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allegorical is proved by 17 8 , ' On the forehead of
the woman was written a mystery Babylon the
Great.' In the OT, Tyre and Nineveh have this
title of 'harlot' (Is 23 18 -", Nah 3 4 ) ; and even
Jerusalem is so called (Is I 21 ). How and when the
title was first applied to Rome we cannot say, but
the OT would easily supply the analogy ; and very
likely this mysterious title would save the readers
of the book from persecution, because the term
would be intelligible only to the initiated (see A.
Souter in Expositor, 7th ser. x. [1910] 373 ff.). The
term is used in the Sibylline Oracles, bk. v. lines
137-143 and 158-160 (ed. Geffcken, Leipzig, 1902),
the date of which is disputed.

The harlot of the Apocalypse has, like a high-
born Roman dame, a band round her forehead.
Her dress is royal purple emblem of luxurious
pride (Juv. Sat. lii. 283). Like the harlot, she has
her name exhibited (see quotations in Wetstein,
who refers to Juv. Sat. vi. 123 and Seneca, Controv.
i. 2). She has a cup in her hand to intoxicate her
paramours. J. Moffatt (in EGT, 'Revelation')
quotes a parallel from Cebes' Tabula : ' Do you
see a woman sitting there with an inviting look,
and in her hand a cup ? She is called Deceit ; by
her power she beguiles all who enter life and makes
them drink. And what is the draught? Deceit
and ignorance.' Her dress is luxurious, with gold
and pearls (cf. Test. Jud. xiii. 5, where the harlot
once more has pearls and gold). She rides on a
wild beast, like a Bacchante ; and kings are her
paramours. But the harlot's doom awaits her
(17 16 ). The wild beast on which she rides has seven
heads (the seven hills of Rome [see Wetstein, in
loc."]) and ten horns. We cannot enter here on the
vexed question of the seven kings, on which the
date of the book depends. The harlot is doomed.
Rome shall perish in the blood that she has spilt.
Her fall will cause lamentation among her allies,
but jubilation among saints on earth and angels
in heaven.

The language in which the harlot's doom is
described by the seer has been criticized as un-
Christian. ' He that takes delight in such fancies
is no whit better than he that first invented them '
(P. Wernle, The Beginnings of Christianity, Eng.
tr., i. [1903] 370). But the downfall of Ifipu in a
State or individual eased the conscience in the
ancient world, and here it vindicated the existence
of a righteous God who avenged the slaughter of
His saints. The language must not be interpreted
apart from the situation.

LITERATURE. For Commentaries on the Apocalypse see J.
Moffatt in EGT, 'Revelation,' 1910; A. B. Swete (21907);
H. J. Holtzmann (in Hand-Commentar, Tubingen, 1908); W.
Bousset (SGottingen, 1906). For Raliab see J. B. Mayor,
Epistle of JamesS, 1910 ; A. Martin, Winning the Soul, 1897,


HAR-MAGEDON (RV ; Armageddon AV). Ac-
cording to Rev 16 16 this is the name in Heb. of the
scene of 'the war of the great day of God, the
Almighty ' (v. 14 ), against whom the three unclean
spirits (v. 11 ) have gathered together ' the kings of
the whole world' (v. 14 ). There are variations in
the form of the name in the Gr. texts and very
different interpretations of its meaning, but if *Ap
MayeSAv is accepted as the correct form, the most
satisfactory explanation is that which takes it to

mean 'the mount of Megiddo' ("A/>=Heb. ip 'a
mountain '). By its geographical conformation and
strategical situation the plain of Megiddo was
better suited than any other place in the Holy
Land to be the arena of a great battle, and the
historical memories that gathered round it would
fill the name with suggestion for the readers of the
Apocalypse. The primary reference, no doubt,
would be to Israel s victory ' by the waters of
Megiddo ' over the kings of Canaan ( Jg 5 19 ), which
might be taken as typical of the triumph of God and
His Kingdom over the hostile world-powers ; but the
defeat and death of Saul and Jonathan at the eastern
extremity of the plain (1 S 31 1 ), the disastrous
struggle of Josiah on the same field against Pharaoh-
necoh (2 K 23 29 , 2 Ch 35 22 ), and Zechariah's
reference to ' the mourning of Hadadrimmon in
the valley of Megiddon' (Zee 12 11 ), would heighten
the suggestion of a great day of overthrow and
destruction. The chief objections offered to this
interpretation are that a mountain is an unsuitable
battlefield, and that the historical battles are
described as taking place ' by the waters of
Megiddo ' ( Jg 5 19 ) or ' in the valley of Megiddo '
(2 Ch 35 22 ). Against this, however, must be set
the statements that Barak with his 10,000 men
' went down from mount Tabor ' to meet Sisera
(Jg 4 14 ), that Zebulun and Naphtali ' jeoparded
their lives unto the death in the high places of the
field' (5 18 ), and that Saul and Jonathan fell 'in
mount Gilboa' (1 S 31 1 - 8 ; cf. 2 S I 21 ). And the
place given to ' the mountains of Israel ' in Ezekiel's
prophecy of the destruction of Gog and Magog
(Ezk 38*- 21 39 2 - 4< 17 ), to which the Apocalyptist
subsequently refers in his description of the final
overthrow of Satan and his hosts (Rev 20 8 ), may
have served to confirm the idea that a mountain
would be the scene of ' the war of the great day of
God, the Almighty.'

Of recent years considerable support has been
given to the view, first propounded by Gunkel
(Schopfung und Chaos, 268), that ' Har-Magedon '
preserves the name of the place where in the Baby-
lonian creation-myth the dragon Tiamat was over-
thrown by Marduk, the passage Rev 16 18 ' 16 being
presumably a fragment from some Jewish apoca-
lypse in which the Babylonian mythology had
been adapted to an eschatological interest. This
theory, however, rests upon grounds that are very
speculative, and even its supporters admit that
the author of the Apocalypse would be ignorant of
the mythological origin of the name, and would
probably understand it to mean ' the mountain of

LITERATURE. The artt. ' Har-Magedon ' in HDB and ' Arma-
geddon' in EBi; J. Moffatt, EGT, ' Eevelation,' 1910; H.
Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, 1895. J. C. LAMBERT.

HARP (xiOdpa, also Kiffaplfeiv, ' to harp,' and niOap-
(?86s [KtOap + dLoiSbs] ' a harper'). The word and its
two derivatives occur only in 1 Corinthians and
Revelation. In 1 Co 14 7 : ' Even things without
life, giving a voice, whether pipe or harp, if they
give not a distinction in the sounds, how shall it
be known what is piped or harped?' St. Paul
by this musical illustration criticizes a prevalent
and unedifying speaking with tongues, though,
in the light of the phrase eandem cantilenarn
recinere, his figure of ' harping ' has come in col-
loquial use to represent rather monotonous per-
sistency. In Rev 5* the four living creatures and
the four and twenty elders who abased themselves
before the Lamb have each of them a harp ; and
the voice which was heard, as the Lamb and the
hundred and forty and four thousand stood on
Mount Zion, is described as that of ' harpers
harping with their harps' (14 2 ). The victors over
the beast, his image, and his mark, who stand by




'the glassy sea mingled with fire* and sing the
the song of Moses, have ' harps of God ' to sine
His praise (15 2 ). In 18 22 the angel who doomed
the great city of Babylon declared that it would
hear no more the voice of harpers (cf. Is 23 16 ).

When we attempt to describe exactly the design
and manipulation of musical instruments in use
throughout the Apostolic Age, we are met with
almost insuperable difficulties. The apocalyptic
character of the book, which, as we have seen,
contains, with but one exception, the references to
harps, turns one to Jewish music ; but, though
there is much relevant information in Chronicles
and other OT writings, it is lacking in precision.
It is easier to describe the instruments of ancient
Egypt and Assyria, for we are helped by sculptures
and pictures, the like of which have not been found
in Palestine. We must rely, therefore, on analogy
guided by our inexact OT descriptions.
^ ' To accompany singing, or at all events sacred
singing, stringed instruments only were used, and
never wind instruments' (Appendix to Wellhausen's
' Psalms ' [Haupt's PB, 1898]). It may be top much
to say that they were the only accompanying in-
struments, but they were certainly the principal.
In the OT there is mention of only two stringed
instruments (if we except the curious list which
appears in Daniel), and these are the ito and 733.
The former is the older, and tradition points to
Jubal as its inventor (Gn 4 21 ) ; while the second
does not appear before 1 S 10. These are trans-
lated in the E V as ' harp ' and ' psaltery ' respec-
tively. From 1 K 10 13 we learn that their frame-
work was made of almug or algum ; from 2 Ch
20 28 that both were portable, and from many OT
passages that they were much used at religious
and festive gatherings. It is difficult to determine
with exactness the difference between these stringed
instruments ; but, although later tradition con-
fused them, they were certainly not identical,
nor were their names used indifferently to denote
the same instrument. There are several reasons,
however, for the belief that the 112? resembled a
lyre, and that the 733 was a form of harp (the
question is discussed in HDB iii. 458 f. ). Amongst
these are (1) the fact that in the LXX KtOdpa, or its
equivalent Kivtpa, is the almost invariable translation
of lias ; (2) the evidence of Jewish coins pointing to
a decided similarity of -to? and KiOdpa. (see F. W.
Madden, Coins of the Jews 2 , 1885, pp. 231, 243) ;
and (3) the distinction emphasized by early Chris-
tian writers between instruments which had a
resonance-frame beneath the strings and those
which had it above (see St. Augustine on Ps 42).
Josephus, who has a description of the frame- work
and strings of these instruments in Ant. vill. iii. 8,
distinguished the /civi/pa as ten-stringed and struck
with a plectrum from the vdp\a as twelve-stringed
and played with the hand.*

The KtOdpa. was the traditional instrument of
psalmody, and the 0a/>^56s, along with the at\i)-
TJJS, performed at the festive seasons of Hebrew
life (cf. H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John 2 ,
1907, pp. 80, 239). Being lighter in weight than
the 733, the lyre was much played in processions,
and, as we learn from Ps 137 2 , it could oe hung on
the poplar trees of Babylon when the Hebrew
exiles were in no mood for songs of rejoicing.
The KiOdpa. was of Asiatic origin, and was probably
introduced into Egypt by Semites. The earliest
representation of a stringed instrument is that
excavated at Telloh in South Babylonia, which
in size resembles a harp but is shaped like a lyre,
i.e. it has a resonance-body on which are set two
almost perpendicular posts between which are the
strings, upright and fastened to a cross-bar. A

* See 8. B. Driver, Joel and Amos (Cambridge Bible, 1898),
p. 234 ff.

picture which better illustrates the ordinary lyre is
that of three Semitic captives guarded by an Assy-
rian warrior while they played ; but perhaps the best
illustration is that on the Jewish coins mentioned



HARVEST (Ocpurnln, tfepffw). 1. Use of the word
in the NT. The Gr. verb (deptfeiv) for ' to harvest'
or ' to reap ' properly means ' to do summer work '
(from 6tpos, 'summer'). In addition to the numer-
ous allusions to sowing and reaping contained in
the Gospels, there are several other references to
harvest-time in the pages of the NT. Thus St.
Paul, when finding it necessary to upbraid the
Corinthian converts for their meanness in regard
to this world's goods, sarcastically asks : ' If we
to you did sow (i.e. when we planted the church in
Corinth) spiritual things, is it a great matter if we
of you should reap material things?' (1 Co 9 11 ).
The sower is entitled to expect a harvest of the
particular crop which he sows in this case a
spiritual harvest ; how much more is he entitled
to a mere worldly harvest as the compensation for
his toil, inadequate though the compensation be.
In 2 Co 9" St. Paul reverts to the same metaphor
and in the same connexion. Niggardliness would
appear to have been a besetting sin of the
Corinthians, as seemingly also of the Galatians
(cf. Lightfoot, Galatiansf, p. 219). The proposi-
tion here set forth is similar to that enunciated in
Gal 6 7 though the application is somewhat differ-
ent. ' He that soweth sparingly shall reap also
sparingly, and he that soweth bountifully shall
reap also bountifully.' In Gal 6 7 this is compressed
into the single sentence : ' Whatsoever a man
soweth, that shall he also reap.' The Apostle then
proceeds to apply the truth embodied in the proverb
to the subject to which he is devoting his particular
attention : ' For he that soweth unto his own
flesh, shall of the flesh reap corruption ; but he
that soweth to the Spirit, shall of the Spirit reap
eternal life.' The proverb itself is a common one,
and is found not only in the Bible but also in the
classical writers (cf. Lightfoot, op. cit. p. 219),
and the aptness of the simile is too obvious to
require any comment. Without abandoning his
metaphor, the Apostle next addresses those who,
though faithful up to a point, are apt to be faint-
hearted : ' in well-doing, let us not lose heart, for
at its proper time (i.e. at harvest-time) we shall
reap if we faint not.' i

In Gal 6 7 ' 8 the harvest is made to depend on the
nature of the ground into which the seed is cast,
but in 1 Co 9 11 the reference is rather to the par-
ticular kind and quality of the seed sown (cf. Job
4 8 ), while in 2 Co 9 6 the amount sown is the point

In Ja 6 4 we have another allusion to the agri-
cultural operations incidental to harvest-time :
'Behold, the hire of the labourers who mowed
your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud
(i.e. comes too late from you), crieth out : and the
cries of them that reaped have entered into the
ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.' The same love of
money evidently prevailed among those here
addressed as in the Galatian and Corinthian
churches. The particular manifestation of it
which the writer singles out as the object of hia
special denunciation is the omission to pay the
labourers their wages promptly. In the eyes of
the law this was a heinous offence ; thus in Lv
19 18 it is enacted that ' the wages of a hired servant
shall not abide with thee all night until the
morning' (cf. also Pr S 27 - 28 , Jer 22 18 , Mai 3 5 ).

In Rev 14 18 - w the Parousia is represented as
ushering in the great harvest of the world's fruit
(cf. Mt 13 s8 ' the harvest is the end of the world ').
In Mt IS 38 *- the harvest consists in gathering up




the tares as well as the wheat with a view to their
subsequent separation ; here, however, only the
wheat is reaped, and the evil, which in the Parable
appears as tares, is treated under another metaphor
in Kev 14 17ff -. In the Parable again the angels are
the reapers, but here the Son of Man Himself
gathers the fruit. Of that hour, 'the hour to
reap' (v. 16 ), 'knoweth no man, no not the angels
which are in heaven, neither the Son, but the
Father' (Mk IS 32 ), who sends an angel to announce
to the Divinely-commissioned reaper that 'the
hour to reap is come ; for the harvest of the earth
is over-ripe ' (better perhaps ' fully ripe,' though
the word used [t%r)pi.v6-ri] properly refers to the
' drying up' of the juices of the wheat).

After the gathering in of all the wheat, another
angel comes forth from the Temple, ' he also
having a sharp sickle,' and a second reaping
follows the first. This second reaping follows the
first just as the vintage, with which it is here
associated, succeeded the wheat harvest (cf. Jl 3 13 ).
It will be observed that the Son of Man reaps the
wheat, but the work of destruction is fittingly
consigned to an angel. The ' children of the king-
dom ' are in this chapter identified with the wheat
as elsewhere in the NT, but the wicked are identi-
fied with the clusters of the vine destined to be
trodden in the winepress ' of the wrath of God '
(cf. ' the vine of wrath ' in Rev 14 8 - 10 ).

2. The harvest in Palestine. Of the various
harvests in Palestine, that of barley takes place
first. Generally speaking, it begins about the
middle of April, but in the Jordan valley in March,
while in the coast districts, on the other hand, it
commences about ten days later, and in the
elevated regions sometimes as much as a month
later. Hence the labourers from the hills are free
to assist in reaping the harvest of the coast-
dwellers, while the latter in turn can lend a hand
in gathering in the harvest in the hill-country.
The wheat harvest commences about a fortnight
after the barley harvest ; the gathering of fruit
and vegetables takes place in summer, the
gathering of olives in autumn, and the vintage
from August onwards. The harvest of course
depends on the rainfall, which, to render the
best results, must neither be very large nor very

Barley is the universal food of asses and horses
and is also the staple food of the poor, who, how-
ever, generally mix it with wheaten meal when
they can afford to do so. Wheat thrives well
in Palestine, thirty-fold being quite an average
crop. It is reaped with a sickle, and gathered
into bundles which are generally carried off at
once on the backs of camels to the threshing-floor,
where the heads are struck off the straw by the
sickle. The threshing-floor is generally common
to the whole village, and consists of a large open
space on the side of a hill, the surface of the rock
being levelled for the purpose, or, failing this, an
artificial mortar floor is prepared. The grain is
usually separated from the chaff by oxen treading
it as they are driven round and round a circular
heap of corn in the centre of the floor. The oxen
as a rule are not muzzled (cf. Dt 25 4 , 1 Co 9 9 , 1 Ti
5 18 ). Sometimes, however, the Avheat is threshed
by means of a heavy wooden wheel or roller, or
else by a kind of drag consisting of two or three
Iwards fastened together, the under-surface of
which is studded with pieces of iron, flint, or stone.
It is drawn by a horse or an ass. This machine is
seen more frequently in the northern parts of the
country. After threshing comes the process of
winnowing. As soon as the straw has been re-
moved, the corn is thrown up into the air by shovels,
when the wind blows away the chaff and the grain
falls back. When there is no wind, a large fan is

employed (cf. Mt 3 12 ). The chopped straw, called
tibn, is used as fodder for the cattle.

But, even after the winnowing, the grain is still
mixed with small stones, pieces of clay, unbruised
ears and tares, all of which must be removed be-
fore the corn is ready for use. Hence the necessity
of the further process of sifting. This work is
done by women. The sieve generally consists of
a wooden hoop with a mesh made of camel-hair.
The sifter is seated on the floor and shakes the
sieve containing the grain until the chaff comes to
the surface ; she then blows it away, removes the
stones and o'ther bits of refuse, after which the
grain is ready for the granary. In modern times
it is always stored in underground chambers,
generally about 8 feet deep ; they are cemented
on the inside to keep the damp out, the only
opening being a circular rnouth, about 15 inches
in diameter, which is boarded over and, if conceal-
ment is desirable, covered with earth or grass.
The grain thus stored will keep for years. See

LITBRATUIIK. H. B. Tristram, Eastern Customs in Bible
Lands, 1894, p. 123 f . ; J. C. Geikie, The Holy Land and the
Bible, 1903, pp. 53, 244, 262 ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and
the Book, 1864, p. 543 1. ; G. Robinson Lees, Village Life in
Palestine, 1897, ch. iv. ; T. S. Evans, in Speaker's Commentary,
Hi. [1881] 302; J. B. Lightfoot, Galatians*, 1876, p. 219 f.;
J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St. James*, 1910, p. 157 f. ; H. B.
Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John\ 1907, p. 188 ff. ; EBi i.
80 f. ; HDB i. 49 ft. ; DCG L 40 ; SDB 16.


HATRED. In the time of Nero the Christians
of Rome ' were accused, not so much on the charge
of burning the city, as of hating the human race '
('baud proinde in crimine incendii quam odio
humani generis convicti sunt' [Tac. Ann. xv. 44]).
The indictment was the opposite of the truth.
Christianity is amor generis humani. Christ's new
commandment is ' that ye love one another ' ( Jn 1 3 s4 ,
1 Jn 2 s ), and it is fulfilled when an outward cate-
gorical imperative (e.g. Lv 19 18 ) is changed into an
inward personal impulse, the dynamic of which is
His own self-sacrificing, all-embracing love. ' We
love, because he first Toved us' (1 Jn 4 19 ), and it
would be as right to insert ' the human race ' as
' him ' ( AV) after the first verb. By precept and
example Christ constrains men to love one another
as He has loved them. To be Christlike is to love
impartially and immeasurably. Love is the sole
ana sufficient evidence that a man ' is in the light '
(1 Jn 2 10 ). There is a silencing finality in St. John's
judgment of that profession of Christianity which
is not attested by love : ' He that saith he is in the
light, and hateth his brother, is in the darkness
even until now ' (1 Jn 2 9 ). The negative ^ dyairdv
is displaced by the positive fu<reiv, for there is no
real via media, cool indifference to any man being
quickly changed under stress of temptation into
very decided dislike. 6 /JLIO-WV rbv a8e\<pbv ai/roO is
guilty of an unnatural hatred, and though ' brother'
refers in the first instance to those who are members
of the body of Christ, it is impossible to evade the
wider application. 'The brother for whom Christ
died' (1 Co 8 11 ) is every man. In the searching
language of the Apostle of love, hatred is equiva-
lent to murder (1 Jn 3 18 ) : the one concept lacks
no hideous element that is present in the other ;
the animating ideas and passions of the hater and
the murderer are the same. The Christians of the
Apostolic Age could not but love the world which
' God so loved ' ( Jn 3 16 ), and for whose sins Christ
is the propitiation (1 Jn 2 s ). Their 'world' hated
them, and, in many instances, ended by murdering
them ; but persecution and bloodshed only con-
strained them to love the more, in accordance with
the precepts of the Sermon on the Mount (Mt S 44 ).
The early Church extorted from that pagan world
the beautiful tribute, 'See how these Christiana




love one another!' The Spirit of Christ moved
His followers to 'put away all bitterness and wrath
. . . with all malice,' to be 'kind one to another'
(Eph 4 31 *'), and 'put on love as the bond of perfect-
ness ' (Col 3 14 ). While they could recall the time
when they were 'hateful, hating one another'
(<TTvyt)Tol, fJLurovvTfs dXX?}Xoi;s, Tit 3 s ; Vulg. ' odibiles,
odientes invicem'), the spirit of the new life was
(pi\ade\(j>la. (love of the brethren), to which was added
a world-wide d.y6.irr) (2 P I 7 ).

To orthodox Judaism, as well as to cultured
Hellenism and the hard pagan Roman world, it
seemed natural to love only one's friends. When
the Rabbis quoted Lv 19 18 , 'Thou shalt love thy
neighbour,' they did not hesitate to add, on their
own account, the rider, ' Thou shalt hate thine
enemy ' ( Alt 5 1 * 3 ). To Aristotle the only conceivable
objects of love were the persons and things that
were good, pleasant, or useful (Nic. Eth. viii. 2).
Sulla, a typical Roman, wished it to be inscribed
on his monument in the Campus Martius that
' none of his friends ever did him a kindness, and
none of his enemies ever did him a wrong, without
being fully repaid' (Plut. Sulla, xxxviii.). Into a
world dominated by such ideas Christianity brought
that enthusiasm of humanity which is the reflexion
of Christ's own redeeming love. Associating the
ideas of hatred and death, it opposed to them those
of love and life. ' We know that we have passed
out of death into life, because we love the brethren.
He that loveth not abideth in death' (1 Jn 3 14 ).

Cicero defines hatred (odium) as ' ira inveterata '
(Tusc. Disp. iv. 9), a phrase which Chaucer borrows
in Persones Tale, ' Hate is old wrathe.' But ira is
in itself a morally neutral instinct, which becomes
either righteous or unrighteous according to the
quality of the objects against which it is directed.
The Ov/ji&s xal 6py1i which the Christian has to put
away include all selfish kinds of hatred. But he

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