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carnal, and could not purge the conscience, and
thus required to be continually repeated, just as,
again, the priests themselves were mortal, and in
turn gave place to others. Likewise the sanctuary
was merely of this world, merely a copy of the
true sanctuary in heaven, just as the benefits of
the Old Covenant were of an earthly nature a
shadow of heavenly benefits to come (8-10). The
leading idea of Hebrews, accordingly, is not so




much that the Law is a tutor until Christ comes
(see above, 4 (&)) as that it is an imperfect and now
obsolete institution whicrh Christians may there-
fore tranquilly leave behind.

Compared with St. Paul's doctrine of the Law,
that of Hebrews is more restrained in so far as
it attaches greater importance to the connexion
between the Old Covenant and the New, i.e. that
it more strongly emphasizes the typological char-
acter of the Law, and that it regards the OT faith
as being more akin to that of the NT ; or, to put
it otherwise, it insists more upon the aspect of
hope even in the NT faith (Il l -l2 3 ). Again, how-
ever, the view of Hebrews is more radical than
that of St. Paul in so far as it is of a more spiritual
stamp (cf., e.g., the expression in 9 10 : 'only . . .
carnal ordinances,' fiavov SiicaiwfjiaTa crapes) a
feature connected with the fact that the author
has in view mainly the ritual law. As a whole,
the Epistle stands upon a basis of Paulinism, but
it also bears the impress of the Alexandrian
spiritualistic philosophy. The attitude of the
author to the Jewish Christian problem in the
narrower sense as, e.g., the retention of circum-
cision and the Sabbath cannot be directly inferred
from the Epistle, but, if we may argue from his
general standpoint, he must have regarded all such
matters simply as adiaphora. The Epistle as a
whole may be described as an appeal to the Jewish
Christians to abandon Judaism without misgiving,
since Christians have here no abiding city (Jeru-
salem), but seek the city which is to come (13 14 ).
The subsequent destruction of the Temple was the
best illustration of that appeal.

6. The Law in the Johannine writings. Echoes
of the controversy about the Law may no doubt
still be heard in the Johannine writings, but the
question is no longer a living one. Paulinism had
by this time fought to an end the decisive battle
with Judaism, and the great catastrophe of A.D.
70 had exercised a liberating influence on Jewish
Christianity. It is true that, of the Johannine
writings, Revelation may have been written in the
decade preceding the Fall of Jerusalem, but, though
in the Epistles to the Seven Churches (2. 3) the
influence of the Apostolic Decree is probably still
traceable (cf. 2 20ff - with 2 4 - 14 and Ac 15 28 ), yet the
idea of the Law plays no part in the book. The
Apocalypse no doubt attaches special importance
to the ' commandments of God,' repeatedly enjoin-
ing their observance (12 17 14 12 22 14 ), and, similarly,
great stress is laid upon the works of believers,
since in the Judgment men are to be recompensed
according to their works (Z* 20 m - 22 13 ; cf. 14 18 ),
while in five (RV ; AV all) of the seven letters the
direct address opens with the words, ' I know thy
works ' (2 2 ; 19 3 1 - 15 ). The works referred to, how-
ever, are in no sense the 'works of the Law,' but
rather ordinary Christian actions, or Christian
virtues ; cf. the details of the letters and the
lists of vices in 21 8 - 27 22 19 . Nor, again, are
the ' commandments of God ' to be identified with
the commandments of Moses. On the contrary,
the peculiar way in which they are linked with the
'testimony,' or the 'faith of Jesus,' seems to in-
dicate that the expression does not differ essenti-
ally in meaning from the phrase ' the word of God '
occurring in a like connexion, and that it finds its
explanation in 1 John, in which faith in the name
of Jesus and brotherly love are represented as the
two chief commandments of God (cf. Rev I 9 12"
14 2 with 1 Jn S 28 4 1M - S 1 *).

That the general religious attitude of Revelation
is Jewish Christian may probably be inferred from
such passages as ll a 20 9 21 ia and 7 1 ' 8 . But this
does not imply that the work has a particularistic
or an anti- Pauline standpoint ; the truth is, rather,
that the book presupposes throughout the uni-

versality of salvation (cf. 5 9 7 9 [21 24 ' 26 ]), just as,
conversely, it says that the unbelieving Jews are
not Jews but ' a synagogue of Satan ' (2 9 3 9 ). And
when (in 2 24 ) the Lord assures believers that He
will cast upon them no other burden than abstinence
from things sacrificed to idols and from fornication
(cf. 2 14f - 20 ), we are reminded, as indicated above,
of the ordinances of the Apostolic Decree for the
Gentile Christians. The word ' law ' (vo'/tos), how-
ever, does not occur in the book.

In the First Epistle of John as in the Second
and Third as well we find no special reference to
the Law. In the First Epistle an error is assailed
which lies quite outside the question as to the
validity of the Mosaic Law, viz. an ethical in-
differentism which, side by side with a Docetic
Christology, had apparently assumed a Gnostic
complexion. When John, after a warning against
being led astray, declares with emphasis that ' he
(only) that doeth righteousness is righteous," and
that 'he that doeth sin is of the devil' (3 7f ') he
probably has in view some misapplication of the
Pauline teaching on righteousness. There is
nothing in the Epistle which points directly to
antinomian tendencies, but something of that
nature seems to be hinted at in the closing ad-
monition against 'the idols' (5 21 ), which would
appear to point to the evils mentioned in Rev
2 1 "- w . On the positive side, the exhortations of
the Epistle are directed towards the true faith and
towards walking in brotherly love ; ' to walk in
the light ' consists in brotherly love (cf. 2*- u 3 llff -
4. 5). St. John's well-known definition of sin as
'transgression of the law,' 'lawlessness' (dvo/j.ia
[1 Jn 3 4 ]), might seem to be of special interest for
our present subject, but he does not further develop
the thought, which is apparently only of a sub-
sidiary character, to be compared with the refer-
ences to the requirements of the Law with which
on occasion St. Paul supports his admonitions (cf.
Gal 5 14 , Ro 13 8 ' 10 ).

Finally, the Gospel of St. John shows its remote-
ness from the ecclesiastical conflict regarding the
Law by the subordinate place which the idea of
the v6fj.os occupies in it. This probably finds ex-
pression in the significant verse of the Prologue
(I 17 ) in which St. John compares the Old and the
New Dispensation : ' the law was given through
Moses ; grace and truth came through Jesus Christ.'
The antithesis of law and grace is genuinely
Pauline ; that of law and truth reminds us above
all of the Epistle to the Hebrews: the Law was
only an imperfect revelation of the nature of God,
which has at length been declared by the only
begotten Son (Jn I 18 ), 'full of grace and truth'
(v. 14 ). Moreover, the references to the Law in the
body of the Gospel are not so much meant, as in
Mt., to interpret its requirements ; here, in fact,
the Law, or the Scripture, is adduced rather for
purposes of argument (cf. 5 s9 - 45 ' 47 with 7 19 " 24 10 34 '-
[' your law '= Scripture, Ps 82] ; cf. 12 84 [' the law '
= Ps HO 4 , Is 9 7 , Dn 7 14 ]). It is true that the law
of the Sabbath is referred to in a special way,
inasmuch as Jesus was on two occasions charged
with violating the day, and vindicated His action
( 5 9-i3.i8-i8 722-24. c f. giiff.) by appealing to the ex-
ample of God His Father, who ' worketh even until
now ' (5 17 ), and to the practice of circumcising on
the Sabbath (7 s2 ). A passage like 7 19ff> , however,
and still more decidedly 10 34 ('in your law'), seems
to indicate a certain detachment from the stand-
point of the Law generally. And the superiority
of the Christian point of view, as contrasted with
the Law, or with the legal worship, finds expression
above all in the great utterance of Jesus regarding
the true worship (4 21 - M ) : ' the hour cometh when
neither in this mountain nor in Jerusalem shall ye
worship the Father. . . . God is spirit : and they




that worship him must worship in spirit and truth.'
The ethic of St. John's Gospel is most impressively
brought to a focus in the new commandment of
brotherly love (13 34 15 12 - 13 - "). While the dis-
courses of Jesus in the first part of the Gospel,
in which He addresses the people ('the world'),
demand faith in His name, those in the second
part (13-17), where He speaks to the disciples (those
who have that faith, believers), all converge in the
commandment of mutual love ; here, accordingly,
we have the same two-fold requirement which we
found so simply expressed in the First Epistle of
John (3 23 ). In the Gospel, no doubt, Jesus speaks
not only of His commandment, but also of His
commandments ; by these, however, He must have
meant, not the commandments of the OT, but in
all likelihood simply the special aspects of the law
of love.

1 John tends to set faith and love side by side
(cf. Rev 14 12 : faith and the ' commandments of
God'), and the Fourth Gospel shows the same
collocation. In this point, accordingly, St. John
diners from St. Paul, who indicated the subordina-
tion of love to faith in the phrase ' faith working
through love ' (Gal 5 6 ). In point of fact, however,
St. John too has recognized the dependence of love
upon faith, since, as just indicated, the first part
of his Gospel is occupied with the preaching of
faith (1-12), while in the second part (13ff.)
brotherly love is regarded as being based upon the
true foundation of discipleship, i.e. upon faith.
Through faith comes life in the name of Jesus
Christ (20 31 ; cf. 1 Jn 5 13 ). No room is left, therefore,
for legal merit or self-righteousness. Thus St.
John homologates the Pauline conception of the
gospel, but expresses his view in a manner much
more simple, and therefore less precise.

7. The Law in the sub-apostolic writings. In
the post-apostolic writings of the 1st cent, the
Law, as signifying the Mosaic legislation, plays
no part at all. In the so-called First Epistle of
Clement the term occurs but once (i. 3), and there
in the plural form : ' Ye walked in the laws of
God' an utterance which, both according to the
context and in view of the persons addressed
(Gentile Christians in Corinth), can have no refer-
ence to the OT Law in the specific sense. It was
in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers of the 2nd
cent. as, e.g., the Shepherd of Hermas and the
Epistle of Barnabas that Christianity came to be
regardea as ' the new Law.' Barnabas says that
God abolished the Jewish sacrifices in order that
the new Law of our Lord Jesus Christ, which is
without the yoke of compulsion, should involve no
sacrificial gift, as that is but the work of man (ii.
6) an idea that partly recalls St. James's phrase,
'the perfect law of liberty' (Ja I'-* 6 ; cf. 2 12 ).
Hermas, again, speaks of Christ as the one who
gave to the people (of God) the Law that He re-
ceived from His Father, but also as the one who is
Himself the Law ; the Law is the Son of God, who
was preached to the ends of the earth (Sim. viii.
3. 2) i.e. the gospel has taken the place of the
ancient Law, or, otherwise expressed, Christ in His
example and His commandments has been consti-
tuted the sole moral authority of Christians.
What distinguishes this sub-apostolic view from
that of St. Paul, however, is that the idea of ' the
new Law ' not only verbally but also materially
implies a moralism that was quite foreign to the
Apostolic Age, inasmuch as the idea of Law has
coloured the conception of the gospel.

When the strain between Law and gospel had at
length been relieved, legalism gradually once more
found its way indirectly into the Church. We
can already trace the process in the Ancient
Catholic Church, and still more distinctly in the
Mediaeval Church. At the Reformation, however,

the primitive-Christian, Pauline solution of the
problem of the Law was vindicated once more,
and legalism and antinomianism were alike sur-
mounted. The theology of the Reformation, in
its interpretation of grace and faith, showed, with
St. Paul as its guide, not only that, but also how,
the Christian is constrained to do good works, and
thus fulfil the Law of God (Augsburg Confession
[1530], xx. 36, ' Apol.' [1531] iii. 15). '

LITERATURE. The text-books of NT Theology by B. Weiss
(Eng. tr. of 3rd ed., Edinburgh, 1882-83), H. J. Holtzmann
(-Tubingen, 1911), A. Schlatter (Calw, 1909-10), P. Feine
(Leipzig, 1910), H. Weinel (Tubingen, 1911) ; C. v. Weizsacker,
Das apostolische Zeitalter der christlichen Kirche^, Freiburg,
1892 (passim) ; E. Grafe, Die paulinische Lehre vom Gesetz
nach den vier Hauptbriefen, do. 1893 ; Lyder Brun, Paulus's
laire om loven, Christiania, 1894 ; A. Zahn, Das Gesetz Gottes
nach der Lehre und der Erfahrung des Apostel Paulusft, Halle,
1892 ; P. Feine, Das gesetzesfreie Evangelium des Paving,
Leipzig, 1899 ; G. B. Stevens, Theology of the NT, 1899, p. 17 ;
A. E. Garvie, Studies of Paul and his Gospel, 1911, p. 192 ; E.
P. Gould, Biblical Theology of the NT, 1900, p. 27. See also
the accounts of Paolinism by E. Renan (Eng. tr., London,
1869), F. W. Farrar (do. 1879), O. Pfleiderer (Leipzig, 1873,
Eng. tr., London, 1877), A. Sabatier ("Paris, 1896, Eng. tr.,
London, 1906), and treatises on the subject of ' Jesus and St.

?"!' OLAF MOE.

LAWYER. In Israel the activities of the lawyer
were limited by the Torah, or Law of Moses. His
functions were three-fold : to study and interpret
the Law (and the traditions arising from it), to
hand it down by teaching, and to apply it in the
Courts of Justice. The lawyers played an im-
portant part in the proceedings of the Sanhedrin,
not only voting, but also speaking, if they saw fit,
on either side of a case, though in criminal charges
solely on behalf of the accused (Mishn. Sanhedrin,
iv. 1). The Roman lawyers were more secular in
their interests, and applied themselves more directly
to the practical aspects of jurisprudence. Their
work in the law-courts covered a wide range. The
most general representative of law was the cognitor,
or attorney, whose place (in Gaius's time) was par-
tially tilled by the procurator litis, or legal agent ;
but in court the case was pleaded by thepatronus
or orator, the skilled counsel of whom Cicero is so
illustrious an example, often assisted by the advo-
catus, or legal adviser. The opinion of juriscon-
sulti, or professional students of law, could also be
laid before the judges. See TRIAL- AT-LAW.

In the NT lawyers appear as vofj-ucol, 'jurists'
(freq. in Lk., but elsewhere only in Mt 22 s5 and
Tit 3 13 ), or vo/j.o8i6d<rKa\oi, ' doctors of the law '
(only in Lk 5 17 , Ac 5 s4 , and 1 Ti I 7 ) ; but they are
clearly identical with the ypa/j.fiareis, 'scribes/who
are mentioned so often in the Gospels and Acts.
These lawyers are all of the Jewish type. The
Roman lawyer appears, however, in the p-qrup or
'orator' Tertullus, who pleaded the cause of St.
Paul's prosecutors before the Roman governor
Felix (Ac 24 lff -) in order, no doubt, that the
proper technicalities might be observed, and the
case presented in the way most likely to win over
the trained Roman mind. See TERTULLUS.

LITERATURE. On Jewish lawyers cf. D. Eaton in HDB iii.
83 ff., with references; and on Roman jurists and orators see
A. H. J. Greenidge, Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time, 1901,
p. 148 ff. ; H. J. Roby, Hainan Private Law in the Times of
Cicero and of the Antonines, 1902, ii. 407 ff. ; and other authori-
ties cited in art. TRIAL- AT-LAW. A. R. GORDON.


LEAVEN (from levare, ' to raise ' ; fi^t*?, v(iovt> ;
fermentum). Leaven is a substance which produces
fermentation, especially in the making of bread.
It is properly a piece or already fermented dough,
which is mixed with other dough in order to repeat
the process. In the warm climate of Syria the
fermentation is completed in 24 hours. The com-
mandment against the use of raised bread during




the Passover week (Ex 12 17 13 7 , etc.) was no doubt
a survival from Israel's nomadic period, when (as
among the nomads of to-day) all bread was un-
leavened. Fermentation was supposed to represent
the process of corruption in the mass of the bread
an idea found in Plutarch, who says : ' Now
leaven is itself the offspring of corruption, and
corrupts the mass (TO <f>6pa/j.a) with which it is
mixed' (Quces. Rom. 109). Bread with the taint
of putrefaction was regarded as unfit for use in
religious ceremonies (see W. R. Smith, RS 2 , 1894,
p. 220). On the eve of the first day of the Pass-
over the 14th Nisan the Jews, in accordance
with their immemorial custom, still carefully re-
move every trace of leaven which can be found in
their houses. Fresh dough kneaded with pure
water is used in the preparation of the cakes of
unleavened bread which are to be eaten during the
holy week.

As a figure of speech, ' leaven ' is applied to any
element, influence, or agency which effects a subtle
and secret change either for the better or for the
worse. On the one hand, the Kingdom of Heaven
is a leaven which is destined to penetrate, and
assimilate to itself, the whole of humanity (Mt
13 s3 , Lk 13 20 '-). On the other, even an apparently
insignificant sin, if tolerated and unchecked in a
community, has great power of corruption, and St.
Paul twice quotes the popular saying, 'A little
leaven leavens the whole lump ' (8\ov TO 0tfpa/ta, 1
Co 5 6 , Gal 5 9 ). The followers of Christ are already
unleavened (dfu/iot) ; virtually and ideally in the
purpose of God and in their own passionate desire
they are completely purged from the leaven of
iniquity ; but the ideal has still to be realized.
They are therefore exhorted to set about and carry
through their Passover cleansing of the soul to
rid themselves of all infected and infectious re-
mains of their pre-Christian state that they may
keep not a seven-days' but a life-long feast with the
unleavened bread of sincerity and truth (1 Co 5 s " 8 ).



LEOPARD (irdpSaXw). The Greek word seems to
have been used indiscriminately by the classical
writers to designate ' leopard,' ' panther,' or
' ounce.' The only NT reference to the ' leopard '
is in Rev 13 2 , where it occurs in the description of
' the Wild Beast from the sea ' ' the beast which
I saw was like unto a leopard.' The concrete
reality, of which the Wild Beast was the abstract
emblem, was of course the Roman Empire. To
the mind of the Seer, the attitude adopted by
Rome towards the early Christian Church was
that of a leopard. She exhibited the same agility
(cf. Hab I 8 ) and cunning (cf. Hos 13 7 ), as well as
the same ruthless cruelty, as that much-dreaded
inhabitant of Palestine and the East.

The leopard (Felis pardus, Arab, nimr, Heb.
ndmer) is still found round the Dead Sea, in Gilead
and Bashan, and also occasionally in Lebanon and
the wooded districts of the west ; but, judging from
the numerous allusions in the OT and the occur-
rence of the word in place-names (e.g. 'Beth-
Nimrah ' or ' Nimrah '), it is reasonable to suppose
that it was more common in early times. It
usually lurks near wells or watering-places (cf.
'waters of Nimrim,' Is 15 6 , Jer 48 s4 ), and in the
outskirts of villages (cf. Jer 5 8 ), to pounce at
night upon cattle and dogs. The beautifully
spotted skins are often sold in the markets and
are used as rugs and saddle-covers, while some-
times they are worn as an article of clothing.

The Felis pardus is found over the whole of
Africa, S. Asia, China, Japan, and the islands of
the Malay Archipelago.

Another animal of the leopard tribe, the well-

known cheeta or hunting-leopard of India (Felis
jubatus), is sometimes found in the hills of Galilee
and in the neighbourhood of Tabor, but its occur-
rence is rare. It is much tamer than the Felis
pardus, and in India it is often domesticated and
kept for hunting antelopes and other animals.

LITERATURE. H. B. Tristram, SWP vii. [1884], p. 18 f.,
The Natural History of the Bible^, 1911, pp. 111-114 ; H. B.
Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John*, 1907, p. 162 ; SDB 540 f. ;
HDBiii. 95; EBini. 2762 f. ; W. M. Thomson, The Land and
the Book, 1864, p. 444 f. P. S. P. HANDCOCK.

LETTER. The distinction between the 'true
letter' and the 'epistle' was dealt with in the
art. EPISTLE. In tne Christian literature of the
Apostolic Age till the end of the 1st cent, we have,
besides Ac 15 23 ' 29 and 23 25 ' 30 , sixteen letters in the
proper sense of the term viz. the ten Epistles
of St. Paul that may reasonably be regarded as
authentic ; the three Pastoral Epistles, which, if
authentic, are undoubtedly real letters, and, if
spurious, are at all events based upon genuine
letters from the Apostle's hand ; the Second and
Third Epistles of St. John, both of which could
at once be characterized rather as something
like short private missives ; and, finally, the
First Epistle of Clement. Of the genuine Pauline
letters, Romans comes nearest in character to the
'epistle,' though the fact that it is less personal
and intimate in its tone and more suggestive of
the treatise is quite well accounted for by certain
psychological considerations as, e.g., that the
writer was not personally known to the community
which he was addressing ; we should not there-
fore be justified in saying that the letter-form is a
mere artifice. On the other hand, the so-called
First Epistle of Clement, which is written in the
name of one entire community to another, is a
peculiar composite of ' letter and ' epistle ' ; it
was certainly meant to be a true letter, arising
out of the actual circumstances of the writer's own
church at Rome, and having in view the actual
circumstances of the church in Corinth, but it is
quite clear that Clement was working upon a tradi-
tion of Christian letters and epistles, so that
especially in regard to the length of his message
he does not altogether succeed in maintaining the
characteristics of a true letter. The Christian
writers of the Apostolic Age, in fact, had not yet
become proficient in such literary forms as the
treatise, the dialogue, or the controversial pam-
phlet, and this explains why they had recourse to
the letter as the simplest literary vehicle, and yet
at the same time burst the trammels of its form.
A comparison of the true letters of the Apostolic
Age with true letters from approximately the same
period of the heathen world shows that, while the
similarities in style and diction are manifold and
by no means insignificant, yet the former class
display a very remarkable independence in their
use of the traditional form.

LITERATURE. Cf. the works cited in art. EPISTLE ; on the true
letters of the ancients cf. esp. L. Mitteis and U. Wilcken,
GrundziigeundChrestomathie der Papyruskunde, 2 vols., Leip-
zig, 1912 ; also H. Lietzmann, Griechische Papyri?, Bonn, 1910 ;
G. A. Deissmann, Licht vom Osten?, 1909 (Eng. tr.2, 1911), and
the well-known edd. of Oxyrhynchus papyri, etc. On ' true
letters' from the Christian sphere, cf. the present writer's
Gesch. der altchristt. Literatur, Leipzig, 1911.


LEYITE. According to the view represented in
the OT by the so-called ' Priests' Code,' the Levites
were originally the clan whose members were quali-
fied for the priestly office. In the course of time
a distinction arose, and the Levites became the
principal attendants upon the priests, entrusted
with minor sacerdotal duties but not competent to




succeed to the full status. In the NT, outside the
Gospels, the terra occurs but once or twice. Barna-
bas of Cyprus, where there were numerous Jews
and Christians (1 Mac 15 23 , Ac II 19 ), was a land-
owner, though a Levite (Ac 4 s6 ), the old ordinance
(Nu 18 24 ) against the possession of real estate having
long before fallen into abeyance, and probably
having never -been meant to apply to land outside
Palestine. In He 7 11 the writer coins a word to
enable him to write of ' the Levitical priesthood,'
as though the hallowing of the tribe were concen-
trated in ' the order of Aaron ' (so Westcott, ad
loc. ), or with a view to indicating the provisional
character of all parts of the earlier sacrificial service

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