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Jesus Christ our common hope' (ad Eph. 21),
'Fare ye well in godly concord' (Mag. 15), 'Fare
ye well unto the end in the patient waiting for
Jesus Christ' (Rom. 10), 'Fare ye well in Christ
Jesus our common hope' (Phil. 11), 'Fare ye well
in the grace of God ' (Smyr. 13), and ' Fare ye well
in the Lord ' (ad Pol. 8).

The Aaronitic benediction (Nu e 22 " 26 ), though
always used in the synagogue, does not appear in
our ancient sources or in any Church liturgy (ex-
cept in the Spanish) until Luther introduced it in
his Mass (1526). It was also used in the German
Protestant Masses. For the use of benedictions in
later Church history, see the articles in PJRE 3 ii.
588 ff. ; DCAi. 193 if.

LITERATURE. See the brief but excellent article in F.
Vigouroux, Diet, de la Bible, Paris, 1891-99, i. 1581-83 ; W. J.

* J. A. Robinson, op. cit. 137-138, gives a long discussion.
See also almost any scientific commentary, like Meyer, Lange,
Ellicott, Alford, etc.

t Expositor, 6th ser., vii. [1903] 107.

J See Moffatt, EQtT, 'Revelation,' 1910, p. 493 f.

Yeomans in Princeton Rev. xxxiii. [1861] 286-321 ; J. H.
Bernard in Expositor, 6th ser., viii. [1903] 372 ff.; and the works
mentioned above, J. ALFRED FAULKNER.


BEOR. Beor, the father of Balaam, is named in
2 P 2 15 ( AV, with some ancient authorities, Bosor,
which may be a corruption of Pethor [Grotius], or
may be due to the Greek sibilant taking the place
of the Heb. guttural [Vitringa]). Balaam by his
great wisdom became vain, so a fool (ben b e '6r),
said Jerus. Targ. to Nu 22 5 ; cf. JE ii. 468 ; C.
Vitringa, Observ. Sacrce, L 936 f. W. F. COBB.

BERENICE, BERNICE (Ac 25 18 - 28 26 80 ). Bere-
nice, eldest daughter of Herod Agrippal., was born
in A.D. 28, and early betrothed to Marcus, son of
Alexander who was alabarch at Alexandria. On
the death of Marcus, Berenice was given by her
father to his brother and her uncle, Herod, king of
Chalcis, in the Lebanon. Two sons were the issue
of this marriage. Herod of Chalcis died in A.D. 48.
Berenice then joined her brother, who was to be
known later as Herod Agrippa n., at Rome. The
pair obtained an infamous notoriety, and are
pilloried by Juvenal (Sat. vi. 156 ff.). After a con-
siderable interval, Berenice ' persuaded Polemon,
who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to
marry her ' (Jos. Ant. XX. vii. 3). This union was
soon terminated by the return of Berenice to
Agrippa. The two are next heard of on the occa-
sion of their visit to Ceesarea to greet the newly
arrived Procurator Festus. Of Berenice's part in
the interview with the Apostle Paul we are told
only that she appeared ' with much display.' Just
before the outbreak of the insurrectionary move-
ment in A.D. 66 she was at Jerusalem 'to perform
a vow which she had made to God ' (Jos. BJ II.
xv. 1), and availed herself of the opportunity to be-
seech the Procurator Florus to abate the cruelties
which were goading the Jews to war. When hos-.
tilities commenced, Agrippa and his sister took
throughout the side of the Romans. This brought
them into contact with Vespasian and Titus. Titus
became enamoured of Berenice. On his return to
Rome, he had her to live with him in his palace
to the scandal of the Roman populace (Dio Cass.
Ixvi. 15). The intrigue was not continued after
the accession of Titus to the Imperial throne in
A.D. 79. ' Bereniceii statim aburbe dimisit invitus
in vi tarn' (Suet. Titus, vii.). From that time
Berenice is lost to view. A fragment of an inscrip-
tion in her honour at Athens gives no indication
of time or occasion. G. P. GOULD.

BER(EA. Beroaa (Btpoia, some MSS Bfytxwa) was
a city of Southern Macedonia, in the district of
Emathia (Ptol. iii. 12). It stood on the lower
slope of Mt. Bermios (Strabo, vii. Frag. 26), and
commanded an extensive view to north, east, and
south over the plain of the Axios and the Haliacmon.
Its streets and gardens were abundantly watered
by rills from an affluent of the latter river. Five
miles to the S.E. of the town the Haliacmon broke
through the Olympian range to enter the plain.
Beroea was about 50 miles S.W. of Thessalonica,
30 miles S. of Pella, and 20 miles W. of the Ther-
maic Gulf. Its name survives in the modern
Verria or Kara- Verria, which is one of the most
pleasant towns in Rumili (Leake, Travels in
Northern Greece, iii. 290 ff. ).

To this city St. Paul and Silas withdrew when
their converts, solicitous for their safety, sent them
away from Thessalonica (Ac 17 10 ). It was an out-
of-the-way town oppidum devium (Cic. in Pis.
xxxvi. [89]) and therefore a suitable place of re-
treat for the apostles, who continued to hope that



the obstacles at Thessalonica would soon be re-
moved and that they would be enabled to return
a hope which was not realized (1 Th 2 18 ). Their
city of refuge, however, proved a sphere of success-
ful missionary activity. It was large and prosper-
ous enough to have attracted a colony of Jews,
whom the historian commends as more noble in
spirit (evyfvtffrepoi) than those of Thessalonica,
comparatively free from jealousy, less fettered by

Srejudice, more receptive of new truth. They
aily examined the Scriptures (rds 7pa^ds) especi-
ally, no doubt, the passages brought under their
notice by the preachers, but not these alone to
find if the strange things taught found confirmation
there, with the result that many of them believed
(Ac 17 12 ). Nor were the labours of the apostles
confined to the synagogue. It is stated that ' of the
Greeks and of those of honourable estate, men and
women in considerable numbers believed' (v. 12 ).
This is the true rendering of the Greek words (*al
TUV 'E\\t)vi8(i}V yvvaiKdv rCiv evff'x.rju^vwv KO.I avSpCiv OVK
6\iyoi) rather than that in the RV, 'also of the
Greek women of honourable estate, and of men,
not a few.'

St. Paul's residence in Bercea probably lasted
some months (W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul, 1895, p.
234). For the searching of the Scriptures daily (TO
Kad' rjntpav), for the preaching of the gospel in the
city as well as in the synagogue, and the consequent
conversion not only of 'many' Jews but also of
' not a few ' Gentiles, a considerable time was re-
quired. St. Paul would doubtless be slow to move
farther south, and thereby put a longer distance
between himself and Thessalonica, where his heart
was. At length, however, malicious Jews came all
the way from that city to Bercea, and so stirred up
the baser passions of the crowds (craXe^ovres robs
CxXovs), that the Christians thought it advisable
to send St. Paul forth 'to go as far as to the
sea' (not us but Iws ivl rty 0d\ao-ffai> being the
true reading in v. 14 ). That he was the real object
of hatred is indicated by the fact that Silas and
Timothy could safely remain behind (v. 14 ). Con-
trary to his usual practice, the historian does
not name the seaport of Bercea, but it was prob-
ably from the town of Dium, the great bul-
wark of the maritime frontier of South Macedonia,
that St. Paul and his escort set sail for Athens
(v. 18 ). Sopater, who is mentioned in Ac 20 4 as
one of St. Paul's later associates, was a Bercean.
There is a tradition (Ap. Const, vii. 46) that
Onesimus was the first bishop of the Church of

LITERATURE. W. Smith, DGRG i. [1856] 393 ; E. M. Cousi-
nery, Voyage dans la 3facdoine, 1831, i. 57 ff. ; Conybeare-
Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, new ed., 1877, i. 399 ff. ;
T. Lewin, St. Pauls, 1375, i. 235 ff. ; W. M. Leake, Travels in
Northern Greece, 1835, iii. 290 ff. JAMES S'fRAHAN.

BERYL Beryl (jS^iAXoj [Rev 21 20 ], a, word of
unknown etymology) is a mineral which differs
little from the emerald except in colour. It never
exhibits the deep rich green of that gem, being in

feneral pale green, and sometimes yellowish, bluish,
rownisn, or colourless. Its finer varieties, which
are transparent, are called aquamarine. It usually
takes the form of long six-sided prisms, vertically
striated. It was much prized as a gem- stone by
the ancients, and very fine specimens of Greek and
Roman engraving in beryl are extant. Its great
abundance in modern times has depreciated its
value. In RVm of the OT, ' beryl ' stands for
shoham, which Flinders Petrie (HDB iv. 620 b )
identifies with green felspar.



of the episcopate is, and is likely to remain, un-
known. All the available evidence has been care-
fully collected, sifted, and estimated, and it is
insufficient. Equally honest and equally capable
critics infer different theories of the episcopate
from it, and no solution of the problem can claim
demonstration. We may hold, and perhaps be
able to convince others, that one solution is more
probable than another, but we cannot prove that
it is the true one. All conclusions are tentative.

The problem is an old one, and as early as the
4th cent, there were two leading theories respect-
ing the origin of the episcopate that of Theodore
of Mopsuestia and that of Jerome but they are
theories and no more. These two writers drew
inferences from facts, or what they believed to be
facts ; they did not know more about the origin
than we do. And they both start from the same
fact, viz. that in the NT ' bishop ' and ' presbyter '
(or 'elder') are synonyms; they are two names
for the same official. This is so generally recog-
nized that there is no need to repeat the evidence.
The two names are still synonymous in Clement
of Rome (Cor. 42, 44), and by implication in Poly-
carp (Phil. 1) and the Didache (15), which we may
date about A.D. 130-150. Ignatius is the earliest
writer known to us who clearly separates ' bishop '
from 'elder'; with him 'bishop' means the mon-
archical ruler of a local church, distinct from, and
superior to, the ' presbyters ' or ' elders.'

Starting from the original identity of ' bishop '
and ' presbyter,' Theodore (on 1 Ti 3 1 ' 8 ) infers that
episcopacy existed from the first. The first bishops,
among whom were Timothy and Titus, were con-
secrated by apostles, governed Avhole provinces,
and were sometimes called ' apostles.' Theodore
erroneously supposed that ' laying on of the hands
of the presbytery' (1 Ti 4 14 ) meant consecration of
Timothy by some of the Twelve. He was conse-
crated l>y St. Paul with certain elders (2 Ti I 6 ).
'The presbytery,' which in Lk 22 6S and Ac 22 s
means the body of elders in the Sanhedrin, here
means a body of Christian elders. The details of
Theodore's theory need not detain us ; the central
point in it is the proposition that the apostles
instituted a distinct class of officials to be their
successors. But did they? The question admits
of no secure answer. It must be remembered that
we have no evidence that either Christ or the
apostles ever prescribed any particular form of
government for the society which they founded ;
and there is the improbability that men who be-
lieved that Christ would very soon return would
think it worth while to devise and prescribe a
particular form of government for the increasing
number of Christian communities. On the other
hand, it is probable that, as the apostles passed
away, and the Lord still did not appear, the com-
munities would be driven to devise some form of
government for themselves.

Jerome (Ep. 146, ad Evangelum) answers the
question in the negative. The apostles did not
institute distinct officials to be their successors.
Churches were governed by a council of presbyters.
But when presbyters began to form parties, and
each presbyter thought that those whom he bap-
tized belonged to him, it was decreed throughout
the world that one of them should be elected and
set over the others, and that on him should rest
the general supervision of the Church. On Tit I 5
he says that it is ' by custom rather than by the
Lord's arrangement' that bishops are a higher

There is no need to assume that party spirit was
in all cases, or even in most, the chief reason for
setting one presbyter above the rest. The more
usual reasons would be the obvious advantage



of having one person to whom doubtful matters
might be referred, and the fact that in most
colleges of presbyters there was one who was
manifestly more capable than the others. When
once a particular presbyter had been either form-
ally elected, or allowed more and more to take the
lead, his special functions would be likely to grow.
The dignity of bishops appears to have developed
rapidly. They led their congregations in public
worship, regulating liturgical forms and the dis-
tribution of the alms. They also regulated the
congregation's power of punishing and forgiving
offenders. They represented their congregations
in all relations, Godward and manward. They
gradually absorbed the functions of the expiring
charismatic ministry, and were at once prophets
and teachers, and they conducted the correspond-
ence with other local churches. The frequent
appearance of questionable doctrines greatly aug-
mented the importance of bishops, who came to
be regarded as teaching with unique authority.
Montanism was a revolt against this official
episcopacy an attempt to restore the charismatic
ministry of the prophets, and when it failed, the
triumph of episcopacy was complete. And it
deserved to fail, not merely because of its ex-
travagances, but because of its rebellion against
external forms. In one sense, forms are un-
essential ; the realities which the forms express
are the things which matter. But it is only by
continuity in the forms that the realities can be
preserved ; ' formlessness inspired by enthusiasm
melts away. . . . The elaboration of a close hier-
archical organization and the setting up of a fixed
dogmatic teaching were proved to be the necessary
means of self-preservation, if the Gospel itself was
not to be lost in the vortex of Gnosticism' (Dob-
schiitz, Apostol. Age,, London, 1909, pp. 122,
141). The bishops were witnesses to the deposit
of faith, and as such decided as to the soundness
of doctrines.

Probably the first function that was assigned to
the bishop was that of being leader and guide in
public worship. But we know very little about
the beginnings of this worship. The influence of
the synagogue in determining the form was con-
siderable, and it is possible that certain heathen
mysteries exercised some influence, but the latter
point has been exaggerated. Clement's Epistle
shows that the trouble at Corinth was about
persons whether certain presbyters had been
rightly deposed ; not about principles whether
government by presbyters could be rightly main-
tained. Clement himself was not a bishop in the
later sense : he was president of the college of
presbyters in Rome. But such a president would
be likely to develop into a monarchical bishop.
Clement is the first Christian writer to take the
fateful first step of interpreting the nature of office
in the Church by reference to Jewish institutions,
for which, to a certain extent, the way is prepared
in 1 Co 9 9 and 1 Ti 5 18 (Harnack, Constitution and
Law of the Church, London, 1910, p. 72). He draws
a parallel between the Jewish priest and Levite
and the Christian priest and deacon, and bases an
argument from analogy on the resemblance (Cor.,
ch. 40). It is doubtful whether the mention of the
high priest has any reference to a monarchical

In James, the brother of the Lord, we seem to
have the first instance of a monarchical ruler in a
Christian community. But it is improbable that
in connexion with him the idea of one ruler for
the whole Church arose, and still more improbable
that Mt 16 18 was written as a protest against any
such claim being made for one who was not one
of the Twelve. It was not in Jerusalem, but in
Asia Minor, that the monarchical episcopate as a

permanent Christian institution had its rise, owing
to causes which are unknown to us.

There are three possibilities with regard to the
origin of both bishops and elders, and what is true
of one need not be true of the other. Each may
be (1) copied from Jewish synagogue officials, or
(2) copied from Gentile municipal officials, or (3)
due to spontaneous production. On the whole, it
is probable that elders or presbyters were adopted
from the synagogue, and that bishops arose spon-
taneously. But here we must carefully distinguish
between origin and subsequent development. It
is possible in both cases, and probable in the case
of bishops, that the development of the office was
influenced by secular municipal institutions.

In neither case does the word give us any definite
information. By ' elders ' (Trpeo-ptirepoi) may be
meant either (1) seniors in age, or (2) people to be
honoured for personal excellence, or (3) members
of a council. The term ' bishop ' (firio-Koiros) denotes
a supervisor or inspector, but tells us nothing of
what he supervises or inspects. It may be build-
ings, or business, or men. In the NT it means an
overseer of men in reference to their spiritual life,
and is closely connected with the idea of shep-
herding ; ' the shepherd (Trot^y) and overseer
(MO-KOTOS) of your souls' (1 P 2 25 ) ; 'the flock
( in the which the Holy Ghost had made
you overseers (eirla-Ko-n-oi) to tend (iroi/jLaiveiv) the
Church (tKK\Tr>ffla) of God ' (Ac 20'- 8 ). Only once in
the NT is ' shepherd ' or ' pastor ' used of Christian
ministers (Eph 4 11 ) ; but it is used of Christ in He
13 20 , 1 P2 25 5 4 ; cf. Jn 10"- 14 .

The term ' overseer ' or ' bishop ' (^TW-JCOTTOJ)
having been used of Christ as ' the Overseer of
souls,' it would be natural to use it of those of His
ministers who in a special way continued this work;
and it is more probable that the Christian use of the
title arose in this way than that it was adopted in
imitation of the secular &rt(r/coiros in a city. As
the specially gifted persons known as 'apostles,
prophets, and teachers ' became less common, their
functions would be transferred to the permanent
local officials, especially to the highest of them,
viz. the bishops (Didache, 15 1 - 2 ). Neither bishops,
elders, nor deacons appear in the lists of ministers
and ministerial gifts in 1 Co 12" 8 - 30 , Ro 12 6 ' 8 , Eph
4 11 . But this does not prove that St. Paul did
not know or care about such officials. Where
these officials existed, they were as yet only local
ministers, and there was no need to mention
them in speaking of gifts to the Church as a

Timothy and Titus were not monarchical bishops.
They were temporary delegates or representatives
of St. Paul at Ephesus or in Crete ; they were
forerunners of the monarchical bishops, not the
first examples of them. Nor can the 'angels' of
the Seven Churches (Rev 1-3) be regarded as the
bishops of those Churches. ' The invariable prac-
tice ' of the writer of that book ' forbids such an
interpretation' (Swete on Rev I 20 ). Excepting
James, and perhaps 'the Elder' in 3 Jn., there is
no instance of the monarchical episcopate in the
NT ; but it was established in Asia Minor before
A.D. 100, and had become wide-spread in Christen-
dom by 150.

LITERATURII. J. B. Lightfoot, Philippiang, London, 1891
ed., pp. 95-99, 181-W59, Dissertations, do. 1892, pp. 137-246
(which contains additional notes to the essay in Philippians);
M. R. Vincent, Philippians, Edinburgh, 1897, pp. 36^-51 ; J.
H. Bernard, Pastoral Epistle*, Cambridge, 1899, pp. Ivi-lxxv ;
Priesthood and Sacrifice, a conference ed. by W. Sanday,
Oxford, 1900 ; A. Deissmann, Bible Studies, tr. Grieve, Edin-
burgh, 1901, pp. 154-157, 230; A. Harnack, Mission and
Expansion of Christianity, Eng. tr.2, London, 1908, i. 445-482 ;
P. Batiffol, L'fylise naissante^, Paris, 1909, pp. 115-152 (Eng.
tr., Primitive Catholicism, London, 1911, pp. 97-163). See also
wor'is mentioned under CHURCH GOVERNMENT.





BITHYNIA. Bithynia (Ei8wia) was a fertile and
highly civilized country in the N.W. of Asia Minor,
bounded on the W. by the Propontis and the
Bosporus, on the N. by the Euxine, on the S. by
the range of Mysian Olympus, and on the E. by a
doubtful line, some distance to the right of the
river Sangarios (Strabo, xil. iv. 1 ; Pliny, v. 43).
One of the kings of Bithynia changed the history
of Asia Minor by inviting the marauding Galatians
to cross the Bosporus (278 B.C.). Nicomedes III.,
the last king, made the Romans his heirs (73 B.C.),
and after the expulsion of Mithridates of Pontus
(64 B.C.), Pompey formed the dual province of
Bithynia et Pontus, which was governed by a pro-
consul, residing at Nicomedeia. On the division
of the provinces by Augustus in 27 B.C. it remained

The presence of Jews in Bithynia is indicated by
Philo (Lea. ad Gaium, 36). In his second missionary
journey, St. Paul, always drawn to the great centres
of Grseco-Roman civilization, attempted with Silas
to enter Bithynia (lirelpa^ov eis TTJV Etdvviav iropev-
6rjvai), intending probably to evangelize Nicsea and
Nicomedeia, but the Spirit of Jesus, who was lead-
ing them on westward, did not permit them (Ac
16 7 ). The province which so nearly became an
apostolic mission-field had not, however, to wait
long for the gospel. 1 P I 1 affords evidence of the
early introduction and rapid progress of Christian-
ity in the province of Bithynia. Details, however,
are wanting.

' For Bithynia, like Cappadocia, we have no primitive Christian
record : but it could hardly remain long unaffected by the
neighbourhood of Christian communities to the South-West,
the South, and probably the East ; even if no friend or disciple
took up before long the purpose which St. Paul had been con-
strained to abandon, when a Divine intimation drew him onward
into Europe* (F. J. A. Hort, First Ep. of St. Peter: I. l-II. 17,
1898, p. 17).

In A.D. 112 the younger Pliny was sent to govern
the province of Bithynia, which had become dis-
organized under senatorial administration. His
correspondence with Trajan bears striking testi-
mony to the expansion of the Christian religion,
which seemed to him a superstitio prava immodica
(Epp. x. 96, 97). Not only in the cities but in the
rural villages the temples were almost deserted and
the sacrificial ritual interrupted. While the letters
describe a state of things which was true of the
province as a whole, there are some indications
that Amisos in the Far East was the first city on
the Black Sea to which Christianity spread ( Ramsay,
The Church in the Roman Empire, 1893, p. 224 f.).

LITERATURE. W. Smith, DGRG i. [1856] 404 ; Carl Ritter,
Kleinasien, i. [1858] 630 ff. ; E. G. Hardy, Plinii Episttilce ad
Trajanum, 1889 ; W. M. Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor,
1890 ; Conybeare-Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, new

ed., 1877. JAMES STRAHAN.

BITTERNESS (imrpia). ' Bitter ' means lit.
'biting' (A. S. bitan, 'to bite'), and 7ri/cp6s, 'sharp'
(from the same root aspungo, 'pike,' 'peak'), rb
iriKpov, as that which has an acrid, pungent taste,
is opposed to TO y\vict (Ja 3 11 ). In LXX iriKpia is
often used to translate BWI, a bitter and poisonous
plant, which is always used figuratively. Moses
says that the man or woman, family or tribe, that
turns from Jahweh will be ' a root that beareth
gall and wormwood ' ( pi fa <pvov<ra iv xoAi? /cal
iriKplg., Dt 29 18 ). There is an echo of this saying in
He 12 15 , where any member of the Church who
introduces wrong doctrines or practices, and so
leads others astray, becomes a 'root of bitterness
springing up ' (plfa iriKpias &vu> (pvovcra) ; and there
may be another echo of it in Ac S 28 (RVm), where
Peter predicts that Simon Magus will 'become
gall (or a gall root) of bitterness ' (eh xXV iriKplas
bp& ffe (tvra) by his evil influence over others, if lie
remains as he now is. But x ^" Trucpias may be a

genitive of apposition and the Apostle may mean
that Simon is even now ' in Bitterkeit, Bosheit,
Feindseligkeit, wie in Galle' (H. J. Holtzmann,
Apostelgeschichte 3 , 1901, ad loc.). In Ro 3 14 bitter-
ness of speech is joined with cursing, and in Eph
4 31 TTiKpia. is an inward disposition (cf. 77X01* iriKpdv,
Ja 3 14 ) which all Christians are to put away in
order that they may be ' kind one to another,
tender-hearted. JAMES STRAHAN.


BLASPHEMY (p\ao-<, vb. /SXoo-^^e^, adj. and
noun p\dff(pT)fjio$ ; perhaps derived from p\dirreif,
'to injure,' and <f>-fifj.ij, 'speech'). In ordinary

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