to add an allegory when
i he foundation is well laid and the matter thoroughly proved.
j/or as painting is an ornament to set forth and garnish a house
Jready builded, so is an allegory the light of a matter which is
.Jready otherwise proved and confirmed ' (Galatians,in loc.). So
Jaur : ' Nothing can be more preposterous than the endeavours
>f interpreters to vindicate the argument of the Apostle as one
objectively true ' (Paulus*, 1866, ii. 312, Eng. tr., 1875, ii. 284).

If the words ' Now this Hagar is mount Sinai in
Arabia ' are retained, they almde to the historical
connexion of the Hagarenes (Ps 83 6 ) or Hagarites
(1 Ch 5 10 ), the 'Aypatoi of Eratosthenes (ap. Strabo,
XVI. iv. 2) of whom Hagar was no doubt a personi-
fication with Arabia. (In Bar S 23 the Arabians
are called the 'sons of Hagar.') But the Greek is
extremely uncertain, and Bentley's conjecture, that
we have here a gloss transferred to the text, has (as
Liglitfoot says [Gal. 6 , 1876, p. 193]), much to recom-
mend it. The theory that ' Hagar' (Arab, hajar,
' a stone ') was a name sometimes given to Mt. Sinai,
and that St. Paul, becoming acquainted with this
usage during his sojourn in Arabia, recalls it here
(A. P. Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, new ed., 1877,
P. 50, following Chrysostpm, Luther, and others),
is unsupported by real evidence. Such an etymo-
logical allusion would certainly have been thrown
away upon St. Paul's Galatian readers.

To affirm that the Jews, who were wont to say
that 'all Israel are the children of kings,' were the
sons of Hagar the bondwoman, was to use language
which could not but be regarded as insulting and
offensive. But in fighting the battle of freedom
St. Paul required to use plain speech and forcible
illustrations. If he was convinced that men might
be sons of Abraham and yet spiritual slaves, he
was bound to say so (cf. the still stronger terms
used on the same point in Jn S 44 ). St. Paul was
far too good a patriot to jibe at his own race, and
too good a Christian to wound any one wantonly.
But he saw the unhappy condition of his country-
men in the light of his own experience. He had
lived long under the shadow of Sinai in Arabia,
the land of bondmen, before he became a free citizen
of the ideal commonwealth Hierusalem quce sur-
sum est the mother of all Christians. Only an
emancipated spirit could write the Epistle to the
Galatians, or (as its sequel) Luther's Freedom of a
Christian Man. JAMKS STRAHAN.

HAIL (xdXafa). The invariable biblical con-
ception of hail is correctly represented in Wis S 22 :
'As from an engine of war shall be hurled hail-
stones full of wrath.' Typical instances of the use
of hail as a weapon of Divine judgment and war-
fare are found in Ex 9 18f -, Jos 10 11 . Like other
destructive natural forces, it is a familiar category
in apocalyptic prophecy. It is always regarded as
a ' plague ' (irX^-yiy, Rev 16 21 ). ' Hail and fire,'
'lightnings . . . and great hail,' occur together
(8 7 II 19 ), as in Ex O 24 : ' hail, and fire mingling with
(flashing continually amidst) the hail.' Thunder-
storms often arise ' under the conditions that are
favourable to the formation of hail, i.e. great heat,
a still atmosphere, the production of strong local
convection currents in consequence, and the passage
of a cold upper drift' (EBr* 1 xii. 820). True hail,
which is to be distinguished from so-called 'soft
hail,' is formed of clear or granular ice. Impinging
hailstones are often frozen together, and sometimes

great ragged masses of ice fall with disastrous
results to life and property. The seventh angel
having poured his bowl upon the air, ' great hail,
every stone about a talent in weight, cometli down
out of heaven upon men' (Rev 16 ai ). Diodorus
Siculus (xix. 45} writes of storms in which 'the
size of the hail was incredible, for the stones fell
a mina in weight, sometimes even more, so that
many houses fell under their weight and not a few
men were killed.' The mina was about 2 Ibs. the
sixtieth part of a talent. JAMES STRAHAN.

HAIR. By primitive and ancient peoples in
general, the hair (9pl%, rplxes) is regarded as a
special centre of vitality, and to this belief the
various forms of the hair-oft'ering are ultimately
due. The only examples of this practice in the
literature under review are afforded by St. Paul's
vow, according to which he cut off his hair at
Cenchreaj (Ac 18 18 ), and by the similar vows of the
four men at Jerusalem, whose expenses St. Paul
paid as an evidence of his Jewish piety (21 24 ).
These are to be explained from the Nazirite vow
of the OT (Nu 6). Josephus writes of his own
times that 'it is usual with those who had been
afflicted either with a distemper, or with any other
distresses, to make vows ; and for thirty days
before, they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain
from wine, and to shave the hair off their head '
(BJ II. xv. 1). St. Paul would accordingly offer
at Jerusalem the hair that had grown during the
month since the vow began at Cenchreae. The
same belief in the peculiar vitality of the hair may
underlie the proverbial reference to it : ' there
shall not a hair perish from the head of any of
you ' (Ac 27 s4 ; cf . 1 S 14, 2 S 14", 1 K 1 M , Mt 10 30 ,
Lk 21 18 ), though the number and minuteness of the
separate hairs are also implied.

The elaborate arrangement and adornment of
the hair are found in primitive as well as in
advanced civilizations (e.g. see the illustrations of
male Fijians in Lubbock s Origin of Civilization 9 ,
1902, pi. ii. p. 68). The art was highly developed
amongst Greek and Roman women, as may be seen
from coins, etc. , belonging to this period (reproduc-
tions in Seyffert, Diet, of Classical Antiquities 9 ,
1906, pp. 266, 267 ; J. E. Sandys, A Companion to
Latin Studies, 1910, p. 198). Ovid, in his instruc-
tions to Roman ladies on the art of winning lovers,
emphasizes the effect of an artistic and appropriate
arrangement of the hair (de Art. Am. hi. 136 f. ;
cf. Bigg, St. Peter and St. Jude, 1901, p. 152).
Judith ' braided the hair of her head ' when she
set out to fascinate Holofernes (Jth 10 s ), and there
are Talmmlic references to the art (Buxtorf's

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