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need of any means of reconciliation with God
after estrangement by sin other than repentance '
(Hos 14 2 , Am p 22 ' 24 , Is I 13 - 17 , Mic 6 6 ' 8 ). On the
other hand, while repentance was always insisted
upon by Israel's religious teachers, there was a
tendency to assert the need of supplementary
means in order to bring about the reconciliation of
God and man. The conception may have origin-
ated in the practice of offering a propitiatory gift
or legal compensation to an outraged person
(Gn 20 18 32 13 ; cf. 1 S 26 19 , 2 S 24 18 '-), or in the
primitive view of sin as having a material exist-
ence of its own which called for an appropriate
ritual treatment beyond the mental change of
repentance, or in the customs of Levitical 'sin-
offerings, 5 which, although originally made in view
of ceremonial faults, for which ethical repentance
was strictly impossible, must have come to suggest
that, in addition to repentance, a sacrificial opera-
tion was needful even in cases of moral trans-

From the period of the Exile, prayer, fasting,
almsgiving, and especially the sufferings of the
righteous, were regarded as substitutes for material
sacrifices (see art. ' Atonement ' in JE). Is 53 is
the 'earliest expression of a conception [viz. the
atoning value of the sufferings of pious men] which
attained wide development in later times and con-
stantly meets us in the teaching of the Jewish
synagogues' (O. Whitehouse). One of the seven
brothers, during the persecutions of Antiochus
Epiphanes, prays that 'in me and my brothers,
the wrath of the Almighty may be appeased'
(2 Mac I 38 ). 4 Mac G 29 gives a prayer, ' Let my
blood serve for purification, and as an equivalent
for their life (avrtyirxov) take my own ' (cf. 4 Mac
I 11 9 24 17 20 ' 22 18 4 ). These passages supply an inter-
esting link between the old Leviticism and the
NT doctrine of the sacrificial death of Jesus.

The doctrine of propitiation receives no support
from the teaching of Jesus as given in the Synoptics.
Repentance and new life are the conditions of the
restoration of the Divine favour. Jesus does not
appear to have ever taught that reconciliation
depended upon His own death as a propitiation
(see DOG, art. ' Sacrifice '), although He did teach
that the spiritual ministration involved suffering
and sacrifice, so that the death of Jesus might
be figuratively regarded as a ' ransom for many '
(Mk 10 35 ' 45 ). Moreover, the teaching of Jesus is
not favourable to the view that legal right claims
a compensation beyond repentance, before the
Father will forgive. The moral of the parables of
the Prodigal and the Labourers (cf. Lk 23 43 ) is that
forensic conceptions are altogether inappropriate
in the religious sphere. Harmony with God is a
matter of attitude, not of purchase or compensation.
The teaching of the Acts of the Apostles agrees
with that of the Synoptics. There is no hint in
the early preaching of the Church, as recorded in
this work, of a propitiatory value in the death of
Jesus. Jesus is, indeed, described as a ' Saviour,'
but in the sense that He gives ' repentance to
Israel and remission of sins (Ac 5 81 ), i.e. He is
able to bring about a change in the hearts of men,
and, in accordance with prophetic teaching, pardon
follows repentance (cf. the description of the
preaching of the Baptist, as that of ' repentance
unto remission of sins,' Mk I 4 ).

But, with the exception of the authors of the
Synoptics, the Acts, and the Epistle of James,
the writers of the NT are strongly influenced by
the propitiatory theory of the death of Jesus. The
passage of the ' Suffering Servant' (Is 53 4( - lof -) sug-
gested a doctrine which seemed to throw light

upon the ignominious death of Jesus upon the
Cross. The ' stumbling-block ' to the Jewish mind
became the Christian's boast. How the sacrifice
was regarded as operating is not clear the analogy
of Levitical blood sacrifices was evidently some-
times in the mind of the writers (Ro 3 25 , 1 P I 19 ,
Jn I 29 , etc. ). St. Paul also holds the idea that the
death of Jesus is a sign of His human submission
to the elemental world-powers of darkness, who,
since Adam, have hela the world under their
grievous rule (HDB, art. ' Elements' ; also Wrede,
Paul, Eng. tr., 1907, p. 95). But, being more
than man, He rises from the dead. The Resur-
rection is a sign that Death one of the elemental
principalities and powers, and representative of
the rest has no longer dominion over Him
(Ro 6 9 ), or over those in ' faith' union with Him.
But these ' world-powers of darkness,' whose dues
the death of Jesus was conceived as satisfying, are
but a thinly disguised form of God's retribution
for Adam's sin. Ultimately the propitiation is
still made to God, although the emphasis is drawn
from the wrath of God to the love which inspired
the propitiatory action (cf. Jn 3 16 , Ro S 25 5 8 , etc.).
From this point, St. Paul follows the anti-legal
teaching of Jesus in asserting that ' justification
right relations with God depends on the new
attitude of ' faith,' not on ' works ' ; but legalisrn
with St. Paul must be satisfied by the prior trans-
action of Jesus on the Cross.

The difficulty in the doctrine of propitiation does
not lie in the fact that no ultimate distinction can
be made between the Power to whom propitiation
is offered and the God of love who offers it. Inde-
pendently of the interests of this particular doctrine,
we must accept the paradox that the same God
who works under the limitation of law ordains the
law which limits Him. But we cannot accept the
interpretation of the death of Jesus as an exalted
Levitical blood sacrifice, or as a transaction with the
' world-powers of darkness,' nor can we be satisfied
with a presentation of an angry God, who needs
compensation or some mollifying gift before He will
turn away the fierceness of His wrath. The sacri-
fices of God are a broken spirit ; a broken and con-
trite heart He will not despise (Ps 51 17 ). It would
seem more satisfactory to follow the suggestions
of the Synoptics and the Acts, and find the recon-
ciling work of Jesus, as directed not towards God,
but towards men, bringing about in them a repent-
ance which makes possible their harmonious rela-
tions with the Father.

The death of Jesus may be regarded partly as a
vicarious sacrifice of the order recognized in the
Synoptics suffering and self-denial for the sake of
the Kingdom of God, for conscience, and men's
uplifting. The justification of this law of sacrifice
(' Ever by losses the right must gain, Every good
have its birth of pain ' [Whittier, The Preacher})
is that it makes possible the expression of moral
qualities. In order that love may have significance,
it must pay a price must be written upon a hard
resisting world, as labour and self-denial. This
demand of law is obviously not indicative of Divine
displeasure or opposition.

The death of Jesus may also be regarded as part
of the penalty of human sin. If men had not been
selfish, hypocritical, apathetic to goodness and
justice, there would not have been the tragedy on
Calvary. In virtue of race solidarity, the sins of
an evil and adulterous generation fell upon Him.
This dark law that the innocent must suffer the
results of transgression along with the guilty has
an educative value in demonstrating the evil and
disastrous nature of sin, which is doubly terrible
since the suffering which it creates falls upon the
just as well as upon the unjust, sometimes even
more upon the former than upon the latter. The




penalty of sin indicates the Divine displeasure
towards sin, but not necessarily towards those who
pay the penalty, for obviously God cannot be con-
ceived as being angry with innocent sufferers,
involved in the results of others' sins. Neither
must we regard God as angry with a repentant
sinner because he continues to reap what he has
sown. The forgiveness of sin is distinct from
the cancelling of its results, which, in accord-
ance with educative moral law, must run their

One's trust in the forgiveness of God rests upon
the sense of the divinity of human forgiveness
' By all that He requires of me, I know what God
Himself must be' (Whittier, Revelation). If we
must judge the anger of God from the righteous
indignation of a good man, we cannot think of
His cherishing any vindictiveness, or needing any
propitiation to induce Him to forgive, when the
sinner seeks His face. Nor can a view of recon-
ciliation held by the most sternly ethical of the
OT prophets, and by the purest soul of the NT,
be considered as weakening the sense of sin, and
minimizing the grace of pardon.

The Day of Wrath. From the time of Amos,
OT prophetism had conceived a darker side to
Israel's still more ancient conception of the Day
of the Lord. It would be a time when human
wrongdoing, much of which was apparently over-
looked in this age, would receive its sure reward,
although genuine repentance would apparently
avert the coming anger (Jl 2, Am 5^-, Jer 18 8 ).
That 'great and notable Day' (Ac 2 20 ), with its
darker aspects, entered largely into NT thought
(Mt 3 7 T 22 , Lk 10 12 , 2 Th I 8 '-, etc.). It is to this
coming Dies Irce that the actual term ' wrath of
God ' ((fy>yfy TOV 0eoC) is almost uniformly applied by
NT writers. Some of the Divine indignation may
be manifested in the present operation of moral
law the penalties experienced by the ungodly
heathen seem to be part of the Divine wrath
which ' is being revealed ' (diroKaMTTTerai) from
heaven (Ro I 18t ) ; and, according to 13 4 , the
temporal ruler punishing evil-doers is ' a minister
of God, an avenger for (Divine) wrath,' i.e. a
human instrument carrying out in this age the
Divine retribution. But the emphasis is upon
'the wrath to come.' In the present age, moral
law only imperfectly operates. The sinner is
treasuring up for himself 'wrath in the day of
wrath ' (Ro 2 5 ), when upon every soul that worketh
evil shall be wrath and indignation, tribulation
and anguish (v. 9 ; cf. Rev II 18 6 16 - 17 , where the
Divine anger is spoken of as ' the wrath of the
Lamb'). Repentance before the Day of Wrath
will save one from the coming doom (Ac 2 21 - ** *,
Eph 2 s ), and the provision of these days of grace
modifies the conception of the Divine sternness
(Ro Q 22 ). The 'Law,' in making transgression
possible, ' worketh wrath ' (Ro 4 1S ), but Christ, by
His reconciliation of man and God, delivers the
believer from the 'wrath to come' (1 Th I 10 5 9 ).
The NT significance of 6pyJ; Oeov is illustrated in
Ro 5 9 , where St. Paul argues from the fact of
present reconciliation with God that the saints
will be delivered from the 'wrath of God.' Even
where the Divine anger is described as having
already had its manifestation, the reference may
really be eschatological (Ritschl). The aorist of
1 Th 2 16 (t<j>9affev 8t iir afootis ^ 6pyi) els rAos) seems
to indicate that, in the Apostle's judgment, some
historical manifestation or God's wrath upon the
Jews has already taken place, but St. Paul may
regard such an indication of the Divine anger as
the preliminary movements of the Day of Wrath.
The clouds were already gathering for that con-
summation which the Apostle was expecting in
his own lifetime (1 Th 4 16 ).
VOL. i. 5

LITERATURE. A. Ritschl, de Ira Dei, Bonn, 1859, Justifica-
tion and Atonement, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1900; R. W. Dale,
The Atonement"*, London, 1878 ; D. W. Simon, Redemption o)
Man'*, do. 1906 ; O. Lodge, Man and the Universe, do. 1908, chs.
7 and 8 ; P. Gardner, Exploratio Eoangelica, do. 1899, chs. 29,
31. For human anger : J. Butler's Sermong, 8 and 9 ; J. R.
Seeley, EcceHomo, 1866, pp. 21-23 ; Tolstoi, Essays and Letters,
Ch. 12. H. BULCOCK.

ANNAS (Gr. 'Avvas, Heb. j:n, 'merciful' [in
Josephus, Ananos]). Annas the son of Sethi, ap-
pointed high priest by yuirinius in A.D. 6 or 7,
retained office till he was deposed by Valerius
Gratus in A.D. 15 (Jos. Ant. xvill. ii. 1, 2).
Josephus tells us that he was regarded as the most
fortunate of men, for he had five sons who all held
the office of high priest (Ant. XX. ix. 1). From
the Fourth Gospel we learn that Joseph Caiaphas,
the high priest at the date of the Crucifixion, was
a son-in-law of Annas (Jn 18 13 ). His removal from
office in A.D. 15 did not by any means diminish his
influence. Being extremely wealthy, he was able
to exert the powers of high priest long after he
was deposed. His wealth and that of his sons
was acquired by the institution of the ' booths or
bazaars of the sons of Annas,' which enjoyed the
monopoly for the sale of all kinds of sacrificial
requirements. These booths were situated either
in the temple court (Keim, Jesus of Nazara, v.
116; Edersneim, LT iii. 5) or on the Mount of
Olives ( J. Derenbourg, Essai sur Fhistoire . . . dela
Palestine, 1867, p. 465). The words of Jesus re-
garding the unholy traffic (Mt 21 13 , Lk 19 46 ) aroused
the hostility of the priestly party and led to His
arrest and examination by Annas ( Jn 18 13 "- 4 ). The
Talmud accuses the sons of Annas of ' serpentlike
hissings' (or whisperings [Pes. 57]). Probably
the meaning is that they exerted private influ-
ence on the judges and perverted justice for their
own ends. Their attitude towards Jesus and the
apostles as revealed in the NT seems to bear out
this interpretation. Although, as we have seen,
Annas was deposed from the high-priestly office in
A.D. 15, he retains the title all through the NT.
Both Josephus and the writers of the NT uniformly
give the title ' high priest ' not only to the actual
occupant of the office at the time, but to all his
predecessors who were still alive, as well as to all
the more influential members of the families from
which the high priests were selected. The phrase
in Lk 3 a ' in the high-priesthood of Annas and
Caiaphas' is unique, and may be accounted for
by the fact that the combination had become so
familiar in connexion with the history of the
Crucifixion that St. Luke couples the two to-
gether here (Ewald, HI, vol. vi. [1883] p. 430,
n. 3).

The important and influential position held by
Annas even after his deposition is proved by the
fact that it was to him that Jesus was first sent
before He appeared at the more formal tribunal of
the Sanhedrin ( Jn 18 1S ). The interview with Annas
(Jn 18 19 " 23 ) determined the fate of the prisoner, and
probably Annas was the chief instigator in com-
passing the death. In Ac 4 8 Annas again appears
as the head of the party who tried the apostles
and enjoined them to keep silent about the

LITERATURE. Josephus, Antiquities, passim; A. Eders-
heim, LT i. [1886] 263 ; T. Keim, Jesus of A'azara, 1867-1882,
vi. 36 ff. ; E. Schiirer, GJV* ii. [1907] 256, 270, 274, 275.


ANOINTING. Anointing was used in antiquity
in three chief connexions : (1) as a part of the
toilet, to beautify, strengthen, and refresh the
body ; (2) medicinally ; (3) as a part of religious
ceremonial. From the last-named sprang (4) the
use of terms of anointing in a metaphorical sense




to signify, e.g., the imparting of the Divine Spirit,
whether to the Messiah or to the Christian dis-

1. So far as the first use is concerned, examples
within our period may be found in the anointing
of the Lord's feet (Lk I 36 - *>, Jn 12 3 ) and in Mt 6 17
' anoint thy head, and wash thy face.'

2. Instances of the second occur in Jn 9*' n ,
Rev 3 18 ' eyesalve to anoint thine eyes,' and are
generally found in Mk 6 13 ' they anointed with oil
many that were sick, and healed them,' and Ja 5 14
' Is any among you sick ? let him call for the elders
of the church ; and let them pray over him, anoint-
ing him with oil in the name of the Lord.' The
commentators on these texts generally quote pass-
ages to prove that the use of oil was well known
in medicine, and leave it to be understood that the
apostles in the Gospel and the elders in the Epistle
are thought of as making use of the simplest heal-
ing remedy known to them. This method of in-
terpretation does not seem satisfactory, because
the parallels quoted do not bear out the point. In
Is 1* and Lk 10 34 oil is used as a remedy for
wounds, not for internal sickness. Herod in his
last illness was placed in a bath of warm oil (Jos.
BJ I. xxxiii. 5), but this was only one amongst
several methods of treatment used in his case, and
was no doubt employed because of the open and
running sores on his body. Galen (Med. Temp.,
bk. ii. ) speaks of oil as the ' best of medicines for
withered and dry bodies,' but that does not mean
that he would have advocated the indiscriminate
use of oil in cases of sickness due to various causes.
Philo's praise of oil for imparting vigour to the
flesh (Somn. ii. 8) must not be pressed into an advo-
cacy of it as a panacea against all forms of dis-
ease. It must remain doubtful whether the two
NT passages can be reasonably understood to mean
that oil was used as a simple medical remedy with-
out deeper signification.

3. The use of anointing in religious ceremony
was very varied. It was applied both to persons
as, e.g., to the kings and high priests and to in-
animate things. 1 his is not the place to investi-
gate the original signification of the act of anoint-
ing in religious ceremonies (see Robertson Smith,
Eel. Sem. 2 , 1894, pp. 233, 383 ; ERE, HDB, SDB,
EBi, art. 'Anointing'), but it seems clear that it
came to signify the consecration of persons and
things to the service of God, and also the com-
munication to, e.g., the kings, of the Divine Spirit
(see E. Kautzsch, in HDB v. 659). That is to say,
anointing had in part the nature of a sacrament.
And it seems probable that something of this sort
underlies the passages Mk 6 13 , Ja 5 14 . The anoint-
ing oil was not merely medicinal, but consecrated
the patient to God, and, together with prayer, was
the means of conveying to him the Divine healing
life. We may compare a passage in the Secrets of
Enoch (22 s ), where Enoch, when carried into the
presence of God, is anointed with holy oil, with
the result (56 4 ) that he needs no food, and is purged
from earthly passions.

4. Instances of the metaphorical use of anoint-
ing to signify the communication of the Divine
Spirit are to be found in 1 Jn 2 1>0 - a ' ye have an
anointing from the Holy One,' ' his anointing
teacheth you all things.' ' Anointing' here means
the material, not the act, of anointing, and so the
grace of the Holy Spirit. The same metaphorical
use is found in 2 Co I 21 , ' He that hath anointed
us is God ' ; and in the passages in which Christ is
spoken of as having been anointed, Ac 4 s7 10 38 ,
He I 9 (OT quot.). A passage in the recently dis-
covered Odes of Solomon (36 5 ), ' He hath anointed
:ue from his own perfection,' may be referred to
here. It is uncertain whether the speaker is Christ
or the Christian. Allusions to a custom of anoint-

ing dead bodies are found in Mk 14 s and the
parallels, and in Mk 16'.

Lastly, reference should be made to the absten-
tion from anointing by the Essenes (Jos. BJ II.
viii. 3). This is explained by Schiirer (HJP II.
ii. 212) as a part of an attempt to return to the
simplicity of nature ; by Bousset (Rel. des Jud. 2 ,
Berlin, 1906, p. 442) as a protest against the priest-
hood, whose authority rested upon anointing.

LITERATURE. See the artt. 'Anointing' in ERE, HDB, and
EBi ; and, for the development of the doctrine of Extreme
Unction in the Church, J. B. Mayor on Ja 514 (Ep. of St.
James*, 1910); see also ExpT xvii. [1900] 418 ff., and the
literature there cited. WlLLOUGHBY C. ALLEN.

ANSWER. Passing over the very large number
of occurrences of this word in the common sense of
'reply ' (diroKpivo/, d.jr6/c/3icris), there are one or two
interesting usages to note before we come to the
most theologically significant use of the term.
Thus in Tit 2 9 slaves are enjoined not to ' answer
again' (AV; RV 'gainsay,' avriXtyw) ; in Gal 4 M
' this Hagar is Mount Sinai in Arabia and answer-
eth to (i.e. ' corresponds with,' ffvo-roixtu) the Jeru-
salem that now is' ; in Ro II 4 St. Paul, discussing
the despair of Elijah, asks ' What saith the answer
(XpTwaTUTfids, ' Divine oracle ') of God unto him ? '

The passages with which we are most concerned,
however, are those which speak of the Christian
answer or 'defence' (so usually in RV) against
critics from within or without the Church (diro-
\oy{, da-oXoyi'a). In the life of St. Paul we have,
e.g., his 'answer' or apologia before Felix (Ac24 loar> ),
before Festus (25 8ff> ), and before Agrippa (26 ia ).
The charges brought against him were that he had
incited the people to sedition (24 s 25 s ), that lie had
profaned the Temple (24 8 ), and that he was a ring-
leader of the Sect of the Nazarenes (24 5 ). His
defence was skilfully directed in each case to the
rebutting of the charges, to the conciliation of his
judges, and to the demand that as a Roman citizen
he should be tried before Caesar. Before Agrippa
and Festus he defended himself so successfully that
they agreed that, if he had not appealed to Caesar,
he might have been set at liberty, but having made
the appeal he could no longer withdraw. In 2 Ti
4 16 St. Paul is represented as complaining that at
his 'first answer' (before Caesar) no man took his
part, but that ' all men forsook him ' (cf. I 16 ). With
these instances may be compared the remarkable
' answer ' of St. Stephen before the Sanhedrin (Ac 7).

Of probably even greater interest than these
defences before civil tribunals are St. Paul's
answers to those who denied his Apostleship,
the Judaizers who followed him from place to
place and attempted to undermine his teaching
and influence among his converts in his absence
a fact to which we largely owe the letters to the
Galatians and the Corinthians, or at least the
most characteristic and polemical portions of them.
The same or other enemies charged him with
inconsistency (1 Co 10 2 ' 11 etc.), and brought other
charges against him (II 7 - 8 - 9 , 1 Co 9 2 ), such as
the charge of being mean in appearance (10 7 ' 10 ),
of being rude of speech (11"), of being a visionary
(12 7 ), and of other things not mentioned, whicii
evidently inspired certain obscure references
throughout these chapters. St. Paul's apologia
meets these charges with a vehement assertion of
his innocence, of his full Apostleship, of his com-
petency to utter forth the gospel from fullness of
knowledge (II 6 ), and of his abundant sufferings and
self-denial for the sake of his converts. The large
space given to these apologies and personal re-
joinders is remote from our modern habit of
mind, but it should be borne in mind that every
educated man in these days was expected by the
Greeks to be ready to take free part in polemics




of this kind, and to defend himself vigorously
against attack. In 1 P 3 1S we have the well-known
injunction to be ' ready always to give answer to
every man that asketn you a reason concerning
the hope that is in you,' whether before a judge or
in informal conversation which should probably
be interpreted in this sense. In v. 21 of the same
chapter ' the answer (AV) of a good conscience
towards God' is a difficult phrase, and the com-
mentaries should be consulted. 4-irepwTrifj.a. can
hardly mean 'answer,' and the RV translates
' interrogation ' (see a long note in Huther in
Meyer's Com. pp. 192-197). C. Bigg (ICC, in loc.)
interprets it of the baptismal question or demand.
The Epistle to the Hebrews has been called ' the
first Christian apology,' in the sense of a definite
and reasoned defence of the Christian faith and
position. It had its forerunners in the speeches of
St. Paul already referred to, and its successors in
the long line of Ante-Nicene 'apologies,' of which
those of Justin Martyr and Tertullian are two
outstanding examples.

LITERATURE. Comm. on the passages cited; E. F. Scott,
The Apologetic of the flew Testament, 1907; H. M. Gwatkin,
Early Church History, 1909, ch. xi., and similar works ; W. M.
Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, St. Paul
the Traveller and Roman Citizen, 1895 ; T. R. Glover, The
Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire, 1909.


ANTICHRIST (dvT/xpwros). The word is found
in the NT only in 1 Jn 2 18 - 4 8 , 2 Jn 7 , but the
idea further appears in the Gospels, the Pauline
Epistles, and above all in the Apocalypse. It

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