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S. E. of Asia Minor, bounded on the west by Pam-
phylia, on the north by Lycaonia and Cappadocia,
and on the east by the Amanus range. It was
drained by four rivers, the Calycadnus, the Cydnus,
the Serus, and the Pyramus, which descend from
Taurus to the Cyprian Sea. It fell into two well-
marked divisions. Cilicia Tracheia (Aspera), a rug-
ged mountainous region with a narrow seaboard,
was the immemorial haunt of brigands and pirates,
whose subjugation was a difficult task for the
Roman Republic and Empire ; Cilicia Pedeia (Cam-
pestris), the wide and fertile plain lying between
the Taurus and Amanus chains and the sea, was
civilized and Hellenized. Its rulers in the Hellen-

istic period were partly the Egyptians, whose royal
house gave its name to different townships, and
partly the Seleucids, after whom the most consider-
able town of West Cilicia was named Seleucia on
the Calycadnus.

In the NT 'Cilicia' invariably means Cilicia
Pedeia. Though this country formed a part of the
peninsula of Asia Minor, its political, social, and
religious affinities were rather with Syria than
with the lands to the north and west. The reason
was geographical. It was comparatively easy to
cross the Amanus range, either by the Syrian Gates
(Beilan Pass) to Antioch and Syria, or by the
Amanan Gates (Baghche Pass) to North Syria and
the Euphrates. Hence it was natural that, at the
redistribution of the provinces by Augustus in 27
B.C., Cilicia Pedeia, which had been Roman terri-
tory since 103 B.C., should be merged in the great
Imperial province of Syria- Cilicia- Phcenice. It
was equally natural that St. Paul, who boasted of
being ' a Jew of Tarsus, a city in Cilicia' (Ac 21 39
22 3 ), should regard ' the regions of Syria and Cilicia '
as forming a unity (Gal I 21 ). The writer of Acts
does the same (15- 3 - 41 ), and the author of 1 Peter,
who enumerates in his superscription the Roman
provinces of Asia Minor, omits Cilicia, which lay
beyond the barrier of Taurus and belonged to a
different order of things.

The presence of Jews in Cilicia probably dated
from the time of the early Seleucids, who settled
many Jewish families in their Hellenistic cities,
giving them equal rights with Macedonians and
Greeks. St. Paul enjoyed the citizenship of Tarsus
not as an individual, but as a unit in a Jewish
colony which had been incorporated in the State.
Jews of Cilicia are mentioned by Philo in his Leg.
ad Gaium ( 36). Among the Jews of Jerusalem
who rose against Stephen there was a synagogue of
Cilicians (Ac 6 9 ). After his conversion St. Paul
spent seven years in his Cilician homeland, engaged
in a preparatory missionary work of which there
are no recorded details. Probably he was founding
the churches to which allusion is made in Ac 15 23 - 41 .
He began his second missionary journey by pass-
ing through Cilicia to confirm these churches, after
which he must have crossed the Cilician Gates to
Lycaonia (16 1 ) ; and probably he took the same road
on his third journey (18 23 ). Syria and Cilicia were
the first centres of Gentile Christianity, from which
the light radiated over Asia Minor into Europe.

LITERATURE. C. Ritter, Kleinasien, 1859, ii. 56 ff. ; J. R. S.
Sterrett, The Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor, 1888 ; W. M.
Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 1890, p. 361 ff. ; Smith's
Diet, of Gr. and Horn. Geog., i. [1856 j 617 ; see also art. ' Cilicia '
in HDB and Literature there cited.


CINNAMON (Kiwdnuvov from Jiojp). Cinnamon is
mentioned in Rev 18 13 among the merchandise of
' Babylon,' i.e. of Imperial Rome. The name prob-
ably came with the thing from the remote east ;
Rodiger (Gesenius, Thes. Add., 1829, p. Ill) com-
pares it with the Malay kainamanis. It was known
to the Hebrews (Ex 30 23 , Pr 7 17 , Ca 4 14 ) ; and Hero-
dotus (iii. Ill) speaks of ' those rolls of bark (ravra
TO. Kdptfiea) which we, learning from the Phoenicians,
call cinnamon.' The finest cinnamon of commerce
is now obtained from Ceylon ; it is the fragrant
and aromatic inner rind of the stem and boughs of a
tree which grows to a height of 30 ft. Oil of cinna-
mon, which is used in the composition of incense,
is got from the boiled fruit of the tree. But the
cinnamon of the ancients was probably the cassia
lignea of S. China. JAMES STRAHAN.

CIRCUMCISION. The origin of circumcision
and its practice by the Jews and other peoples
may be studied in HDB and ERE. This article
is concerned with the difficulties caused in the




Apostolic Church by the desire of the Judaizing
party to enforce the rite upon the Gentile Christians.
The crisis thus brought about is described in Ac 15
and Gal 2 1 " 10 .

As the work of the Church extended, the problem
of the reception of Gentile converts presented itself
for solution. Should such converts be compelled
to be circumcised and keep the Mosaic Law or not ?
The answer to this question led to great difference
of opinion and threatened to cause serious division
in the Church. It must be remembered that the
first Christians were Jews, born and brought up in
the Law and taught to observe it. To them such
rites as circumcision were almost second nature.
To abrogate the Law of Moses was to them incon-
ceivable. The idea of the passing away of the Law
had not yet penetrated their understanding. The
headquarters of those who held these opinions were
at Jerusalem, where the Temple services and the
whole atmosphere served to strengthen them in
this belief. The very name of the party 'They
that were of the circumcision' (Ac II 2 ) shows how
closely they were attached to the observance of
this rite. On the other hand, we can trace the
gradual growth in the Church of the opposite view :
the baptism of the Ethiopian eunuch (q.v.) by
Philip ; the admission of Cornelius and his friends
by St. Peter ; the mission of certain evangelists to
the Gentiles at An tioch ; and finally the work of St.
Paul and St. Barnabas, who turned to the Gentiles
and freely admitted them into the fellowship of the

It was obvious that the question must be settled.
The Judaizing party were quite definite in their
teaching. ' Certain men which came down from
Judaea taught the brethren and said, Except ye
be circumcised after the manner of Moses, ye can-
not be saved' (Ac 15 1 ). This was a position which
it was inipossible for St. Paul and St. Barnabas to
admit. It was destructive of their work and of
the catholicity of the Church. No wonder that
' there was no small dissension and disputation.'
An appeal was made to the mother church at Jeru-
salem ; and, among others, St. Paul and St. Barna-
bas went up. St. Paul's own statement is, ' I went
up by revelation' (Gal 2 2 ). He also tells us that
Titus, an uncircumcised Gentile, accompanied him.
They were well received by the church at Jerusalem,
but certain of the Pharisees, who were believers,
laid it down ' that it was necessary to circumcise
them' (Ac 15 5 ), and thus the issue was joined.

The question was so important that it could not
be settled at once. There must be an interval for
consideration. How this interval was spent we
are told in Gal 2. The Judaizing party found that
an uncircumcised Gentile Titus had been brought
into their midst, and they immediately demanded
his circumcision. With this demand St. Paul was
not inclined to comply. The principle for which
he was contending was at stake. On the other
hand, circumcision to him was nothing, and there
was the question whether he should yield as a
matter of charity. The course which he took has
always been a matter of undecided controversy, but
the opinion of the majority of authorities is that
Titus was not circumcised.*

_ After this episode St. Paul had an opportunity of
discussing his gospel privately with those of repute,
viz. James, Cephas, and John. They were evi-
dently moved by the account of his work among
the Gentiles, and recognized the hand of God in it,
and they were influenced by the fervour and spirit
of the Apostle. They gave to him and St. Barnabas
'the right hand of fellowship.' They recognized
that their sphere was among the Gentiles, as that

* For the contrary view see R. B. Rackham on Ac 15 (Oxford
Com., 1901) ; and on the vexed chronological and other ques-

of the other apostles was among the Jews. The
result of the conference was a compromise : Gentiles
were not to be circumcised, but they were to abstain
from certain practices which were offensive to their
Jewish brethren.

The teaching of St. Paul on circumcision may be
further illustrated from his Epistles. In Ro 2 25 ' 28
he shows that circumcision was an outward sign of
being one of the chosen people, but that it was of
no value unless accompanied by obedience, of which
it was the symbol. The uncircumcised keeper of
the Law was better than the circumcised breaker
of it. The true Jew is he who is circumcised in
heart, i.e. he who keeps God's Law and walks in
His ways. In ch. 4 he discusses the case of Abraham,
and asks whether the Divine blessing was conferred
upon him because he was the head of the chosen
race and the first person of that race who was cir-
cumcised. He shows that the promise came before
circumcision, and therefore not in consequence of
it. Circumcision followed as the token or sign of
the promise, so that he might be the father of all
believers whether they were circumcised or uncir-

In the Epistle to the Philippians, St. Paul utters
grave warnings against those who insist on circum-
cision. He speaks of the rite, when thus insisted
on, not as circumcision but as * concision ' (Ka.ra.TOfj.ifi,
Ph 3 2 ).* The circumcision which the Judaizers
wished to enforce was to Christians a mere mutila-
tion such as was practised by the idolatrous heathen.
The verb Karar^veiv is used in the LXX of incisions
forbidden by the Mosaic Law : e.g. KareTe^vovTo
Kara, rbv Mur/jAy avrwv (1 K 18 28 ; cf. Lv 21 s ). In
contrast to this, Christians have the true circum-
cision (Ph 3 s ), not of the flesh but of the heart,
purified in Christ from all sin and wickedness.
This contrast between circumcision of the flesh and
of the spirit occurs in other passages of the Pauline
Epistles, e.g. Col 2 n , Eph 2". No doubt the
Apostle had certain OT passages in mind which
use circumcision as a metaphor for purity, e.g. Lv
26 41 , Dt 10 16 , Ezk 44 7 .

LITERATURE. Artt. on Circumcision ' in HDB, ERE, DOG,
and JE, with Literature there cited; the relevanfCommentaries,
esp. Sanday-Headlam, Romans* (ICC, 1902); also E. v.
Dobschiitz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church, Eng. tr.,
1904 : K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, 1911 ; E. B.
Redlich, St. Paul and his Companions, 1913 ; H. Weinel, St.
Paul, Eng. tr., 1906 ; C. v. Weizsacker, Apostolic Age, i.2
[1897], ii. [1895]. MORLEY STEVENSON.

CITIZENSHIP (vo\irda, ciuitas).The concep-
tion of citizenship among the ancient Greeks and
Romans was deeper than among ourselves. We
can think of human existence and life apart from
citizenship, but to the ancient member of a ir6\
or ciuitas citizenship was life and life was citizen-
ship. This explains why St. Paul could use iroXt-
retecrdai practically in the sense of ' to live ' (Ac 23 1 ,
Ph I 27 ; cf. 3 20 TroXtTevfj.a). The life of a city is a
development out of the more primitive life of the
village-community (KU/J.II, uicus). A irdXis in fact
consists of a number of KWHO.I, each of which con-
sists of a number of families (ol/coy, domus). The
unity was generally based on blood-relationship.
The regular TrdXis in the Greek world was on the
model of the constitution of Athens. This consti-
tution had a council (/SouXvJ, senatus) or advisory
body, and a popular assembly (drjfj.ot, KK\Tjo-ta, Ac
1932. 39. 41^ f or membership of both of which free
citizens were eligible. For citizenship the require-
ment was free birth within the community, the
father being a citizen. It could be conferred on
foreigners by a decree of the people. Each com-

* The paronomasia of KOTO/TO^?; and ireptrofo) used by St. Paul
here is one of several instances in which he employs that figure
of speech : e.g. JXIJ&P pyooneVous oAAd ireptepva^o/ue'i/ovs (2




munity contained also those who were not full
citizens, but had certain privileges, viz. resident
aliens {/t^roucot ; cf. the scriptural irdpoiKoi, irapeirl-
$woi, Eph 2 19 , 1 P 2 11 , etc.). There was also a
third class, &voi, strangers with no privileges at
all, and a fourth class, the slaves, who were mere
chattels. In such a constitution each citizen had
to be enrolled in a particular tribe (0vAi), tribus).
St. Paul refers with pride to his citizenship of
Tarsus in Cilicia, his native city (Ac 21 39 ). As a
citizen of Tarsus he must have belonged to a par-
ticular tribe, and it has been plausibly conjectured
by W. M. Ramsay that the ' kinsmen ' of St. Paul
referred to in Ro 16 were his fellow-tribesmen of

One kind of citizenship in the Apostolic Age
swamped every other, and that was citizenship of
Rome. This fact is well illustrated by a much
earlier document Cicero's speech, pro Balbo (56
B.C.). In it the principle is affirmed that ' no one
could be a citizen of Rome and of other cities at
the same time, while foreigners who were not
Roman citizens could be on the burgess-rolls of
any number of cities' (ed. J. S. Reid, 1878, p. 18).
The spread of the Roman citizenship kept pace
with the growth of the Empire. At first only in-
habitants of Rome could be Roman citizens, but
the citizenship was gradually extended as a result
of Rome's conquests. It could be conferred both
on communities and on individuals. Moreover, it
was of two kinds or grades. In addition to the
full citizenship, a limited citizenship existed till
about 200 B.C. ciuitas sine suffragio, implying
that the persons who possessed it haa all the privi-
leges of a Roman citizen except the power to vote
in the assemblies and to hold office. The constant
conferment of this limited ciuitas added greatly
to the Roman army and territory, and was not in-
tended for the subjects' good. By the end of the
2nd cent. B.C. there were many country towns of
Italy (municipia) which possessed citizen rights,
and, as the result of the Social War and the Lex
lulia (90 B.C.), the Lex Plautia Papiria (89 B.C.),
a senatorial edict of 86 B.C., and a law of Julius
Caesar (49 B.C.), all peoples in Italy south of the
Alps obtained the Roman citizenship. Such com-
munities were created also outside Italy by Julius
Caesar, Claudius, Vespasian, and others, until in A. D.
212, under Caracalla, every free inhabitant of the
Roman Empire obtained the full Roman franchise.

The inhabitants of colonial required no grant of
citizenship because they were or necessity Roman
citizens from the first ; a colonia was in origin
simply a bit of Rome set down in a foreign country,
to keep a subject people in check. It had complete
self-government (see art. COLONY). The smaller
fora and conciliabula had in Republican times
incomplete self-government. The municipia, re-
ferred to above as incorporated bodily in the
Roman State, had complete self-government, differ-
ing thus from the prcefecturce, which were also
communities of Roman citizens but without com-
plete self-government.

The partial citizenship known as Latinitas or
ius Latii deserves mention. It conferred com-
mercium (the right to trade with Rome, and to
acquire property by Roman methods, etc.), but
not conubium (the right of intermarriage with
Romans). It was thus a kind of intermediate
condition between citizenship and peregrinity, and
such rights were not infrequently conferred on
communities as a kind of step towards the full
citizenship. The name is explained by the origin
of the practice. It began in Rome's early days as
the result of her relations with other towns in the
Latin League, and in 172 B.C. was first extended
beyond Latium. Magistrates in such towns be-
came ipso facto full Roman citizens.

The conferment of citizenship on individuals has
a special interest for students of the Apostolic
Age. During the whole of the Republican period
the extension of the body of burgesses was the
right of the comitia tributa. This assembly con-
ferred the citizenship from time to time on indi-
vidual strangers (peregrini) as well as on communi-
ties. Commissioners for carrying out colonization
or divisions of ager publicus could confer it on a
very limited number of persons, and C. Marius re-
ceived such a power. About the time of the civil
wars, Roman commanders conferred the citizenship
on individual foreigners who had aided the Roman
military operations. This must often have been
done without the authority of any statute, but no
one was ever disfranchised in consequence. Pom-
pey, however, obtained the right, by the Lex
Gellia Cornelia of 72 B.C., to confer the citizenship
on individuals after consulting with his body of
advisers. It was probably either from him or
from Julius Caesar that the father or grandfather
of St. Paul obtained the Roman citizenship. Tar-
sus as a community had not received the Roman
franchise, nor was it a colonia. The possession of
this honour (Ac 16 37 22 2Sff- ) shows that his family
was one of distinction and wealth. Members of
such provincial communities who possessed the
Roman citizenship constituted the aristocracy of
these communities. During the Empire the bur-
gesses could be added to by the Emperor only, and
every citizen had the right to a trial at Rome. Of
this right St. Paul took advantage (Ac 25 10 ).

B. Jevons, A Manual of Greek Antiquities, London, 1895, bk.
vi. ; G. Gilbert, Handbuch der griechischen Staatsaltert humer,
i.2 [Leipzig, 1893], ii. [1885] (Eng. tr. of vol. \2=The Constitu-
tional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens, London, 1895); K.
F. Hermann, Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitciten, i.6
[Freiburg i. B., 1889-1892], ii. [1895]. ON ROMAS CITIZENSHIP:
J. Muirhead, Historical Introduction to the Private Law oj
Rome, Edinburgh, 1886 (new ed. by H. Goudy, 1899) ; J. S.
Reid, ' On Some Questions of Roman Public Law,' in Journal
of Roman Studies, i. [1911] 68-99 ; J. E. Sandys, A Companion
to Latin Studies 2 , Cambridge, 1913, vi. 1 (J. S. Reid), vi. 7, 8
(B. W. Henderson) and Literature cited there ; Th. Mommsen,
Romisches Staatsrecht* , Leipzig, 1887. ON ST. PAUL'S ROMAN
CITIZENSHIP : W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the
Roman Citizen, London, 1895, pp. 30 L, 225.



CLAUDIA (K\avSla). Claudia was a Christian
lady of Rome who was on friendly terms with the
Apostle Paul at the date of his second imprison-
ment, and who, along with Eubulus, Pudens, and
Linus (qq.v.), sends a greeting to Timothy (2 Ti
4 21 ). This is all we know with any certainty re-
garding her. The name suggests that she belonged
to the Imperial household, and various conjectures
have been made as to her identity, though there
is very little in the nature of certain data. Prob-
ably she was a slave, but it is not impossible that
she was a member of the gens Claudia. In the
Apostolic Constitutions (vii. 46) she is regarded
as the mother of Linus (Aivos 6 KXavSias). An in-
scription found on the road between Rome and
Ostia (CIL vi. 15066) to the memory of the infant
child of Claudius Pudens and Claudia Quinctilla
has given rise to the conjecture that this was the
Claudia of St. Paul and that she was the wife of
the Pudens .of 2 Ti 4 S1 . Another ingenious but
most improbable theory identifies Claudia with
Claudia Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens, the
friend of Martial (Epigr. iv. 13, xi. 34), and thus
makes her a woman of British race. This Claudia
of Martial has again been identified with an
imaginary Claudia suggested by a fragmentary
inscription found at Chichester in 1722 which seems
to record the erection of a temple by a certain
Pudens with the approval of Claudius Cogidubnus,
who is supposed to be a British king mentioned in




Tacitus (Agricola, xiv.) and the father of the
Claudia who had adopted the name (cognomen)
Rufina from Pomponia the wife of Aulus Plautius,
the Roman governor of Britain (A.D. 43-52).
E. H. Plumptre in Ellicott's NT Commentary (ii.
186) confidently asserts the identity of the Claudia
of St. Paul with the friend of Martial and the
daughter of Cogidubnus. All such identification
is, however, extremely precarious. The theory
that Claudia is the daughter of the British prince
Caractacus who had been brought to Rome with
his wife and children is a product of the inventive
imagination. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers, I. i.
76-79) discusses the whole question of identifica-
tion, and decides that, apart from the want of
evidence, the position of the names of Pudens and
Claudia in the text 2 Ti 4 21 disposes of the possi-
bility of their being husband and wife a diffi-
culty which Plumptre evades by the supposition
that they were married after the Epistle was
written. The low moral character of Martial's
friend Pudens can hardly be explained away suffi-
ciently to make him a likely companion of St. Paul
(cf. Merivale, St. Paul at Rome, 149).

LTTBRATURB. E. H. Plumptre, in Ellicott'8 NT Com., 1884,
voL ii. p. 185 : ' Excursus on the later years of St. Paul's life ' ;
J. B. Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, 1890, 1. L 76-79 ; C. Men-
vale, St. Paid at Rome, 1877, p. 149; T. Lewin, Life and
Epistles of St. Paul*, 1875, ii. 397 ; artt. in HDB and EBi ;
Conybeare-Howsoa, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, new ed.,
1877, ii. 682, 594. W. F. BOYD.

CLAUDIUS. Claudius, or, to give him his full
Imperial style, Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus
Germanicus (to which the honorary titles Britan-
nicus and Sarmaticus [see Papyr. Brit. Mus. 1178
=G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri,
1910, no. 40] are sometimes added), the son of Nero
Claudius Drusus (38-9 B.C.), stepson of Augustus,
and Antonia Minor (the younger daughter of the
triumvir Mark Antony and Octavia, sister of
Augustus), was born on 1 Aug. 10 B.C. at Lugu-
dunum (Lyons). His father died the year after.
The boy inherited both physical and mental weak-
ness, and was in consequence neglected. There
was no room in Roman life for weaklings ; exposure
of newly born children was frequent, and until
Christianity came there was little care for the
physically or mentally defective. Claudius was
left to the society of his social inferiors, and coarse
tastes were developed in him. The one bright
side in his life was nis devotion to scientific, espe-
cially historical, studies. Augustus saw some good
in him, but kept him from the public gaze. At
the succession of Tiberius in A.D. 14 he began to
take some slight part in public life, but most of
his time was spent on country estates. Gaius,
grandnephew of Tiberius and nephew of Claudius,
succeeded to the purple in A.D. 37, and raised his
uncle to the consulship at once. Soon after, how-
ever, the feelings of the maddest of all the
Emperors changed, and Claudius was once more in
a position of disgrace. Claudius had married
Plautia Urgulanilla (before A.D. 20), who bore him
a son and a daughter, but was afterwards divorced
for adultery. His marriage with Mlia. Paetina,
by whom he had a daughter, had the same end.
The notorious Valeria Messalina was his third
wife, and by her a daughter was born about the
year 40, and a son called Britannicus in 41. It is
said that Claudius, after the murder of his nephew,
was dragged from a remote part of the palace,
where he was cowering in terror, and made Emperor
almost unawares (25 Jan. 41) by the army. He
now changed his name from Tiberius Claudius
Nero Drusus Germanicus to that given above.
His reign of thirteen years was very much more
successful than might have been anticipated.

Some of the more important events of his reign

may be enumerated in the order of their occur-

In A.D. 41 certain reforms were made in the regulation of the
corn supply, etc., which had suffered in Gaius' reign. Many of
these reforms were doubtless due to the Emperor's freedmen,
Narcissus, the ab epistulis, M. Antonius Pallas, the a rationious,
etc., who exercised a tremendous influence during his reign
and acquired colossal fortunes in his service. In this year suc-
cesses were gained in Mauretania and also against the Catti
and Chauci in Germany ; the eagle of Varus, captured in A.D. 9,
was now recovered. Privileges were granted to the Jews of

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