and not merely of its central acts. The priestly
tribe with all its privileges passes away ; and
another the royal tribe (He 7 14 ) yields Him
who is able really to save, and to ' save to the utter-
most' (7 20 ). In later times an assumed parallel
between the historical and the true Israel was
pushed, until the relation of deacons to bishops
and presbyters was based upon that of Levites to
priests. The theory has proved useful since the
days of Cyprian, and may conceivably have origin-
ated in some of the Ebionitic Christian communities
of our period ; but the functions of the two classes,
Levites and deacons, were quite distinct, and any
analogy between them is artificial and an after-
thought. R. W. Moss.
LEWD, LEWDNESS (Ac 17" 18 14 ). The English
word occurs tAvice in the NT, once as an adjec-
tive (Gr. irovi]p6s, Ac 17 5 ) and once as a substantive
(paSiotipyrifjM, Ac 18 14 ). In neither of these cases has
it^anything to do with sexual passion the sense
in which the word is now used; it just means
' vulgar,' ' worthless.'
i. Ac 17 5 . The word iro^/>6j (AV 'lewd,' RV
' vile ') is used to characterize the &y6pcuot or loafers
in the market-place whom the unbelieving Jews in
Thessalonica incited to an act of popular insurrec-
tion against St. Paul. They were so far successful
as to prevail on the politarchs to exact bail from
Jason for peaceful behaviour, with the consequence
that St. Paul and Silas had to escape to Bercea by
' Owing to the dishonour in which manual pursuits were held
in ancient days, every large city had a superfluous population
of worthless idlers clients who lived on the doles of the
wealthy, flatterers who fawned at the feet of the influential,
the lazzaroni of streets, mere loafers and loiterers, the hangers-
on of forum, the claqueurs of law-courts, the scum that gathered
about the shallowest outmost waves of civilisation * (F. W.
Farrar, St. Paul, 1883, p. 370).
This class is well described by the adjective
n-ov7]p6s. Aristotle distinguishes the wicked man
(irovr]p6s) from the d/cparijs, the weak man who sins
though he does not mean to do so and who is un-
righteous without premeditation (Eth. Nic. vii. 10).
The wicked man sins with the full consent of his
will. He is positively malignant and injurious to
others. Nearly akin in meaning are <f>av\os and
*cafc6s, but as Trench says (NT Synonyms 3 , p. 304),
in irovi}p6s ' the positive activity of evil comes far
more decidedly out than in Kaicbs. ' Perhaps Knox's
phrase 'the rascal multitude' is as accurate a
translation as we can get.
While the x/w?<n-6j is one who diligently follows
his occupation and maintains himself by lawful
work, the irovripbs or /ca*6s indicates the man who is
wicked in behaviour or in character. The words,
however, in Greek are often used with the same
latitude as we allow ourselves in English, when we
use similar terms. The ordinary speech of the NT
is not logically exact.
W. M. Ramsay discusses the question whether the reference
to Satan in 1 Th 2 18 ' and Satan hindered us (from coming) '
is to be taken as referring to the hostility of the multitude.
He concludes, however, that the reference is to the attitude of
the politarchs, who, by exacting security for good behaviour
from Jason, prevented the return of St. Paul to the city (St.
Paid the Traveller, 1895, p. 230 f.).
Wetstein supplies parallels which throw light on the class
denoted by ayopatot (in loco).
2. Ac 18 1 *. Here the word ' lewdness ' translates
the Greek foStotipyrifM. The RV has 'villainy.'
The word is associated with ddlmjua. The usual dis-
tinction between them is said to be that adiicrjfjia
refers to illegality something done contrary to
the laws whereas padiotipyrj/jM indicates moral
delinquency. The distinction is probably to be
maintained here, as Gallic is speaking judicially
with reference to a definite charge. St. Paul is
guilty neither of the one nor of the other, but
according to Gallic the question is a mere dispute
about words a Jewish squabble.
pq.8ioijpyri[M occurs only here in the NT, nor is it
found in the classics or in the LXX, but it occurs
in Plutarch, Pyrrh. 6, and the allied term paSiovpyia
occurs in Ac 13 10 of Elymas. The latter word
occurs in papyri in the sense of ' theft ' (see J. H.
Moulton and George Milligan in Expositor, 8th
ser. i.  477). It is not likely, however, that
the term in Ac 18 14 is used in this restricted sense.
LITERATURE. J. R. Lnmby, The Acts of the Apostles (Cam-
bridge Bible, 1886), p. 217; HDB, art. 'Lewdness'; R. J.
Knowlingr, in EGT, ' The Acts of the Apostles,' 1900, in loce.
(where literature is given); T. E. Page, The Acts of the
Apostles, 1900, p. 201 ; Grimm-Thayer, Lexicon, s.v. paSiovp-
yj/ia ; E. Hatch, Essays in Biblical Greek, 18S9, pp. 77-82 ;
T. K. Abbott, Essays, 1891, p. 97 ; R. C. Trench, S>inonyms oj
the NT*, 1876, p. 36 ft. DONALD MACKENZIE.
LIBERTINES. Both the construction and the
contents of Ac 6 9 are difficult. It consists, as Hort
says, of 'a long compound phrase,' the Greek of
which is 'not smooth and correct on any inter-
pretation' (Judaistic Christianity, p. 50). An
expositor can, therefore, lay claim to no more than
a reasonable probability for his exegesis of the
verse. St. Luke's statement is generally believed
to have been derived from a written source. Thus,
Harnack, although he argues persuasively in favour
of St. Luke's having obtained a large part of the
knowledge he committed to writing in Ac 1-12
from St. Philip at Csesarea (cf. Ac 21 8 - 9 ), yet
thinks that he had a written (Antiochean) source
for his narrative of St. Stephen's trial, speech, and
death (The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 175, 188, 245).
And Ramsay, writing on the ' Forms of Classifica-
tion in Acts' (Expositor, 5th ser. ii. 35), explains
the exceptional form of the list in Ac 6 9 as ' due
to Luke's being here dependent on an authority
whose expression he either transcribed verbatim
or did not fully understand.' But it appears to
the present writer possible that the form of the
list is due to its having come to St. Luke in the
way of oral communication. Its style may be
termed colloquial : it looks as if the narrator were
quoting from memory, or reporting the very words
of a speaker with whom he had been conversing.
May not the speaker have been St. Paul? The
mention made of Cilicia in the list is in favour of
this conjecture. Was there a synagogue in Jeru-
salem of which it is more likely that Saul of Tarsus
had been a member or a leader than that which
Cilician Jews frequented? The Apostle had, in
the days of his unbelief, been one of the bitterest
opponents of the Christian movement, and the part
he had taken in St. Stephen's death was a subject
of life-long self-reproach (Ac 22 20 ). The depth of
his feeling may have prevented him from referring
to this often in preaching or otherwise, but would
not have debarred him from doing so in conversa-
tion with a trusted friend like St. Luke.
Should this conjecture be well founded, it would
help to settle the vexed question of whether five
synagogues are specified in the list, or two, or only
one. The present writer agrees with Hort (loc.
cit.; cf. Swete, The Appearances of our Lord after
the Passion, 114) that only one synagogue is
mentioned, that of the Libertines, and that the
following names are simply descriptive of origin,
the members of the synagogue being partly from
Gyrene and Alexandria, partly from Cilicia and
Proconsular Asia. Possibly St. Stephen and St.
Paul both belonged to this synagogue, but of this
we cannot be sure.
The synagogue of the A.t^epr'ivoi doubtless con-
sisted, at least in the first instance, of Jews who
had been prisoners of war, and had afterwards
been set free and admitted to Roman citizen-
ship (Chrysostom, Horn, on Acts : ol' Pu/naluv aire\eij-
depoi). Pliilo tells us (Leg. ad Caium, 23) that
most of the Jews of Rome were enfranchised
captives, and the passages usually quoted from
Tacitus (Ann. ii. 85) and Suetonius (Tiberius, 36)
agree with this. Those freedmen who had re-
turned to Palestine, and their descendants, must
have formed a synagogue to which they gave their
name, and most probably Jews from other parts of
the world came in time to be affiliated to them.
Although this statement is not supported by in-
dependent historical evidence, it may be regarded
as a just inference from the text, when conjoined
with other known facts. A large part of the
population of Jerusalem consisted of foreign Jews,
who had come to reside permanently there, that
they might be near the Temple, and might be
buried in the land of their fathers. Others came
for their education, like St. Paul. Those Jews
were most zealous in fulfilling their ritual obliga-
tions, and attached themselves to ' the straitest
sect J of the Jews of Palestine (Ac 26 s , Gal I 14 ; cf.
Zahn, Introduction to the NT, i. 39 f., 60 f. ; J.
Moffatt in EBi iv. 4788 ; J. Patrick in HDB iii.
110). The first accusation brought against our
Lord was based upon a misrepresentation of words
of His about the Temple (Jn 2 19 , Mk 14 58 ), and in
Ac 6' 3 - 14 T 48 ' 50 we see that St. Stephen had not
kept off this dangerous ground.
It is uncertain whether we should read rrjs
\eyo(j.frr)s (TR) or TWV \tyofdvwv (Tisch.) in Ac 6 9 ;
but, whichever reading be preferred, the sense is
not affected. The absence of various readings in
the substance of the text bars the way to any
attempt to reconstruct it. Certain Armenian VSS
and Syriac commentaries seem to have read Aiptwv
(cf. the unique NT reference to Libya, Ac 2 10 ), and
this paved the way for the most famous conjectural
emendation that of A-iftva-rivuv for Aifieprlvuv. J.
Rendel Harris, in his art. in the Expositor, 6th ser.
vi. 378 f., has traced the history of this emendation
in an interesting manner from Beza (1559) to Blass
(1898). From Beza's Annotationes he quotes the
following sentence, in which the main difficulty of
the text is well stated : ' Neque enim video qua
ratione Lucas istos [Libertinos] appellet ex condi-
tione, caeteros vero ex gente ac patria.' Blass, in
his Philology of the Gospels, 69 f., was not aware
that the emendation had been proposed by any-
one before himself, and he expressed his certainty
that Kifivvrivuv was the true reading. This word,
which is used by Catullus (Ix. 1, nwntibus Liby-
stinis), would have been quite suitable for desig-
nating the towns lying westwards from Cyrene,
had it been supported by good MS authority (cf.
EBi iii. 2793, 2794 ; ExpT ix. 437 b ). The deriva-
tion of Libertini from a town Libertum in N. Africa
is much less plausible, as no town of that name
seems to have been known in the 1st century.
Among the older expositors, Bengel (Gnomon of
NT) strongly maintains that the whole description
of Ac 6 9 is that of one flourishing synagogue, com-
posed of Europeans, Africans, and Asiatics, to
which Saul belonged. His note is still worth reading.
LITERATURE. J. A. Bengel, Gnomon of NT, ed. Berlin, 1860,
p. 287; Th. Beza, Annotationes, 1559; Fr. Blass, Philology
of the Gospels, London, 1898, p. 69 f. ; HDB, art. ' Libertines '
(J. Patrick); EBi, artt. 'Libertines,' 'Libya' (W. J. Wood-
house), ' Stephen ' (J. Moffatt) ; Expositor, 5th ser. ii. 
(W. M. Ramsay), 6th ser. vi.  (J. Rendel Harris);
ExpT ix. [1897-98] 437b; Grimm-Thayer2,1890,s.. Ai/3epT^os;
A. Harnack, Luke the Pliynician, Eng. tr., London and New
York, 1907, p. 153, The Acts of the Apostles, Eng. tr., do. 1909,
pp. xxxiv, 70, 71 n., 120, 175, 188, 192, 196, 219, 245; F. J. A.
Hort, Judaistic Christianity, London, 1894, p. 50; H. A. W.
Meyer, Com. mi Acts, Eng. tr., Edinburgh, 1877, i. 173 f. ; E.
Schurer, HJP, Eng. tr., n. ii. [do. 1885] 276; H. B. Swete,
The Appearances of our Lord after the Passion, London, 1907,
E. 114 ; Th. Zahn, Introd. to the NT, Eng. tr. , Edinburgh, 1909,
39 f., eoff. JAMES DONALD.
LIBERTY. Liberty (t\ev0epia) occupies a promi-
nent place in the thought of NT writers and ap-
pears in a variety of significations.
1. In the political sense. As denoting the
status of a free citizen and in direct contrast with
the state of slavery, the word figures in one of the
great dichotomies used by the apostolic writers in
classifying men from the standpoint of their age
(Col 3' 1 'bondman, freeman'). We have no
means of knowing even approximately in what
proportions the churches of the apostolic and sub-
apostolic times were made up of freemen and of
slaves. Everything certainly goes to show that
many of the latter class became Christians ; in all
probability, too, they usually formed the majority.
It is precarious, however, to find positive evidence
of this, as A. Deissmann does witli regard to the
Colossian Church, in the mere fact that (Col 3 l8 -4?)
counsels addressed to slaves are given in ampler
terms, those to masters quite briefly (St. Paul,
Eng. tr., 1912, p. 216). Similar reasoning might
argue from 1 P 3 1 ' 6 - 7 that wives were in a majority
and husbands in a minority !
The fact that St. Paul, a native of Tarsus, was
a Roman citizen is treated as a matter of import-
ance in Acts. It was the Roman Emperors who
gave the people of the provinces power to enjoy
the rights of citizenship. There is a dramatic
turning of tables in Ac 22 28 when St. Paul is able
to say quite simply (yet with a touch of pride),
' But I am a Roman born,' and Claudius, the cap-
tain, turns out to be but a parvenu who had had
to spend a lot of money, somehow or other, to ac-
quire the citizenship. The same status is claimed
for Silas as well as St. Paul in Ac 16 37 .
Not a few of those who are mentioned by name
in St. Paul's Epistles (e.g. Philemon, Gaius,
Erastus, Aquila, Phrebe, etc.) must have been of
the citizen class. The number of such increased
as time went on. In the Ignatian Epistles (e.g.
Smyrn. xii. and Polyc. viii.) we find similar refer-
ences to devoted Christians (Tavias, Alee, Daph-
nus, ' the wife of Epitropus ' [or ' of the governor '],
Attalus, etc.) of the same rank. But Christianity
had gained access to the palaces of the aristocracy
before the 1st cent, was out, and had won adherents
there who suffered for their faith witness the
well-known cases of T. Flavius Clemens, the con-
sul, and his wife, Domitilla. And for the same
period we have the evidence of an outsider in
Pliny's famous Epistle to Trajan (x. 97), where-
in he tells us that he found in his province large
numbers of Christians ' of all classes ' (omnis or-
dinis). What was true of Bithynia was most pro-
bably true of other parts of the Empire.
Citizenship and wealth, of course, did not neces-
sarily go together. In the class of freemen were
included people of all ranks, from artisans and
labourers up to the wealthiest aristocrats. Un-
fortunately many citizens were but idle loafers,
depending on the Imperial largesse. The existence
of the huge, overgrown system of slavery had a
sinister effect on the great mass of citizens,
inasmuch as ' paid labour was thought unworthy
of any freeborn man ' (C. Bigg, The Church's Task
under the Roman Empire, Oxford, 1905, p. 114).
The poor, hired labourers, however, of Ja 5 4 were
not technically SovXoi. The same Epistle shows
us how soon the Apostolic Church experienced the
evils too possibly attendant upon the appearance
of the rich man within the circle of the Christian
society (chs. 2 and 5).
Though civic freedom is quite evidently valued,
we find little or nothing in the apostolic writings
bearing on political questions. Lofty moral teach-
ing and profound theology abound, but there is no
feeling manifest that political freedom was a thing
worth seeking for its own sake. It may indeed be
said that in the 1st cent. ' the prevailing notions
of freedom were imperfect, and the endeavours to
realise them were wide of the mark ' (Lord Acton,
The History of Freedom, London, 1907, p. 16).
See, further, art. SLAVE, SLAVERY.
2. In the sense of freedom of conscience.
' Liberty ' is used in the NT to denote a man's
freedom to decide what is right or wrong for
himself, especially in relation to matters enjoined
upon him by some form of external authority. The
development of such a notion naturally followed
upon the development of the notion of conscience
itself, which in turn was bound up with the grow-
ing sense of human individuality and personal
responsibility. In pre-Christian lines of philosophi-
cal and religious teaching (as e.g. in Stoicism)
we mark in this respect a prceparatio evangelica.
As the ancient conception of man as merely a
component unit in tribe or nation faded and gave
way to the sense of his value for himself as well
as tor the community, and of his responsibility for
himself, such consequences were bound to follow.
So far from morality consisting simply in com-
pliance with commands embodying the will of
the community of which the man is a part (which
commands may also be conceived as Divinely origi-
nated), when man realizes his individual responsi-
bility to God, conscience emerges, and, criticizing
those very commands, may disapprove as well as
approve, whilst it may also find a whole area of
moral interests which the injunctions of external
authority do not touch and in which it must
decide for itself.
To the rise of Christianity we very specially
owe an advanced conception of conscience and its
corollary, the claim to freedom to act in accord with
the behests of conscience. ' Am I not free ? ' cries
St. Paul (1 Co 9 1 ) ; whilst 'Peter and the apostles '
(Ac 5 W ) are heard declaring ' We must obey God
rather than men.' These sayings might serve as
watchwords of the new era as viewed from this
standpoint (Judaism itself, it should be noted in
Sassing, exhibited in course of time a similar
evelopment in its ethical teaching). And the
clash between the new order and the old neces-
sarily brought with it abundant scope for the
outcrop of cases of conscience such as St. Paul
handles in 1 Co 8ff. and Ro 14 f.
Freedom of this kind can be properly claimed
and used only by the conscientious man the
man who is above all else concerned for harmony
between the laws and customs he is called to
observe and the inward regulative principle, and
who departs from such laws only when an en-
lightened conscience imperatively demands it.
For another important pre-requisite is that the
exercise of this freedom shall be based on intelli-
gent judgment. ' Let each man be fully assured
in his own mind ' (Ro 14 5 ) is a Pauline dictum of
the first importance. Cf. the deeply significant
loffion ascribed to our Lord in Cod. D (Lk 6 s )
wherein He says to a man found working on the
Sabbath, ' If thou knowest what thou art doing,
blessed art thou ; but if thou knowest not, thou
art accurst and a transgressor of the law.' A
man cannot justifiably set at nought a positive
commandment or institution unless he has sight
of some higher principle which determines his
course of action. The freedom an enlightened
man asks is freedom to do what he sees he ought
to do, and to do what he may do without injury
For St. Paul very emphatically insists on the
necessity of qualifying the exercise of one's own
liberty by regard for the claims of others. It
must not involve harm to others or an infringe-
ment of their liberty. Self-limitation for the
sake of others is, indeed, an example of the truest
exercise of freedom.
3. As a description of the Christian life and
experience. Social conditions being what they
were in the 1st cent., it was most natural that the
life resulting from faith in Christ, as that is pre-
sented in the NT, should be described in the apos-
tolic writings by a cycle of metaphors centring
in the word 'redemption' (Deissmann, op. cit., p.
149). This is specially characteristic of St. Paul.
The Christian life is represented as (a) freedom
from the bondage of law. St. Paul's treatment of
this topic (found mainly in the Epistles to Romans
and Galatians) is not easy to follow and is doubt-
less coloured by his own vivid personal experience.
We do not find quite the same line taken in other
early apostolic writings that have been preserved
to us. By general consent, it is true, it came to
be held that Jewish and Gentile Christians alike
were free from obligation to observe the Jewish
Law in its peculiar institutions and ceremonial
rules. The old sacrificial system was abolished
' that the new law of our Lord Jesus Christ, which
is without the yoke of necessity, might have a
human oblation' (i.e. the dedication of the man
himself) (Epistle of Barnabas, ii. ; so also Epistle
to the Hebrews, and Epistle to Diognetus, iv.
[regarding Sabbath, circumcision, ' kosher ' foods,
and the like]). But St. Paul has far more than
this in view. He is thinking of all law as the
expression of God's will for man's life and the
severe revealer of man's sin as he departs from
it : law that has only condemnation for the sinner
(see the autobiographical Ro 7).
That the Apostle countenances an antinomian
freedom he himself indignantly denies. Nor did
he lack the true Jew's veneration for the Torah.
With him law assumes the form of ' an imperious
principle opposed to grace and liberty only when
it is viewed as the condition of justification, the
means of attaining to righteousness before God
through the merit of good works.' As the expres-
sion of God's will and the guide of human obedience
it is 'holy, just, and good' (Ro 7 12 ; see E. H.
Gifford, Romans [in Speaker's Commentary, 1881,
p. 48]). Torali comes to its own in the new life
which springs from Christian faith and the unio
mystica between the Christian and his Lord. And
if other early Christian writers present this life as
lived under law (see Epistle of James, especially
the happy expression, 'law of liberty,' ch I 25 ; also
1 Jn 3*-)> St. Paul likewise lays stress on ' the
law of Christ ' (Gal 6 2 ) and gives us the far-reach-
ing aphorism : ' Love is the fulfilment of law '
(Ro 13 10 ).
(b) Freedom from the bondage of sin. Sin is
here personified as a tyrannical master (see espe-
cially the line of treatment in Ro 6 ; cf. Jn S 34 ).
An interesting parallel is furnished in the Dis-
courses of Epictetus (IV. i.), where it is laid down
that ' no wicked man is free. '
(c) Freedom from the bondage of idolatry. See
Gal 4 8f - a point of material importance to the
Gentile world in apostolic days.
(d) Freedom from the bondage of corruption
LIFE AND DEATH
(Ro 8 21 ). This rather belongs to the hope for the
world at large which contemplates the social state
wherein the new life is perfectly realized. ' The
glory of the children of God ' is a liberty which
all creation sighs to share.
It remains briefly to point out that not only does
the term ' redemption ' (applied to the work of
Christ in opening to men this new experience of
life) derive from the social state in the midst
of which Christianity was born, but ' adoption ' as
used by St. Paul (Ro 8 15 - 2S , Gal 4 5 ) similarly gains
special significance as denoting entrance upon the
life of liberty. Adoption, in a general way, was
no uncommon phenomenon in the old world (see
vlo&effia in Deissmann, Bible Studies, Eng. tr.,
1901, p. 239), but it was also one recognized way
of giving freedom to a slave.
There is no inconsistency but only striking
paradox when this experience which is described
as freedom is also described as a servitude to God
(cf ; 1 P 2 16 , Oeov dov\oi, and Ro 6 22 , SouXwfleires T
0e<f). Here, too, it is of interest to recall that it
was a Stoic doctrine of liberty that true freedom
consists in obeying God, or, as Philo of Alexandria
(see Tract, Quod sit liber quisquis virtuti studet)
puts it, the following of God. Again, as the
Christian is commonly described in the NT as
a SouXos XpiffroO, the singular use of direXftiOepos
(=libertus, freedman) in 1 Co 7 22 noticeably in-
troduces the notion of enfranchisement to describe
the gaining of freedom in Christ. There may be
here the underlying thought that the 'freedmen '
of Christ stand related to Him somewhat as the
liberti stood to their patron, to whom they were
bound to render, in the language of Roman Law,
obsequium et officium.
4. In the philosophical sense. See art. FREE-
DOM OF THE WILL.
LITERATURE. See works referred to in art. SLAVERY, and in
addition to works quoted in foregoing art., T. G. Tucker,
Life in the Roman World of Nero and St. Paul, London, 1910 ;