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was a passage in ' Isaiah the prophet' (ch. 53) that
the Ethiopian was reading in his chariot when he
was joined by St. Philip, whose interpretation of
that mysterious utterance the profoundest in the
OT in the light of Christ's Passion led the eunuch
to faith and baptism

Two NT writers had minds steeped in the pro-
phecies of Isaiah St. Paul and the writer of the
Apocalypse. (1) The speeches attributed to St.
Paul in Acts furnish evidence of his indebtedness

to those writings. When he announces to the
Jews of Pisidian Antioch his epoch-making decision
to ' turn to the Gentiles,' it is in an utterance of
Isaiah (49 6 ) that he seeks the Divine sanction of
his action : ' I have set thee for a light of the
Gentiles' (Ac 13 47 ). When he reasons with the
Athenians as to the error of making the Godhead
' like unto gold or silver or stone, graven by art
and man's device' (Ac 17 29 ), he seems to echo the
words, if not the ironical tones, of the prophet of
the Exile (Is 40 18 ). His experience among the Jews
of Rome reminded him of what befell Isaiah in
Jerusalem many centuries earlier. Both the pro-
phet and the apostle seemed to be sent to hearers
impervious to Divine truth, who could not be con-
verted and healed. The Epistle to the Romans
supplies the strongest proof of St. Paul's absorp-
tion in the prophecies of Isaiah. It is significant
that most or his quotations occur in the chapters
which contain his philosophy of the fall and rising
again of Israel (9-11), and that many of them are
taken from Deutero-Isaiah. His doctrine of elec-
tion inevitably suggests the clay and the potter
(Ro 9 21 || Is 45 9 ). He is helped to face the Jewish
rejection of the Messiah by the conception of the
Remnant (rb jcardXet/^a, Ro 9 21 1| Is 10- 2 ) a concep-
tion which seemed to the prophet so important that
he gave one of his own children the symbolic name
of ' Remnant-shall-return ' (Is 7 3 ). The thought of
Christ as a stumbling-stone to the Jews is parallel
to that of Jah'weh as a stumbling-stone to the
houses of Israel (Ro 9 s8 1| Is 8 14 ). While the uni-
versal proclamation of the gospel suggests the
' beautiful feet' of those who preached deliverance
from Babylon (Ro 10 16 || Is 5'2 7 ), the sadness of
speaking to deaf ears prompts the question, ' Who
hath believed our report?' (Ro 10 18 || Is 53 1 ). The
prevenient grace of God excites the wonder of both
the prophet and the apostle (Ro 10 20 || Is 6 1 1 ), and
Israel's present insensibility seems to them both a
spirit of stupor (Ro II 8 || Is 29 10 ). The assurance of
the ultimate salvation of all Israel is based on the
advent of a Deliverer (Ro II 26 || Is 59 20 ) ; but both
writers confess a reverent agnosticism in presence
of the mysteries of Divine providence (Ro II 34 ||
Is 40 13 ). The Epistles to the Corinthians also prove
the affinity of these great minds. Both writers
know the unprofitableness of mere earthly wisdom
(1 Co I 19 || Is 29 14 , 1 Co I 20 || Is 38 18 ) ; both believe
in a spiritual creation which will make all tilings
new (2 Co 5 17 || Is 43 18L ) ; and both of them, with
all their breadth of outlook, recognize the impera-
tiveness of separation from heathendom (2 Co 6 17 ||
Is 52 n ). Isaiah's hope of immortality, the strongest
that is found (apart from Daniel) in the prophetic
writings, is used to clinch St. Paul's great argu-
ment for the resurrection of the dead 'death is
swallowed up in victory' (1 Co 15 54 || Is 25 8 ; els
VIKOS, which takes the place of the prophet's ' for
ever,' is due to the Aram, sense of the Heb. word).
(2) The other NT writer who especially felt
Isaiah's spell was the author of the Apocalypse.
His Christ, as the First and the Last, is clothed
with the attributes of Isaiah's God (Rev I 17 || Is 41*
44 6 ). The trisagion of his living creatures was
uttered by the seraphim in the heavenly Temple
(Rev 4 8 || Is 6 s ). His vision of the rolling up of
heaven as a scroll was Isaianic (Rev 6 14 || Is 34 4 ),
and his exquisite description of the final state of
the blessed ' they shall hunger no more . . .
wipe away every tear from their eyes ' is a cento
of prophetic phrases, which are now used to picture
the consummation of the redemptive work of the
Lamb (Rev 7 16f - II Is 49 10 25 8 ). ' Fallen is Babylon '
a voice of sceva indignatio reminiscent of Rome's
own ' Carthago est delenda ' was the doom of the
real Babylon before it was pronounced upon the
mystical one (Rev 14 8 || Is 21 9 ). The description of




the militant Messiah as clothed in a garment
sprinkled with blood is suggested by the attributes
of the Hero who caine from the conquest of Edom
(Rev 19 13 1| Is 63 lff -). The desire for a new heaven
and a new earth was not itself new (Rev 21 1 || Is
65 17 ), and the ideal city is depicted in Isaianic
colours (Rev 21 19 - \\ Is 60 19 - 8 - ll ). The free invi-
tation with which the Revelation properly ends
(22 18 ' 21 being a harsh editorial postscript) only
echoes the words of welcome uttered by the evan-
gelical prophet (Rev 22 17 1| Is 55 1 ).


ISRAEL. Israel was the nation to which God's
promises had been given. Generally the idea of
privilege is associated with the use of the word,
just as ' Israel' was originally the name of special
privilege given by God to Jacob, the great ancestor
of the race (Gn S2 28 35 10 ). It differs from both
' Hebrew ' and ' Jew,' the former standing, at least
in NT times, for Jews of purely national sympathies
who spoke the Hebrew or Aramaic dialect (Ac 6 1 ) ;
the latter, a term originally applied to all who
belonged to the province of Judah, and, after the
Babylonian captivity, to all of the ancient race
wherever located. ' Israel,' on the other hand, is pre-
eminently the people of privilege, the people who
had been chosen by God and received His covenant.
Thus frequently a Jewish orator addressed the
people as 'men of Israel' (Ac 2 22 3 12 4 s - w 5 s5 13 16

In the Acts of the Apostles we find the word
used historically with reference to the ancestors of
the Jews of apostolic times and also applied to
these Jews themselves. The past history of Israel
as God's chosen people is referred to in the speeches
contained in the Book of Acts, e.g. by St. Stephen
(7 23 - 37 - *>), and by St. Paul (13 17 2S 20 ). It is usually
assumed or suggested in the Acts that the Jews of
the time, to whom the gospel was being preached,
are the Israel of the day, the people for whom God
had a special favour and who might expect special
blessings (5 31 13 23 ).

But the refusal of the message of the apostles by
many of those who by birth were Jews led to a
change in the use of the term, which gives us what
we may call the metaphorical or spiritual signifi-
cance of the word. The Apostle Paul's contention
with the legalistic Jews of his day led him to draw
a distinction between the actual historical Israel
and the true Israel of God. He speaks on the one
hand of ' Israel after the flesh ' (1 Co 10 18 ), or of
those who belong to the ' stock of Israel ' (Ph 3 B ),
and on the other hand of a 'commonwealth of
Israel ' (Eph 2 12 ), from which many, even Jews by
birth, are aliens, and into which the Ephesians
have been admitted (v. 13 ), and also of the ' Israel
of God ' (Gal 6 16 ). By this ' commonwealth of Israel '
or 'Israel of God' the Apostle means a true
spiritual Israel, practically equivalent to 'all the
faithful.' It might be defined as 'the whole
number of the elect who have been, are, or shall
be gathered into one under Christ,' or, in other
words, the Holy Catholic Church.

This true Israel does not by any means coincide
with the nation or the stock of Abraham. ' They
are not all Israel which are of Israel' (Ro 9 6 ), i.e.
by racial descent. Branches may be broken off
from the olive tree of God's privileged people and
wild olive branches may be grafted into the tree
(Ro II 17 * 21 ). Sometimes it is difficult to determine
the exact application of the term in different pass-
ages in the Pauline Epistles. Thus the sentence,
' All Israel shall be saved' (Ro H 2fi ), refers not to
the true or spiritual Israel in the sense of an elect
people, as has been held by various commentators,
e.g. Augustine, Theodoret, Luther, Calvin, and
others, nor to an elect remnant, as is held by
Bengel and Olshansen. The Apostle is speaking of

the actual nation of Israel as a whole, and contrast
ing it with the fullness of the Gentiles. It is his
belief that, when the fullness of the Gentiles is
come in, Israel as a nation will also turn to God
by confessing Christ. The phrase ' all Israel ' does
not necessarily apply to every member of the race,
nor does the passage teach anything as to the fate
of the individuals who at the Apostle's day or since
then have composed the nation (cf. Meyer, Kom-
mentar, p. 520; Denney in EOT, 'Rom.,' p. 683;
H. Olshausen, Rom. t p. 373 ; Calvin, Bom., p. 330).

Just as the ancient historical Israel was the
recipient of special privileges and stood in a par-
ticular relation to God, so the spiritual Israel of
apostolic times is the bearer of special privileges
and stands to God in a unique relationship. Ancient
Israel had ' the oracles of God ' (Ro 3 2 ). They had
the sign of circumcision. To them, St. Paul
declares, pertained 'the adoption, and the glory,
and the covenants, and the giving of the Law, and
the service of God, and the promises ; whose are
the fathers, and of whom as concerning the flesh
Christ came' (Ro O 4 -"). The great essential features
of these privileges are transferred to the spiritual
Israel, the believing Church which has been grafted
into the true olive tree. They have the adoption,
they are sons of God (Ro 8 16 ' 17 ). They have the
glory both present and future (Ro 8 18 ). They are
partakers of the new covenant which has been
ratified by the death of Jesus Christ (1 Co II 25 ).

The analogy between the first and the second
covenant is fully worked out by the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, who dwells upon the ritual
and ceremonial aspect of ancient Israel's relation-
ship to God, and shows the higher fulfilment of
that relationship under the new covenant, where
there is direct personal access to God. Here the
human priesthood of the sons of Aaron and the
sacrifices of bulls and goats are superseded by a
Divine Mediator who offered Himself a sacrifice
once for all (7 27 10 10 ). The Mediator of the new
covenant has entered not into an earthly temple
but into heaven itself, there to make continual
intercession for His people (7 20 ). The writer
further emphasizes the superiority of the new
covenant relationship of the spiritual Israel as
being a fulfilment of the prophecy of Jer 31 81 ' 34 ,
which presupposes that the old covenant had proved
ineffective (He 8 7 ).- The Law is no longer to be
written on tables of stone, but in the mind and the
heart (v. 10 ).

In the Book of Revelation ancient Israel is referred
to historically in connexion with Balaam, 'who
taught Balak to cast a stumblingblock before the
children of Israel' (2 14 ). On the other hand, the
symbolic or metaphorical use of the term applied
to the spiritual Israel is found in connexion with
the sealing of the servants of God which takes
place according to the tribes of the children of
Israel (7 4 ), and also in the description of the New
Jerusalem, where the names of the twelve tribes
are engraven on the twelve gates (21 12 ). The
author of the Apocalypse, following the usage of
St. Paul and the example of St. Peter (I 1 ) and St.
James (I 1 ), applies the passage 7 1 " 8 , regarding the
sealing of the tribes taken from a Jewish source,
to the true spiritual Israel, who are to be kept
secure in the day of the world's overthrow. It is
the same class which is referred to in 7 9 " 17 who
appear in heaven clothed in white robes and with
palmsin their hands (cf. J. Moftattin^GT, 'Revela-
tion,' 1910, p. 395 f.).

For the history and religion of Israel in apostolic
times see artt. PHARISEES, HEROD.

LITERATURE. Josephus, Ant., BJ; H. Ewald, Gesch. det
Volkes Israel, Gottingen, 1864-66; E. Schiirer, GJV*, Leipzig,
1901-11 ; C. von Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., 1894-
95. The following Commentaries on the relevant passages maj




be cited : on Romans : Calvin (1844), Olshausen (1866), Meyer
(1872), Denney (EGT, 1900), Sanday-Headlam (ICC, 1902);
on Hebrews : A. B. Davidson (1882), Westcott (1889). See
also the artt. ' Israel, History of,' in HDB, ' Israel, Israelite' in
DCG, 'Israel' in EBi, and 'Hebrew Religion' in EBr.


ISRAELITE. An Israelite was one who belonged
to the nation of Israel, regarded, more especially
from the point of view of the nation, as the re-
cipient of Divine favour and special privilege. An
Israelite is a member of a chosen people and as
such is the sharer of the blessings belonging to
that people. It is a name of honour, and is to
be distinguished from both ' Hebrew' and 'Jew,'
the former being, at least in NT times, a Jew with
purely national sympathies, who spoke the native
Hebrew or Aramaic dialect of Palestine ; while the
Jew was one who belonged to the ancient race
wherever he might be settled and whatever his
views. Every Jew, however, regarded himself as
a true Israelite, and prided himself on the privileges
which he, as a member of the favoured nation,
had received when other nations had been passed
by. The Apostle Paul refers to these privileges
when he describes his ' kinsmen according to the
flesh ' as Israelites ' whose is the adoption, and the
glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the
law, and the service of God, and the promises'
(Ro 9 4 ). He knows the way in which the Jew
boasts of them, and claims that he can share in
that boasting as well as any of his detractors.
'Are they Israelites? so am I. Are they the
seed of Abraham? so am I' (2 Co II 23 ). This
feeling of exclusive national privilege led in many
cases to the rejection of the gospel by the Jews,
who did not wish their privileges to be extended
to the heathen world. This rejection of his mes-
sage by those who were Israelites by birth caused
the Apostle to conceive of a true or spiritual
Israelite as equivalent to a believer in Jesus Christ
one after the type of Nathanael of Jn I 47 , an
Israelite indeed in whom is no guile (cf. art.
ISRAEL). The Apostle applies the term in its
natural sense to himself in Ro II 1 , 'I also am an
Israelite,' in order to show that all the members
of the race have not been rejected by God, but
that there is a remnant according to the election
of grace Israelites who are Israelites indeed, not
merely by outward physical connexion, but also
by moral and spiritual characteristics.



ITALIAN BAND. According to Ac 10 1 , the

centurion Cornelius, of the inreipa. 'IraXt/ciJ, was in
Caesarea about A.D. 40. The adjective indicates
that the 'cohort' (RVm) consisted of native
Italians. Now, as a province of the second order,
Judaea, of which Caesarea was the administrative
centre, was not garrisoned by legionaries, who
were Roman citizens, but by auxiliaries, who
were provincials. How, then, could an auxiliary
cohort be called Italian? Josephus states that
there were five cohorts, composed of citizens of
Caesarea and Sebaste, stationed in the former city
at the time of the death of Herod Agrippa (Ant.
xix. ix. 2, xx. viii. 7), and Blass suggests (in loco)
that one of the five may have been called the
cohors Italica, as being composed of Roman
citizens who had made their home in one or other
of the two cities. Schiirer has no doubt that one
of the five is the Augustan cohort mentioned in
Ac 27 1 , but he refuses to identify another (or the
same one) with 'the Italian.' Indeed, while he
produces monumental evidence that 'at some
time or other a cohors Italica was in Syria,' he
thinks that the story of Cornelius lies under sus-
picion, ' the circumstances of a later period having
been transferred back to an earlier period ' (HJP

I. ii. [1890] 53 f.). Ramsay regards this suspicion
as groundless, and makes effective use ( Was Christ
born at Bethlehem?, 1898, p. 260 f. ),of an inscription
recently discovered at Carnuntum on the Upper
Danube the epitaph of the young soldier, Pro-
culus, a subordinate officer (optio) in the second
Italian Cohort, who died there while engaged on
detached service from the Syrian army. Syrian
troops, under Mucianus, were certainly engaged on
the Lower Danube, and probably on the Upper,
in 69 B.C. (Tacitus, Hist. iii. 46). When their
campaign was ended, they were doubtless sent
back to Syria; and the same legions frequently
remained a very long period, sometimes for cen-
turies, in one province.

'The_ whole burden of proof, therefore, rests with those who
maintain that a Cohort which was in Syria before [A.D.] 69 was
not there in 40. There is a strong probability that Luke is
right when he alludes to that Cohort as part of the Syrian
garrison about A.D. 40.' Besides, ' the entire subject of detach-
ment-service is most obscure ; and we are very far from being
able to say with certainty that the presence of an auxiliary
centurion in Caesarea is impossible, unless the Cohort in which
he was an officer was stationed there' (Ramsay, op. cit. 265,


ITALY ('IraKla). The name was originally con-
fined to the extreme southern point of the Italian
peninsula. For the Greeks of the 5th cent. B.C. it
denoted the tract along the shore of the Tarentine
Gulf, as far as Metapontum, and thence across to
the Gulf of Posidonia. By the time of Polybius
the name had been extended to the whole penin-
sula, for he speaks of Hannibal crossing the Alps
into Italy, and of the plains of the Padus as part
of Italy (Hist. ii. 14, iii. 39, 54). At a later time,
it is true, Gallia Cisalpina was officially regarded
as part of Caesar's province, and therefore not
strictly in Italy, which he did not enter till he
crossed the Rubicon ; but from the Augustan Age
onward the word had its present-day meaning.
Scarcely any country has more clearly-marked and
obvious boundaries.

The Latin language was inscribed upon the Cross
of Christ, but none of the books of the NT were
written in it. The founders of Christianity were
not so greatly influenced by Italian as by Hebraic
and Hellenic ideals. Nor did Italy herself dream
that she had any kind of evangel for the East which
she conquered. Her plain task was to give and
maintain law and order everywhere, and her Im-
perial ideal certainly found its counterpart in the
apostolic conception of a world-wide Church. But
her own spiritual mission, so far as she was con-
scious of having one, was merely to be the apostle
of Hellenism, of which she had for some centuries
been the disciple.

' The desire to become at least internally Hellenised, to become
partakers of the manners and the culture, of the art and the
science of Hellas, to be in the footsteps of the great Mace-
donian shield and sword of the Greeks of the East, and to be
allowed further to civilise this East not after an Italian but
after a Hellenic fashion this desire pervades the later centuries
of the Roman republic and the better times of the empire with
a power and an ideality which are almost no less tragic than
that political toil of the Hellenes failing to attain its goal'
(T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire 2 , Eng. tr.,
1909, i. 253).

Some of the cities of Italy certainly Rome and
Puteoli, and probably others, though there is no
definite information on the point had felt the
presence of Judaism before they were offered Chris-
tianity. Josephus mentions the Jewish colony of
Puteoli in his story of the Jewish impostor who
claimed to be Alexander the son of Herod (c.
4 B.C.). 'He was also so fortunate, upon landing,
as to bring the Jews that were there under th
same delusion' (Ant. XVII. xii. 1), and 'he got
very large presents ' from them (BJ II. vii. 1) ; but
Augustus himself was not so easily deceived (Ant.
xvii. xii. 2). Over half a century later, the first
Puteolan Christians, whose fellowship St. Pan]




enjoyed for a week on his way to Rome (Ac 28 14 ),
were evidently drawn from that same Jewish com-
munity and its proselytes. The presence of a great
Jewish colony in Rome, dating from the time when
Pompey brought his prisoners of war from Jeru-
salem, is abundantly attested by Latin historians
and poets. It is equally certain that they made
many proselytes. The swindling of Fulvia, 'a
woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced
the Jewish religion' (Ant. XVIII. iii. 5), by another
Jew of the baser type was the signal for an out-
burst against the whole colony in the time of
Tiberius (Tac. Ann. ii. 85 ; Suet. Tiber. 36). Ac-
cording to Ac 18 2 Claudius went the length of
expelling all the Jews from Rome (of. Suet. Claud.
25). Even if his decree only amounted to the
interdicting of their assemblies (Dio Cassius, Ix.
6), this milder measure would doubtless cause a
great exodus from the city. Some of the exiles
merely emigrated to the neighbourhood, perhaps
to Aricia (for the evidence see E. Schiirer, HJP
II. ii. [1885] 238), but others went abroad. This
was the occasion of the journey of Aquila and
Priscilla 'from Italy' to Corinth (Ac 18-).

Italy was the destination of the prisoner Paul
when he made his appeal to Caesar (Ac 27 1 ). The
narrative of his journey from point to point
Csesarea, Myra, Melita, Puteoli, and then overland
by the oldest and most famous of Roman roads,
the Via Appia illustrates the fact that ' most of
the realms of the ancient Roman Empire had
better connections than ever afterwards or even
now.' Dangers could not be wholly avoided, but
' travelling . . . was easy, swift, and secure to a
degree unknown until the beginning of the nine-
teenth century' (L. Friedlander, Roman Life and
Manners under the Early Empire, 1908, i. 268).

In He 13 M 'they of Italy' (ol diri> TT)S 'Ira\tas) join
the writer in sending salutations, oi airb denotes
persons who have come from the place indicated
(cf. Mt 15 1 , Ac 6 9 10 23 ). It is a mistake to imagine
that the writer was himself in Italy, and that he
was thinking of the Italian Christians around him
there. On the contrary, the phrase implies
that the author was absent from and writing to
Italy, while there were in his company natives of
Italy who had embraced Christianity, and who
desired to be remembered to their believing com-
patriots in some part of the home-land. It is
not an equally safe, but still a plausible, con-
jecture that Italy probably Rome was the
writer's own home (see art. HEBREWS, EPISTLE

IYORY (adj. Ae^ivrti/oj, noun rb fretpAvrtvov, fr.
A^0as ; Skr. ebhas, Lat. ebur, Fr. ivoire). Ivory
was prized by all the civilized nations of antiquity.
The OT contains a dozen references to its beauty
and value. ' Every article of ivory ' (Rev 18 12 ) was
found in the market of the apocalyptic Babylon
(Rome). It was used for the adornment of palaces,
for sculpture, for the inlaying of furniture and
chariots, for numberless domestic and decorative
objects. 'Ebur Indicum' (Hor. Car. I. xxxi. 6;
cf. Verg. Georg. i. 57) was known to everyone.
Statues (Georg. i. 480), sceptres (Ov. Met. i. 178),
lyres (Hor. Car. n. xi. 22), scabbards (Ov. Met. iv.
148), sword-hilts (Verg. dn. xi. 11), seals (Cic.
Verr. II. iv. 1), couches (Hor. Sat. n. vi. 103), doors
(Verg. &n. vi. 148), curule chairs (Hor. Ep. I. vi. 54)
are samples of Roman workmanship in ivory. As
the substance is so hard and durable, many ivory
works of art have come down from the ancient

JACINTH (6dKtvffos, Ital. giacinto). Jacinth, or
hyacinth, is the colour of the eleventh foundation-
stone of the New Jerusalem (Rev 21 20 ). The cui-
rasses of apocalyptic horsemen are partly hyacinth-
ine (9 17 ). The v&Kivdos of the ancients was probably
our sapphire (21 20 [RVm]). The modern hyacinth,
a variety of zircon, of yellowish red colour, may
have been the stone known in Gr. as \oytpiov and
in Heb. as leskem (the RV of Ex 28 19 39 12 has
' jacinth ' where the AV has ' ligure '') ; but Flinders
Petrie (HDB iv. 620) suggests that the latter was
yellow quartz or agate. Many Greek and Roman
' hyacinths,' used for intaglios and cameos, were
probably only garnets. JAMES STRAHAN.

JACOB ('Ia/tcfy3). Jacob, the younger son of
Isaac, was the father of the twelve patriarchs who
were the heads of the tribes of Israel.

The story of the ante-natal struggle of Esau and

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