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(22 1 ), yet the throne of God and of the Lamb is one.
(c) To Him as slain the redeemed owe their power
over sin and death (5 6 - 9 - 12 7 10 ' 14 12" 14 4 ) ; nor in
this connexion does the author shrink from the



word 'purchase.' (d) To Him is entrusted the
eternal welfare of men, symbolized by the ' book
of life' (21 27 ; cf. 3 s ), the history and significance of
which may be traced in Is 4 3 , Ex 32 3f -, Ps 38 16 89 7U ,
Ezk 13 9 , Mai 3 16 , Dn 12 1 , Enoch xlvii. 3, Apoc. Bar.
xxiv. 1, Asc. Is. ix. 12, Lk 10 26 , Ph 4 s ). (<?) Still,
as in the earthly life, the redeemed follow Him and
He maintains the life which was begun through
Him, by keeping them in fellowship with Himself
and with God as the source of life (Rev 7 17 14 1 - 4 ).
As the vision unfolds, several startling paradoxes
are thrown into the foreground. The Lamb bears
the marks of a violent death at the hand of others,
yet He is all-powerful (5 6 ). He gave Himself in the
surrender of a perfect love for the sake of sinners,
yet He is moved by fierce wrath against evil-doers
(6 16 ). The Lamb becomes the great Shepherd of the
sheep, whom He guides and they follow Him (7 17 ).
Hostile forces shall make war against the Lamb,
and the Lamb shall overcome them (17 14 ). In the
final chapters, the scene shifts and still more strik-
ing symbolism appears. The Lamb is pictured as
the central figure in a marriage feast the Bride-
groom whose bride is the New Jerusalem (19 7< 9 21 9 ),
hidden with God until the fullness of time. Again
the scene changes to the New Jerusalem, whose
foundations are the twelve apostles of the Lamb
(21 ]4 ), whose temple is the Lord God Almighty and
the Lamb (v. 22 ), and whose lamp is the Lamb (v. 23 ).
In closing we may summarize the significance of
' Lamb ' in the Apocalypse. The meaning of the
person and work of Christ is disclosed in sacrifice.
The secret of His nearness to God, of His personal
victory and power over others, and the common
spirit by which His activity on earth is bound to
that in heaven, is found in love. And still further,
central in the throne of God, the law of the moral
order of the world, the power which moves history
to its goal, the all-pervading spirit of the angelic
hosts, the principle in which the paradoxes of life
are resolved, the magnet which draws heaven down
to earth and domiciles it with men, and the light
in which all social good is revealed and glorified is
sacrificial love. C. A. BECKWITH.

LAMP, LAMPSTAND. Recent excavation in
Palestine has greatly increased our knowledge of
the types of lamps in use during the various
epochs of antiquity. The recently published
Memoir, The "Excavation of Gezer (R. A. S.
Macalister, 3 vols., 1912), has multiplied examples,
and, together with Excavations in Palestine during
1891-1900 (F. J. Bliss and R. A. S. Macalister,
1902), allows us to trace the development very
fully. We may now classify the lamps of the
Apostolic Age under the head of 'closed' lamps,
with divisions according to shape and ornamenta-
tion. It is likely that the most interesting forms
lie outside our period (i.e. after A.D. 100) those
that bear Christian inscriptions, and others that
show the conventional 'candlestick' pattern.
Allowance must be made for the older ' open '
type, which here and there persisted. It must
also be remembered that Greek influence had to
a large extent modified the national types.
Roman forms are forthcoming, but they are rare.
These remarks apply to lamps of the ordinary
material, i.e. clay. Bronze lamps play little part
in Palestine, and even terra-cotta forms are un-
common. All forms agree in certain general fea-
tures, viz. the receptacle for oil, and the orifice
for the wick. But there are many peculiarities in
regard to shape, the mode of base and of handle,
the number of wick-holes, the size of the reservoir
opening, the presence of a slit for raising the wick,
etc. In the type that retains the old saucer form,
account must be taken of the number of points-
one, four, and even seven ('multiple radiating'



LAODIGEA



LAODICEA



683



lamps) which implies a corresponding number of
wicks. The lamp is for the most part dissociated
from its stand. Lampstands, for table and for
floor, and candelabra, with ground base, as appear-
ing in classical illustrations pertaining to the 1st
cent. A.D., are highly ornate. It cannot be said
that Palestine has produced many examples of
these, although they were in use, fashioned from
materials of wood, stone, and metal. Hanging
lamps were also known, as can be judged by the
form of the handles. For outdoor purposes the
more primitive torch was used, consisting of a
handle surmounted by a saucer-shaped protective
disc, and having a receptacle for a bundle of
wicks. These were saturated with oil, supplied
from a separate vessel. The oil used was chiefly
olive.

When we examine the biblical literature of the
Apostolic Age we find that the essential words
under this head are Xtfxvos, Xux^a, Xa/rdy, ' lamp,'
'lampstand,' and 'torch,' according to the above
description. In spite of our increased knowledge
regarding specific forms, we cannot add much
towards elucidation of the passages about to be
enumerated. The ' lights' of Ac 16 29 (RV) (<f>wra,
neut. plur. not 'a light' as in the AV) cannot
well be denned. The Xafj.ird.def (Ac 20 8 ) in the
upper chamber might as reasonably be lamps as
torches, notwithstanding the term employed (on
the reading inro\a.fj.ird6es [D] see H. Smith in ExpT
xvi. [1904-05] 478, and J. H. Moulton and G.
Milligan in Expositor, iv. [1912] 566). In Rev 4 5
the same word is translated in the RV ' lamps,'
and in 8 10 ' torch,' which shows the perplexity
attaching. R. C. Trench (NT Synonyms*, 1876,
p. 159) is of opinion that the invariable rendering
in the NT should be 'torches,' Mt 25 1 being no
exception. The point need not be pressed.

The generic term Xi^os has been consistently
rendered 'lamp' in the RV, 'candle,' which is
erroneous, having been dropped (Rev 18 23 22 5 ), and
'light,' which is indefinite, having been displaced
(2 P 1 19 , Rev 21 23 ). No information can be gathered
from these passages as to the type of lamp.

Although candle has been dropped, candlestick
(ij \vxvla. with one exception plur.) has been re-
tained, and 'lampstand placed in the margin
(Rev I 12 - 2 2 1 - 5 II 4 ). He 9' stands apart from
this, 'candlestick' alone being employed. The
reference in this case is to the furniture of the
tabernacle (for a description of the Golden Candle-
stick [Lampstand] see HDB iv. 663 f.). The re-
maining instances qvtoted, all in Rev., also hark
back to OT parallels (Ex 25 s7 S? 28 , Zee 4 2 ). There
is, however, difference amid similarity. By the
necessity of the case, since there are seven churches
(Rev I 4 etc.), the lampstands are single and number
seven, instead of being one shaft, divided into
seven branches. The parallel to Zee 4 a does not
extend to the number of the lampstands (two in
Rev II 4 , one in Zee.), although the number of the
olive trees is the same. This point is elaborated
in HDB iv. 255.

In conclusion, reference may be made to the
representation of the seven-branched lampstand
on the Arch of Titus, often reproduced, which is
probably a copy of the original (EBi, art. ' Candle-
stick ') ; to contemporary Roman practice in light-
ing (see H. B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John,
1907, p. 240) ; and to the abundant materials for
studying the development of the lamp within
Christian times provided by H. Leclercq, Manuel
(farcheologie chretienne, 1907, ii. 509 ff., 556 ff.

W. CRUICKSHANK.

LAODICEA (X has AaoSixla everywhere. B has
this form of the word in Col 2 1 , Rev I 11 3 14 , but
AaoSlKfia in Col 4 13 - 1S> 16 [the latter is the form used
by almost all Gr. authors] ; Lat. Laodicea [in-



correctly Laodicia]}. Laodicea was an important
seat of commerce in the Roman province of Asia,
one of three cities in the Lycus valley which
were evangelized about the same time. It was 11
miles W. of Colossse and 6 miles S. of Hierapolis.
Founded probably by the Seleucid king Antiochus
II. (261-246 B.C.), and named after his wife
Laodice, it was known as ' Laodicea on the Lj-cus '
( Aaoot/aa rj irp6s [or iri] rif Awcy, Laodicea ad Lycum).
Being some distance east of 'the Gate of Phrygia,'
it is classed by Poly bins (v. 57) and Strabo (XII.
viii. 13) among Phrygian cities, while Ptolemy
sets it down as Carian. It stood on a small plateau
about 2 miles S. of the Lycus, and had behind it
to the S. and S.W. the snow-capped mountains
Salbakos and Kadmos, each over 8,000 ft. above
sea-level. Designed, like the other Seleucid foun-
dations in Asia Minor, to be at once a strong gar-
rison city and a centre of Hellenic civilization, it
occupied a strategic position on the great eastern
trade-route, where the narrow Lycus gorge opens
into the broad Mseander plain. ' Formerly a small
town' (Strabo, XII. viii. 16), its prosperity dated
from the peaceful time which followed the Roman
occupation (133 B.C.).

' The country around Laodicea breeds excellent sheep, re-
markable not only for the softness of their wool, in which they
surpass the Milesian sheep, but for their dark or raven colour.
The Laodiceans derive a large revenue from them, as the
Colosseni do from their flocks, of a colour of the same name '
(Strabo, xn. viii. 16).

The native religion of the district was the cult
of Carian Men, whom the Hellenists of Laodicea
identified with Zeus. His temple was at Attuda,
13 miles W. from Laodicea. In connexion with
it, but probably in Laodicea itself, was 'a large
Herophilian school of medicine under the direction
of Zeuxis, and afterwards of Alexander Philalethes '
(Strabo, XII. viii. 20). The physicians of Laodicea
were skilful oculists, and a preparation for weak
eyes, called 'Phrygian powder' (rtypa ippvyta),
was well known. Nearly the whole basin of the
Maeander was subject to earthquakes (ib. 17). Im-
perial funds were usually given for the restoration
of cities thus injured, and Laodicea accepted a
grant from Tiberius after such a calamity, but of
a later visitation Tacitus writes : ' The same year
[A.D. 60] Laodicea, one of the most famous cities
of Asia, having been prostrate by an earthquake,
recovered herself by her own resources (propriis
opibus revaluit), and without any relief from us '
(Ann. XIV. xxvii.). She had long been rich and
increased in goods, and had need of nothing (Rev
3 17 ). More than a century before (in 51 B.C. ), Cicero
proposed to cash his treasury Bills of Exchange at
a Laodicean bank (Ep. ad Fam. iii. 5).

Such a thriving commercial centre had great
attractions for a colony of Jews. If the first
settlers were sent thither by the founder of the
city, or by Antiochus the Great, who is said to
have planted 2,000 Jewish families in Phrygia and
Lydia (Jos. Ant, xil. iii. 4), they would enjoy
equal rights of citizenship with the Greelcs.
When Flaccus, Roman governor of Asia (62 B.C.),
forbade the Jews to send contributions of money
to Jerusalem, he seized as contraband twenty
pounds weight in gold in the district of which
Laodicea was the capital (Cicero, pro Flacco, 28).
Calculated at the rate of a half-shekel for each
man, this sum represents a Jewish population of
more than 11,000 adult freemen, women and
children being exempted. Josephus preserves a
letter from ' the magistrates of the Laodiceans to
Caius Rubilius' (c. 48 B.C.), guaranteeing religious
liberty to the Jews of the city (Ant. xiv. x. 20).

The details of the founding of the Church of Lao-
dicea have to be pieced together from allusions in
the Acts and Epistles. St. Paul was not directly
the founder. His words in Col 2 1 , ' I strive for



684



LAPIS LAZULI



LASCIVIOUSNESS



. . . them at Laodicea, and for as many as have
not seen my face in the flesh,' imply that he had
not personally laboured in the Lycus valley. In
his third missionary tour he did not go to Ephesus
by the ordinary route of commerce, which would
have brought him to the Lycus cities, but passed
through ' the upper country ' (ra dvurepiKa. fdprj,
Ac 19 1 ), probably by Seiblia and the Cayster valley.
His influence in the former region was indirect.
During his three years' residence in Ephesus ' all
they who dwell in Asia heard the word' (19 10 ).
The truths which he proclaimed in the metropolis
were quickly repeated all over the province, and
especially in the cities along the great roads. His
evangelist of the Lycus glen was Epaphras, whom
St. Paul regarded as his deputy (Col 1 7 [RV], read-
ing virtp T]/J.WI> instead of V/J.GIV), and whose labour
on behalf of the three communities evoked a warm
encomium (Col 4 12 - 13 ). The close relations subsist-
ing between the churches of Laodicea and Colossse
are indicated by the injunction that the Epistle
to Colossians should be read in the Church of
the Laodiceans, and that the Colossians should
read 'the Epistle from Laodicea.' The latter was
perhaps the canonical ' Epistle to the Ephesians,'
which Marcion expressly names the Epistle ' to
the saints who are at Laodicea.'

The last of the Epistles to the Seven Churches
of Asia is addressed to Laodicea (Rev 3 14 ' 22 ). The
severity of the prophet's rebuke has made ' Laodi-
cean ' for ever suggestive of lukewarmness in re-
ligion. Once fervent, Laodicea became so tepid
that her condition excited a feeling of moral nausea.
Each of the Seven Epistles is of course concerned
with a Christian church rather than with a city,
but the Christians were citizens, and the spirit of
the city could not be kept out of the church. The
allusions to the circumstances and character of
Laodicea are unmistakable. The famous com-
mercial and banking city, too proud to accept an
Empire's aid, is invited to come to the poor man's
market and buy from the Sender of the letter
(Trap' ^ioO is emphatic) gold refined by fire (vv. 17 - 18 ).
She Avho has innumerable flocks on her Phrygian
hills, and whose fine black woollen fabrics are
prized everywhere, has need of white garments to
cover her own moral nakedness (v. 18 ). Her^Escu-
lapian school of medicine has no Phrygian powder
for the healing of her spiritual blindness, which
requires the eye-salve (collyrium) of another Phy-
sician (v. 18 ). Rich Laodicea, well-clothed and well-
fed, self-reliant and self -satisfied, is in danger of
being rejected with loathing. Yet her absent
Lord loves her, and writes her so incisively only
because He hopes to find her chastened and peni-
tent when He returns and knocks at her door
(vv. 19 - a").

Little is known about the post-apostolic history
of Laodicea. Traditions regarding Archippus,
Nyraphas (Col 4 1S ), and Diotrephes (3 Jn 9 ) are worth-
less. The so-called 'Epistle to the Laodiceans'
(in Latin) is a forgery. The subscription of 1
Tim., ' written from Laodicea, which is the chief -
est city of Phrygia Pacatiana,' has no authority.
The ruins of Laodicea are many but not impressive.

LITERATURE. W. M. Ramsay, The Letters to the Seven
Churches, 1904, pp. 413-430 ; W. J. Hamilton, Researches in
Asia Minor, Pontus, Armenia, 1842, i. 515 f. ; W. M. Leake,
Journal of Tour in Asia Minor, 1824, p. 251 f. ; Murray's
Handbook to Asia Minor, 1895. JAMES STRAHAN.

LAPIS LAZULI. See SAPPHIRE.

LASCIYIOUSNESS (d<rA7a). 1. Usage The
Greek word occurs 10 times in the NT (Mk 7 M , Ro
13 13 , 2 Co 12 21 , Gal 5 19 , Eph 4 19 , 1 P 4 s , 2 P 2 2 - 7 - 18 ,
Jude 4 ). It should be read instead of dirwXaa in
2 P 2 a . It is 7 times translated by ' lasciviousness '
(AVm so translates it in 2 P 2 2 ) in the AV, while



the RV translates it so in all cases except Ro 13 13 ,
where the ' wantonness ' of the A V is retained
(cf. 2 P 2 18 ). In 2 P 2 7 iv d<reXyeia is translated
' filthy conversation.'

2. Derivation. The derivation of the word is
unknown. The old derivation was from Selge, a
city in Pisidia regarded by some as remarkably
addicted to wantonness (Suidas, s.v.), and by
others as noted for its sobriety (Etymologicon
Magnum, s.v. ; Strabo, xii. ; Libanius, schol. in
Dem. Orat.). In the first case the a- would be
intensive, in the second privative. Moderns derive
it from a + <rtXyu (dtXyu) (see Trench, NT Synonyms 8 ,
1876, p. 54, and T. K. Abbott, Ephesians and
Colossians {ICC, 1897, p. 132]), or from ao- (' satiety')
+ eXy, or from a + o-aXay (o-eXas), in which case the
primary meaning would be 'foul' (J. W. Donaldson,
New Cratylus 3 , 1859, p. 692 ; Ellicott on Gal 5 19 ).

3. Classical meaning. The classical meaning of
the word is excess of any kind even inordinate
size (see Donaldson, op. cit. p. 692), but particularly
moral excess and outrage, contemptuous violence
and insolence towards others. It has thus much
the same range of meaning as C/J/>is. Trench brings
out well the classical meaning of the word (op. cit.
p. 54 ff.).

4. NT meaning. In the NT, however, the term
seems to refer exclusively to ' open, shameless im-
purity.' It has plainly this meaning in Ro 13 13 ,
2 Co 12", Gal 5 19 , Eph 4 W , 2 P 2 7 - 18 . It is one of
the works of darkness, the fit climax of fornication
and uncleanness ; it is a vice closely associated
with banquetings and drinking bouts (K&/J.OI ical
tdffr/ ; cf. 'wine, women, and song'); see C. Bigg,
St. Peter and St. Jude (ICC, 1901), 168.

dtrtXyeia or aKaOapffla ('a man may be d/cdtfapros
and hide his sin ; he does not become dtreXyris until
he shocks public decency ' [J. B. Lightfoot, Gala-
tians*, 1876, p. 210]) and ir\foveia seem to be the
two characteristic heathen vices.

Bengel (on Ro I 29 ), followed by Trench, main-
tains that psychologically man without God must
seek satisfaction in either do-tXyeia (dKadapo-ta) or
ir\eoveia, and dfftXyeia is associated in the NT with
do-tpeia and seems to be characteristically a heathen
sin (cf. Wis 14 26 , 3 Mac 2 26 ). Abbott (op. cit. p.
133 f. ) opposes this view of Bengel.

In Mk 7 22 and 1 P 4 s it is possible to defend the
classical sense of ' excesses.' ' Raphelius justly
observes that if d<r\yeia were in this passage [Mk
7 22 ] designed to denote lewdness or lasciviousness
it would have been added to poixfiat and iropveiai,
vices of a like kind, in the preceding verse. But
as it is joined with 5<5Xo$ deceit he interprets it
in general an injury of a more remarkable and
enormous kind ; and shows that Polybius has in
several passages used the word in this sense ; cf.
also Wetstein ' ( J. Parkhurst, Greek Lexicon to the
NT 4 , 1804).

Against this, however, see the convincing note
of H. B. Swete (St. Mark 2 , 1902, p. 154) : ' Here
the reference is probably to the dissolute life of
the Herodian court, and of the- Greek cities of
Galilee and the Decapolis ; if 56Xoj characterized
the Jew, his Greek neighbour was yet more terribly
branded by do-tXyeia.' In 1 P 4 s the word is de-
finitely used as a general term of the ' will of the
Gentiles,' and is evidently the licentiousness which
accompanied heathen feasts and lawless idolatries,
while in Jude and 2 Peter it is the typical sin of
the cities of the plain, which the libertines, under
the guise of a spurious freedom, followed, and into
which they inveigled others. In their case the
sin of irXeoyeia was associated with it. While a
rigid asceticism sprang from a horror of this sin,
sensuality defended itself by the principle that the
body did not count for spiritual life.

We may, then, conclude that the prominent



LA SEA



LAW



685



idea in a<rt\yeta in the NT is flagrant, shameless
sensuality. While this was reckoned one of the
d.8id<j>opa among the heathen, it was branded as
deadly and loathsome by Christianity. In the
heathen world ' sexual vice was no longer counted
vice. It was provided for by public law ; it was
incorporated into the worship o* the gods. It was
cultivated in every luxurious and monstrous excess.
It was eating out the manhood of the Greek and
Latin races. From the imperial Caesar down to
the horde of slaves, it seemed as though every class
of society had abandoned itself to the horrid
practices of lust' (G. G. Findlay, Ephesians
[Expositor's Bible, 1892], 272).

LITERATURE. Grimm-Tbayer, .v. ao-e'Aveca ; R. C. Trench,
NT Synonym^, 1876, p. 54 f . ; J. M tiller, The Christian
Doctrine of Sin, 1877-85, 1. 159 ff. ; the Commentaries of Ham-
mond (on Ro I 29 , where an attempt is made to equate do-e'Ayem
and TT\eov((Ca), C. J. Ellicott, J. B. Lightfoot (on Gal 5i), H.
B. Swete (on Mk 722), J. B. Mayor (on 2 P 22).

DONALD MACKENZIE.

LASEA (Aa<rata, WH Aao^a). Lasea was a city
near Fair Havens, on the southern coast of Crete
(Ac 27 8 ). It is not elsewhere mentioned by any
ancient geographical or other writer, but as it was
one of the smaller of the hundred cities of the
island 'centum nobilem Cretam urbibus' (Hor.
Ep. ix. 29) this need cause no surprise. The con-
jecture of Captain Spratt in 1853 as to its site was
confirmed by G. Brown, who examined the ruins
in 1856. He found the beach buried under masses
of masonry, and higher up discovered the ruins of
two temples. ' Many shafts, and a few capitals of
Grecian pillars, all of marble, lie scattered about.
. . . Some peasants came down to see us from the
hills above, and I asked them the name of the
place. They said at once, " Lasea," so there could
be no doubt' (J. Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck
of St. Paul*, 1880, p. 268 f.).

The city was about 5 miles east from Fair
Havens, and 1 mile east from Cape Leonda, which
was so named from its resemblance to a lion
couchant. As St. Paul's ship remained for ' much
time' (IKO.VOV xpbvov) in the Havens, Lasea was
perhaps frequently visited by the Apostle. It is
quite possible that the evangelization of Crete, in
which Titus afterwards laboured, was begun at
that time. JAMES STRAHAN.

LAYER. ' Laver ' is the translation of \ovrpbv in
Eph 5 26 RVni, where the text has ' washing.' The
same Greek word occurs in Tit 3 5 , where the RVm
again gives 'laver.' This rendering is at least
doubtful. In the LXX iv?, ' a laver,' is always
rendered by \ovr-f)p, while \ovrp6v is used for nyrn,
' washing,' in Ca 4 2 6 6 , Sir 31 30 . The phrase dia
\ovrpov iraXivyfvefflas, therefore, probably means
' through a washing, or bathing, of regeneration,'
rather than ' through a laver, or font.' For
patristic references confirming the translation
' washing,' see J. A. Robinson's Ephesians, 1903,
p. 206. JAMES STRAHAN.

LAW. 1. Introductory. The subject of the
Law formed one of the main problems, if not in-
deed the main problem, of the Apostolic Church,
inasmuch as it involved the fundamental relation
of primitive Christianity to Judaism on the one
hand and heathenism on the other. Later Judaism,
on its Pharisaic side, had carried legalism to ex-
tremes, and thus accentuated the separation be-
tween Israel and the Gentiles. The primitive
Christian community, on the other hand, had been
taught by its Founder to rank the freedom of
Divine grace higher than human merit (cf. e.g.
Mt 9 9 ' 13 ||s and, generally, the attitude of Jesus to
publicans and sinners), and to regard faith as of
more importance than the distinction between Jew
and Gentile (cf. Mt 8 5 " 13 Us, 15 21 ' 28 ||). In the



evangelical record, moreover, the early Church had
preserved the recollection of its Lord's outspoken
utterances regarding the merely relative validity
of the Jewish ceremonial Law (e.g. of the Sabbath,
Mt 12 1 ' 14 ||s ; of cleanness, Mt IS' 10 ' 20 ||s) or, at all
events, of the interpretations recognized in the
Synagogue ('the traditions of the elders,' Mt
15 2ff - 1|). Still, the same record showed that in prin-
ciple the attitude of Jesus to the Law as a whole was
an avowedly conservative one (Mt 5 17 ' 20 , Lk 16 17 ),
even as He had lived His life within the confines
of the Law (cf. Gal 4 4 : yeripevos virb v6/j.ov) ; His
supreme aim, indeed, was to bring out with full
clearness and force the will of God made known in
the Law. We thus see that, Avith regard to the
Law, the evangelical tradition seemed capable of a
double construction, or, at least, that it did not
supply the means for deciding a question that
soon became urgent. It is therefore easy to under-
stand why the early Christian community in
Jerusalem assumed at first a rigidly conservative
attitude towards the Law, and regarded the faith-
ful observance of it as praiseworthy (Ac 21 20 ; cf .
2 46 3 1 10 9 - 14 22 12 ). St. Peter, e.g., required a special
revelation before he would enter the house of
the uncircumcised Cornelius and admit the first



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