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It must be admitted that the Book of Revelation
does not everywhere maintain the high level of the
Christian spirit. It comes to us from a time when
the Church was passing through the same harrow-
ing experiences as were the lot of the Jewish
people in the days when apocalyptic had its birth.
And in the one case as in the other persecution
has resulted in an exacerbation of feeling and a
narrowing of sympathy.

4. In St. Paul. For St. Paul as for the Christian
community in general the Last Judgment is a great
and dread fact with which believer and unbeliever
have equally to reckon. He knows the terror of
the Lord (2 Co 5 11 ). ' We must all be made manifest
before the judgment-seat of Christ ; that each one
may receive the things done in the body, according
to what he hath done, whether it be good or bad '
(2 Co 5 10 . Ro 2 3 - 16 14 10 , 1 Co 3 13 4 5 ). In this and in

the majority of relevant passages it is Christ who
sits as Judge. But that the point is not regarded
as dogmatically fixed is shown by the fact that the
Apostle can also speak of God as the Judge (Ro
2. 11 1410) What is his teaching with respect to
the fate of the wicked ? The Book of Revelation
gives us two pictures one of the redeemed in
Paradise, the other of devils and condemned souls
in the lake of fire. Of the second picture there is
not a single trace in the Pauline Epistles. The
wicked simply disappear from the scene, the nature
and term of their punishment being left shrouded
in obscurity. By bringing together a number of
scattered indications we may, however, arrive at a
fairly certain notion of what the Apostle thinks
regarding their fate. That he contemplates a
universal restoration is an idea that may at once
be put aside. Support has, indeed, been sought
for it in certain statements of a general character :
'As in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all
be made alive,' ' God hath shut up all unto dis-
obedience that he might have mercy upon all'
(1 Co 15 22 , Ro II 32 , Col I 19 , Eph I 10 ). But such
statements cannot be pressed in their letter against
the multitude of passages that assert in unambigu-
ous terms the final ruin of the ungodly (Ro 2 s - 12 ,
Ph 3 18 , 2 Th I 8 ). They are but examples of the
Apostle's sweeping and antithetical way of putting
things. Quite decisive against the idea of restora-
tion is the fact that nowhere do we find a single
syllable that suggests future probation.

One point only is open for argument, whether
the Apostle has in his mind annihilation or an
eternity of suffering. With regard to this, the
words used in describing the fate of the wicked are
not in themselves decisive. Of these words the
two most important, both from the frequency of
their occurrence and from their intrinsic signifi-
cance, are 'death' ( and 'destruction'
((brwXeia). Death is for St. Paul sin's specific
penalty, its wages (Ro 5 12 6 21 - w 8 6 ). What does
the term connote? Not necessarily annihilation,
since, according to current ideas, the dead descended
into Hades to lead there a wretched phantasmal
existence. We can take from it nothing more
than this the loss of all that gives to life its
value, the loss of all that is signified by salvation.
Not materially different is the connotation of the
term 'destruction.' The wicked are brought to
utter ruin, swept from the place of the living and
the presence of God. But, if a study of terms
leaves the question of annihilation or eternal
suffering an open one, the general tenor of the
Apostle's thought points conclusively to the former
alternative. Weight must be attached to the fact
of an absence of any reference to a place of tor-
ment. The tribulation and anguish of Ro 2 9 need
refer to nothing beyond the experience of destruc-
tion. On two things only does St. Paul lay stress
that the wicked have no inheritance in the
Kingdom of God, and that they are cleared off
the face of the world. Still more decisive is this
other fact that the universe he contemplates as
the goal of redemption is one reconciled to God in
all its parts. If the demonic powers are not ulti-
mately reconciled, as in one passage he seems to
indicate (Col I 18 ), they are abolished (1 Co 15 24 ).
God becomes all in all. St. Paul leaves us with
the vision of a world that is without a devil and
without a hell, without a shadow on its brightness
or a discord in its harmony.

The Apostle's allusions to the Judgment are
neither few nor ambiguous, yet we have to take
account of the perplexing fact that, in those pass-
ages where he gives a detailed programme or the
End, not only is all reference to the great event
omitted, but no place seems to be left for it. In
1 Th 4 13 ' 17 we read of a resurrection of believers



who have died and of a gathering of these and of
living believers to meet the Lord in the air and be
for ever with Him, but there is no mention of a
resurrection of the wicked and a Final Judgment.
These events seem to be excluded. So is it also
in 1 Co 15 22 ' 28 . Though the picture here is more
detailed, the resurrection of the wicked and the
Judgment find no place in it. And in 2 Co 5 1 " 8
and Ph I 23 the Apostle speaks as if death at once
ushered the believer into the presence of Christ.
To depart is to be with Christ. Here not only the
Judgment, but the whole drama of the End, in-
cluding the Parousia, falls away. How are we to
account for this perplexing fact? That St. Paul
ever consciously broke with the apocalyptic tradi-
tion in any of its main features is incredible. In
Philippians, one of the later Epistles, he still bids
his readers expect the Parousia (4 5 ). More can be
said for the hypothesis that his ardent longing
for union with Christ leads him to overleap inter-
vening events and hasten to the goal. This, how-
ever, is not the whole explanation. The truth is
that there are elements in the Apostle's thought
which, though he is hardly conscious of the fact,
are carrying him away from the apocalyptic scheme.
In Judaism the Judgment has its main significance
as the instrument for effecting a separation be-
tween the righteous and the wicked. But for St.
Paul this separation has already been virtually
effected. By the fact of their unbelief the wicked
are already condemned ; by the fact of their faith
the righteous are already justified. It is true that
the Apostle does not think of the believer's present
state of salvation as absolute. But against this
we have to set the emphasis which he places on
the element of assurance. ' Who is he that shall
condemn ? It is Christ Jesus that died ! ' Had the
Judgment been to St. Paul all that it was to a
pious Jew, he could hardly, in his account of the
End and in his contemplation of death, have left
it unnoticed. In the Fourth Gospel, to which we
now turn, this drift from apocalyptic is much more

5. In the Fourth Gospel. No more than St.
Paul does the writer of the Fourth Gospel con-
template a formal breach with the traditional
apocalyptic ideas. ' The hour cometh,' Christ is
represented as saying, 'in which all that are in
the tombs shall hear his (the Son of man's) voice,
and shall come forth ; they that have done good
unto the resurrection of life, and they that have
done ill unto the resurrection of judgment' (5 28 - M ;
cf. 12 48 , 1 Jn 4 17 ). But, if the Evangelist yields
this recognition to traditional views, his own
peculiar thought moves on other lines. The judg-
ment on which the stress falls is that which Christ
accomplished in the course of His earthly ministry
and is always accomplishing. While He lived on
earth, He was already invested with the sovereign
power to judge. ' For judgment I am come into
the world, that they which see not might see, and
that they which see might be made blind ' (Q 39 S 27
gis. is i2 31 ). If passages appear in which He is
made to disclaim the office of Judge ' I came not
to judge the world but to save the world' they
are added in order, by seeming contradiction, to
drive thought deeper (12 47 5 45 3 17 ). His real pur-
pose is, indeed, to save, but none the less His ap-
pearance in the world has the inevitable result
that a separation is effected between the children
of light and the children of darkness. The former
are attracted to Christ, to find in Him their salva-
tion ; the latter are repelled and driven into hos-
tility. In the attitude which a man takes up
towards Christ he is already judged. ' This is the
condemnation that light is come into the world,
but men loved the darkness rather than the light '
(3"). In the matter of doom we find a similar

shifting of the centre of gravity from the future to
the present. Sin's real punishment is not physical
death or even suffering, but exclusion from the
higher life that comes into being through the birth
from above. ' He that heareth my word . . . hath
eternallife, and comethnotinto judgement, but hath
passed out of death into life ' (5 24 ). The popular notion
of hell disappears as completely as in St. Paul.

But notwithstanding this spiritualizing train of
thought, the traditional apocalyptic notions the
Parousia, a resurrection of the just and unjust,
final judgment by Christ and eternal punishment
for the lost succeeded in maintaining themselves
in the Church's faith. Not till the introduction of
the idea of purgatory do we meet with any import-
ant modification of this scheme. And it was not
till the beginning of the 3rd cent., with Origen,
Cyprian, and the Gregorys, that the idea of
purgatory began to emerge.

6. Only one other point, and that of minor im-
portance, remains to be noted. Not a few early
Christian writers speak of a descent of Christ into
Hades and a preaching to the dead. In 1 P 3 19fl -
it is the disobedient of the days of Noah to whom
Christ brings the message of salvation ; in Irenseus
(IV. xxvii. 2) it is the Patriarchs ; in Marcion (Iren.
I. xxvii. 3) it is Cain, the Sodomites, Egyptians,
and other heathen. It is improbable that this con-
ception was a creation of the Church ; rather have
we to think of the adoption and Christianizing of
a current pagan myth of a saviour-god descending
into the under world to wrest the sceptre from its
powers. The mythological details are stripped off,
and Christ's mission becomes one of preaching to
those from whom in their lifetime the gospel had
been withheld. Also from the ranks of the dead
Christ will win His trophies. Judged according to
men in the flesh, they will live according to God in
the Spirit (1 P 4 6 ) (see W. Bousset, Kyrios Christos,
1913, p. 32 ff.). See, further, art. DESCENT INTO

LITERATURE. R. H. Charles, Eschatology : Hebrew, Jewish,
and Christian, 1899 ; P. Volz, Jiid. Eschatologie von Daniel bis
Akiba, 1903 ; A. Harnack, History of Dogma, Eng. tr., i. [1894]
and ii. [1896]. W. MORGAN.

JUDGMENT-HALL. In ancient times justice
was dispensed in the open, usually in the market-
place, near the city gate. With the development
of civic life, however, special courts of justice
began to be built. Thus Solomon had his ' throne-
room ' or portico erected within the complex of his
palace buildings (1 K 7 7 ), where justice continued
to be administered no doubt till the latest period
of the Monarchy. The Sanhedrin also convened
for judgment in the ' Hall of Hewn Stone' on the
south side of the great court of the Temple. In
Rome, too, the Imperial Age saw the law-courts
transferred to basiticce, or open colonnades near
the Forum, and finally to closed halls, where cases
were heard in secret (in secretario). The adminis-
tration of justice in basilicce has been traced to
Pompeii and other centres of Roman life, but was
apparently not the custom in Palestine, the word
translated 'judgment hall' in the AV (Jn 18 28 - 88
19 9 , Ac 23 s5 ) being really irpaiTupiov or palace.


JUDGMENT-SEAT. The judge invariably sat
on a special 'seat' or throne. Thus Jerusalem
and the smaller cities alike had their ' thrones for
judgement' (Jg 4 5 , 1 K 7 7 , Ps 122 5 , etc.). In Rome
rnagistrate and jury were seated together on the
raised tribunal, or ' bench,' the magistrate oh his
sella curiilis, or ' chariot seat,' specially associated
with the Roman imperium. The custom extended
also to the Provinces. In the NT Kpir-rjpia ( ' tri-
bunals ') is used of law-courts generally (in 1 Co 6 2 - *
and Ja 2 s ), while /3^/*a, lit. 'step,' 'seat' (for




parties in a law-suit), is applied to the 'judg-
ment-seat ' not only of the Emperor (Ac 25 10 ), but
also of the governors Pilate (Mt 27 19 , Jn 19 IS ),
Gallic (Ac 18 12 - 16 '-) and Festus (25 6 - 17 ), and even
metaphorically of God (Ro 14 10 ) and Christ (2 Co
5 10 ). See, further, TRIAL- AT- LAW.


JULIA ('Iov\la, Ro 16 15 , a Latin name, the femi-
nine form of Julius [the name of a famous Roman
gens]. Both of these were extremely common
names. The name Julia is very frequently found
as a name of female slaves belonging to the Im-
perial household). A woman saluted by St. Paul
and coupled with Philologus. They may have
been brother and sister, or more probably husband
and wife. Other couples saluted in Ro 16 are
Aquila and Prisca (v. 3 , the order being, however,
' Prisca and Aquila'), perhaps Andronicus and
Junia (v. 7 ; see JUNIAS), and Nereus and his sister
(v. 15 ). It has been conjectured that the names in
this verse are those of persons forming a Christian
family with a household church (/cat TOVS <riiv avrols
irdvTas ayiovs). If this be so, Philologus and Julia
were perhaps the parents of Nereus and his sister
(Nerias) and Olympas, and the leaders of the little
community which gathered for worship at their
home (cf. v. 3 , where a married couple are saluted as
' fellow -labourers ' with the Apostle, and the salu-
tation includes 'the church which assembles at
their house')- The locality to which we assign
this circle of Christians will depend upon our view
of the destination of Ro 16 3 " 20 . Nothing further is
known of any of these persons.


JULIUS ('lotfXtos). After the decision of Festus
to send St. Paul to Rome, he was entrusted to the
care of a ' centurion named Julius of the Augustan
cohort ' (Ac 27 1 " 3 ). The Apostle was treated with
kindness and consideration by the centurion, who,
although he disregarded St. Paul's advice as to
the place of wintering (vv. 9 ' 11 ), deferred to his
recommendation regarding cutting away the boat
(v. 31 ), and, in order to save him, refused to allow
the soldiers to kill the prisoners (v. 42 ). On arriv-
ing in Rome Julius handed over his prisoner to
the ' captain of the guard ' (28 16 ). Much discussion
has gathered round the phrase ' Augustan cohort '
to which Julius belonged. Ramsay regards it as
probable that Julius belonged to the corps of official
couriers, employed as emissaries to various parts
of the Empire the peregrini ; and the ' captain
of the guard' is supposed to have been their
commanding officer (see artt. BAND, AUGUSTAN

As Julius was the family name of the members
of the Roman Imperial house, it was assumed by
many of the vassal kings from the days of Julius
Csesar onwards. It was borne by all the Jewish
princes from Antipater, the father of Herod the
Great. Josephus mentions a Julius Archelseus,
son-in-law of Agrippa I. (Ant. XIX. ix. 1 ; cf.
Schiirer, i. 561, also index, p. 69).

LITERATURE. R. J. Knowlingr, EOT, 'Acts,' 1900, p. 516;
W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, 1895, p. 315 ; E.
Schiirer, GJV* i. [1901] 460-462. \V. F. BOYD.

JUNIAS, JUNIA (Ro 16 7 ). A person saluted by
St. Paul and coupled with Andronicus. As the
name occurs in the accusative (lowiav), it may
be Junias, a masculine name contracted from
Junianus, or Junia, a common feminine name ; in
either case a Latin name. If the name is that of
a woman, she was the sister, or more likely the
wife, of Andronicus. Other couples saluted in Ro
16 are Aquila and Prisca (v. 3 , the order, however,
being 'Prisca and Aquila'), Philologus and Julia,
Nereus and his sister (v. 15 ). Andronicus and
Junia(s) are described as ' kinsmen ' of the Apostle,

as his 'fellow-prisoners,' as 'of note among the
apostles,' and as having become Christians before
St. Paul (see ANDRONICUS). It is surely not at
all impossible that St. Paul should include a
woman among the apostles in the wider sense of
accredited missionaries or messengers, a position
to which their seniority in the faith may have
called this pair. So Chrysostom understood the
words (Horn, in S. Pauli Ep. ad Rom.).


JUPITER (Ac 14 12 - 13 [RVm 'Zeus'] 19 35 [AV
and RV ' the image which fell down from Jupiter ' ;
RVm ' from heaven ']). The Oriental setting of
the events which took place at Lystra is strongly
evident in the first of these passages. The miracle
of healing at once causes the barbarians to suppose
that the gods had come to pay them a visit, and
the impassive Barnabas is regarded as the chief.
' True to the oriental character, the Lycaonians
regarded the active and energetic preacher as the
inferior, and the more silent and statuesque figure
as the leader and principal ' (W. M. Ramsay, The
Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, p. 57 n.). It
was not that such visits were supposed to be
common, but a well-known legend (Ovid, Metam.
viii. 626 ff. ; cf. Fasti, v. 495 ff. ) told of such a visit,
when the aged couple Philemon and Baucis had
alone received the august visitors and had been
suitably rewarded ; this had been localized in
several districts. The people cried out in the
speech of Lycaonia, and the original name of the
local god given by them to Barnabas has been
here replaced by the Greek equivalent, Zeus. In
v. 13 Codex Bezfe has a slightly different phrase
which reads, ' the temple of Zeus-before-the-city.'
The participle in the phrase rov 6vros At6s Hpoir6\ews
is used in a way characteristic of Acts, viz.
to introduce some title or particular phrase, and
we must consider that D is correct here. Zockler
(ad loc.) and Ramsay (op. cit. p. 51 f.) compare an
inscription at Claudiopolis whicli has Zeus Pro-
astios (i.e. ' Jupiter-before-the-town'). The title
here, then, is Propoleos, which is actually found
in an inscription at Smyrna. The Temple would
be outside the city proper, and it is not quite
clear whether ' the gates ' where the sacrifice was
prepared were those of the Temple, or of the city,
or of the dwelling-house of the apostles. It is
most probable that the Temple is referred to, the
gates being chosen as a special place for the offer-
ing of a special sacrifice (Ramsay).

Baur, Zeller, Overbeck, and Wendt regard the
whole incident as unhistorical, since such people
would rather have considered that the miracle-
workers were magicians or demons. But the local
legends give ample support to the text.

In 19 s5 the translation should follow RVm : ' the
image which fell down from the clear sky.'

LITERATURE. See R. J. Knowling, EGT, 1900, ad loc. ; A.
C. McGiffert, Apostolic Age, 1897, p. 189 f.


JUSTICE. In his analysis of justice (diKaioffvvtj),
Aristotle (Nicomachean Ethics, bk. v.) distin-
guishes the justice which is co-extensive with
virtue is, in fact, ' perfect virtue ' from the
special justice which consists in fairness of dealing
with our neighbours. The NT writers use the
word ducaiofftivT) almost exclusively in the former
sense, connecting it with the righteousness of God
(see RIGHTEOUSNESS). The lesser righteousness is,
however, included under the greater ; and though
the emphasis is laid on mercy or love as ' the ful-
filling of the law ' (Ro 13 W ), justice is also recog-
nized as a duty towards Him who is 'just' as well
as the merciful ' justifier ' of them that believe (see
LOVE). Thus the Apostle enumerates ' things just '
(offa diicaia) in his catalogue of Christian virtues
(Ph 4 8 ). He urges his readers likewise to set their




thoughts on that which is ' honourable ' or ' seemly '
((caXd), not only in the sight of the Lord, but also
in tlie sight of men (Ro 12 17 , 2 Co 8 a 13 7 ). This
Christian justice covers the whole round of life.
All men are entitled to their full dues, alike of
tribute, custom, fear, honour, service and wage.
The Christian master respects the honour not merely
of his wife and children, but even of his slaves (Eph
5 22ff -, Col 3 lsff -). The servant also deals justly with
his master, not stealing or purloining, as heathen
slaves were wont to do, but ' with good will doing
service, as unto the Lord, and not unto men ' (Eph
6 5ff -, Col S 2 *-, Tit 2 10ff -, 1 P 2 18ff -). For such service
the labourer is worthy of an honest wage (1 Ti 5 18 ,
2 Ti 2 s ). The same principle applies to the preacher
of the gospel, even though he refuse to accept his
privileges ( 1 Co 9 13ff - ). In their relations as citizens,
Christian men are actuated by the most sensitive
regard for honour. Though he stands for Christian
freedom, the Apostle feels morally obliged to send
back Philemon's slave, however helpful he found
him to be ; and he further takes on his own
shoulders full liability for Onesimus' misdeeds
(Philem 10ff -). In order that public justice may
be upheld, too, the Christian is urged to pray for
kings and all in high places of authority (1 Ti 2 1 '-),
and to be subject to all their ordinances for the
Lord's sake (Tit 3"-, 1 P 2 13ff -). But he himself
is entitled to justice before the law. No man
suffered more for his Master's sake than St. Paul ;
and no one wrote more serious words on the sin
of litigiousness (1 Co 6 lff< ). Yet, in defence of his
just rights as a citizen, he not only asserted his
Roman freedom (Ac 16 37 22 25 25 10 ), but defended
himself before the courts to the very last (Ac
24ioff. 2510'-, 2 Ti 4 16 H For to him the courts were
there to secure j ustice for all. See TRI AL- AT-L AW.


JUSTIFICATION. 1. Considerations on the his-
tory of the doctrine. Justification by faith formu-
lates the distinctive principle of Protestantism. It
has been a war-cry and word of passion, and embodies
a spiritual and theological conflict. It claimed to
be an advance on the Catholic idea, as more true
to apostolic experience and more adequate to the
sinner's need. It is advisable at the outset to
investigate this claim as preparatory to a dispas-
sionate analysis of the apostolic doctrine. Justifica-
tion is a complex conception. Neither in Luther
nor in the Council of Trent are ambiguities and
inconsistencies wanting. The combatants on both
sides in subsequent controversy have in consequence
easily fallen into serious misunderstandings. The
vital current re-animating modern religious theory
is disclosing the fact,* and producing a better-
proportioned perspective. Rid of the war-dust, we
see clearly the salient features of the main respec-
tive positions and their conspicuous divergences.
What are these? It is a rich, fresh experience
Luther describes in his finest statement of his
faith, The Liberty of the Christian Man, It finds
no commensurate exposition in the Lutheran or
Reformed Confessions. Luther himself was no
theologian ; and his varying expressions are diffi-
cult to harmonize. But the tendency of his teach-
ing is plain.f The character of Tridentine teach-
ing is as plain. Luther's is aus einem Gusse ( ' of
one mould '), born of an intense travail of soul. The
Catholic, polemical in import and comprehensive
of aspect, has in view efficient discipline of souls.
Grace, according to Luther, is known in personal
relationship with Christ (Com. on Gal 2 20 ) ; it is a
sense of God's favour ; it saves from God's wrath ;

* Of. particularly inter multos alias Ritschl in his great work,
Die ehristl. Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versohnung,
Bonn, 1870-74, i. and iii.

t For Luther's works consult the Erlangen ed., 1826 S. ; H.
Wace and 0. A. Buchheim, Luther's Primary Works, London.

it saves at once and wholly by God's free mercy, is
a complete and perfect thing, conditioned upon
faith, bringing with it assurance of salvation (see
Against Latomus). It is, in his own words, ' the
favour of God not a quality of soul' (ib. 489),
identical with forgiveness, release from His wrath,
enjoyment of His favour, a present status rather
than a new character. To receive such grace is to
be justified. The Council of Trent* defines its
doctrine in reference to three questions : the
manner of gaining justification, of maintaining it,
and of regaining it when lost through mortal sin.

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