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whatsoever comes to pass,' yet He accomplishes
His ends by the means proper thereto, and even
when men are moved by Divine grace to embrace
the gospel offer, they do so in the exercise of their
liberty as free agents. As St. Paul says : ' God
hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation
through sanctification of the Spirit and belief of
the truth ' (2 Th 2 13 ). T. NICOL.

DELIVERER. In the Acts and Epistles the
word 'deliverer' occurs only twice. Once (Ac 7 s8 )
the original word is 6 Xin-pwrijs and once (Ro II 28 ) it
is 6 pvdufvos. The reference in Acts is to Moses,
and so does not specifically concern us here, except
that the word is one of a group (\vrpor, dvrtXvrpov,
\vrp6w, diroXi/r/jciwis) used of the redemptive work of
Christ. In the Koine the word \frrpor usually meant



the purchase-money for the manumission of slaves
(A. Deissmann, Light from, the Ancient East*, 1911,
p. 331 f.). In the LXX (Ps 19" 68 s5 ) the word
\vrpuT7is is used of God Himself, and the Xi$r/>w<nj
wrought by Christ is illustrated by that wrought
by Moses (Lk I 68 2 s8 , He 9 12 , Tit 2 14 ), and that
notion may have influenced Luke's choice of the
word in Ac7 36 (R. J. Knowling, EGT, 'Acts,' 1900,
p. 192). The passage in Rp II 26 (o pv6/j.evos) is a
quotation from Is 59 20 and is given the Messianic
interpretation. 'There shall come out of Zion
the Deliverer.' It is a free quotation, the LXX
having K Stc6i> instead of ZveKev Sici?, while the
Hebrew has ' to Zion.' Some of the current Jewish
writings (En. xc. 33; Sib. Orac. iii. 710 f. ; Pss.
Sol. xvii. 33-35) cherished the hope of the conver-
sion of the Gentiles. St. Paul here seizes on that
hope, and the OT prophecy of the Messiah as
Deliverer, to hold out a second hope to the Jews
who have already in large measure rejected the
Messiah. Before He comes again, or at His com-
ing, the Jews will turn in large numbers to the
Deliverer once rejected (cf. Sanday-Headlam, Rom. 6 ,
1902, in loc.). In 1 Th I 10 St. Paul had already
used 6 pvbpevos of Jesus in connexion also with the
expectation of the Second Coming of Christ. It is
not here translated ' the Deliverer ' because the
participle is followed by T)fJ.as, ' who delivereth us
from the wrath to come.' The word pvu means
properly ' to draw,' and so the middle voice is ' to
draw to one's self for shelter,' ' to rescue.' The
word emphasizes the power of Christ as our De-
liverer, iK rrjs 6pyTJs rfjs ipyoi^v^. The deliverance
is complete (tic) (Milligan, Thess., 1908, in loc.).
This word pvofuu is the most frequent one for de-
liverance by God. St. Paul in 2 Co I 10 uses it of
his rescue from death in Ephesus (tpvearo TJ/J.S.S ical
pvo-eTai Kal (TI pvfffTai). It is the word for our
rescue from the power of darkness in Col I 13 . St.
Paul has it also in 2 Ti 3 11 when he tells how the
Lord delivered him out of his persecutions. In
4 l7t he uses it of his rescue from the lion, and of
his hope that the Lord will deliver him from every
evil deed. In 2 P 2 9 St. Peter uses it also for God's
help in temptation. In Gal I 4 St. Paul has SITUS
\i)Tai for Christ's purpose to deliver us from the
present evil age. The word is lcu/>loiuu, ' to take
out from,' while in He 2 15 the word for deliverance
from the fear of death is dxaXXdo-o-w, ' to set free
from.'

These words are simply those that in the RV
happen to be translated by 'deliver' in English.
But they by no means cover the whole subject.
As a matter of fact all the atoning work of
Christ is embraced in the notion of deliverance
from sin and its effects. St. Paul himself epito-
mizes his conception of Christ as Deliverer in his
paean of victory in 1 Co 15 640 - : ' Death is swallowed
up in victory. O death, where is thy victory? O
death, where is thy sting ? The sting of death is
sin ; and the power of sin is the law ; but thanks
be to God, who giveth us the victory through
our Lord Jesus Christ.' This deliverance applies
to the whole man (soul and body) and to the whole
creation (Ro 8 18 ' 28 ). It means ultimately the over-
throw of Satan and the complete triumph of Christ
in a new heaven and anew earth (the Apocalypse).
A. T. ROBERTSON.

DELUGE. See FLOOD.

DEMAS (Ai;/ias, perhaps a short form of Demetrius,
as Silas was of Silvanus). Demas was a Christian
believer who was with St. Paul during his imprison-
ment in Rome, and sends greetings to the Colossians
(4 14 ) and to Philemon (v. 24 ). Probably he was a
Thessalonian, and in both the references he is men-
tioned in connexion with St. Luke, while in 2 Ti
4 10 his conduct is contrasted with that of the beloved



DEMETRIUS



DEMON



287



physician. In the last-named passage we are in-
formed that Demas left the Apostle when he was
awaiting his trial before Nero. The desertion
seems to have been deeply resented by St. Paul,
who describes his action as due to his ' having loved
this present world.' Probably Demas realized that
it was dangerous to be connected with one who was
certain to be condemned by Nero, and he saved his
life by returning to his home in Thessalonica. The
phrase used, however, suggests that the prospect
of worldly advantage was the motive which deter-
mined Demas. No doubt the busy commercial
centre of Thessalonica offered many opportunities
for success in business, and love of money may
have been the besetting sin of this professing
Christian. The name ' Demetrius ' occurs twice in
the list of politarchs of Thessalonica ; and, while
we cannot say with certainty that the Demas of
2 Ti 4 10 is identical with either of these, the possi-
bility is not excluded. In this case the prospect of
civic honours may have been the reason which led
him to abandon the hardships and dangers of the
Apostle's life and return to Thessalonica, where his
family may have held positions of influence.
Perhaps the bare mention of his name in Col 4 14
and the reference in Ph 2 20< 21 may indicate that
the Apostle even at this early date suspected the
genuineness of Demas, who was with him at the
time of his writing to Philippi (cf. Ramsay, St.
Paul, p. 358). We have no certain assurance that
the apostasy of Demas was final, but the darker
view of his character has usually been taken, as
e.g. by Bunyan in The Pilgrim's Progress. Epi-
phanius (Hasr. li. 6) classes him among the apos-
tates from the faith. It is impossible to iden-
tify Demas with any Demetrius mentioned in
the NT.

LITERATURE. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paid the Traveller and
the Roman Citizen*, 1897, p. 358; J. B. Lightfoot, Colossians
and Philemon*, 1876, pp. 36, 242 ; arfct. in HDB, EBi, and SDB.

W. F. BOYD.

DEMETRIUS. There are two, if not three,
persons of this name mentioned in the NT a fact
which is not surprising, considering how very
common the name was in the Greek world.

1. Demetrius, the silversmith of Ephesus (Ac 19).
A business man, profoundly interested in the
success of his business, Demetrius was a manu-
facturer of various objects in silver, of which the
most profitable were small silver models of the
shrine of the Ephesian goddess Artemis (see
DIANA). These models were purchased by the
rich, dedicated to the goddess, and hung up within
her temple. The preaching of St. Paul was so
powerful that devotion to the goddess became less
prevalent, the demand for such offerings was re-
duced, and Demetrius felt his livelihood in danger.
He called a meeting of the gild of his handicraft
to decide on a means for coping with the new
situation. The meeting ended in a public disturb-
ance. Nothing is known of the later life of
Demetrius.

2. Demetrius, an important member of the church
referred to in the Second and Third Epistles of St.
John. It is impossible to identify the church with
certainty, but there can be little doubt that it was
in the province of Asia. The presbyter-overseer of
the church is absent, and in his absence Gaius and
Demetrius act in the truest interest of the members.
Demetrius' good conduct (3 Jn 12 ) is attested by all.

3. The full name of Demas (Col 4 14 , 2 Ti 4 10 ,
Philem 24 ) may very well have been Demetrius
(possibly Demodorus, Demodotus) ; see DEMAS.

LITERATURE. See W. M. Ramsay's lifelike picture of the
scene at Ephesus in his St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen, London, 1895, p. 277 ff. The best list of pet-names is
found in A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar, do.
1897, 287. A. SOUTER.



DEMON. 1. Nomenclature. The Avord Satfj.6viov
(or daifj.wv, which, however, occurs only once in the
NT in the best MSS, viz. in Mt S 31 , though some
MSS have it in Mk 5 12 , Lk S 28 , and some inferior
ones in Rev 16 14 18'-) is almost always rendered
' devil ' in EV, though RVm usually gives ' demon.'
In the RV of the OT ' demon ' is found in Dt 32 17 ,
Ps 106 37 , Bar 4 7 (Heb. np, LXX Sai^viov). Origin-
ally Sa.tfj.ui' had a somewhat more personal conno-
tation than Saifj.6viov, which is formed from the
adjective (i.e. 'a Divine thing'); and both had a
neutral sense : a spirit inferior to the supreme
gods, superior to man, but not necessarily evil.
Some trace of this neutral sense is found in the
apostolic writings. Thus deiffi5aljji.uv, deiffi8a.i/j.ovta
have probably not the bad sense of ' superstitious,'
' superstition in Ac 17 22 25 19 which at any rate
would hardly suit the former passage, where St.
Paul is not likely to have gone out of his way to
insult the Athenians but the neutral sense of
'religious,' 'religion.' This view is borne out by
the papyri, where, Deissmann says (Light from
Ancient East, 1910, p. 283), the context of these
words always implies commendation. And simi-
larly St. Luke's phrase (Lk 4 s3 ) ' a spirit of an un-
clean demon ' would imply the existence of a pure
demon, just as ' unclean spirits ' imply the existence
of pure spirits. The neutral sense is also found in
the saying attributed to our Lord by Ignatius
(Smyrn. 3 ; see Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers*, pt. ii.
vol. ii. [1889] p. 296) : ' Lay hold and handle me, and
see that I am not a bodiless demon ' (dai/j,6viov a<r6-
fj-arov), a saying clearly founded on or parallel to
Lk 24 s9 , perhaps due to an independent oral tra-
dition. But ordinarily in the NT daiy.6viov has a
bad sense, and signifies 'an evil spirit.' The ex-
pression ' to have a demon ' (or ' demons '), which
occurs several times in the Gospels (tx eiv dai/4oviov
[dai(i6via], equivalent to dai/j.ovlf<r6at, which is also
frequent there), is the same as the paraphrases found
elsewhere in the NT which avoid the word
'demon' (Ac 8 7 'had unclean spirits,' 19 12 'had
evil spirits,' 10 38 , etc.). In Christian writings the
word ' demon ' always means an evil being, though
it is curious that, in the NT and (as far as the
present writer has observed) in the Fathers, Satan
himself is never called dai/j.wv or daifj.6viov (' demon ').
Conversely his angels are never in the NT called
' devils' (5ici/3oXoi), though in Jn 6 70 Judas is called
5id/3oXos. The Fathers emphatically assert that
all demons are evil : see e.g. Tertull. Apol. 22,
Orig. c. Gels. v. 5, viii. 39 (the Son of God not a
demon), Cypr. Quod idola dii non sint, 6 f. By
the time of Augustine even the heathen used the
word ' demon ' only in a bad sense (de Civ. Dei,
ix. 19).

2. Conceptions about demons in apostolic writ-
ings. Demons are regarded as the ministers of
Satan a host of evil angels over whom he has
command. They are the ' angels which kept not
their own principality (dpx^v) but left their proper
habitation" (Jude 6 ), who 'when they sinned' were
' cast down to Tartarus ' (2 P 2*). They are de-
scribed as the Dragon's angels, forming his army
(Rev 12 7 - 9 ; cf. Mt 25 41 ). That these angels are
the same as the demons appears from the fact that
Satan is the prince of the demons (Mk S 22 ), and
that demoniacs are said to be 'oppressed of the
devil' (rov BiafioXov, i.e. Satan [see DEVIL], Ac 10 38 ;
cf. Lk 13 18 ). Thus there are good spirits and evil
spirits which must be distinguished and proved :
the spirit of the Antichrist must be distinguished
from the Spirit of God (1 Jn 4 1 ).

St. Paul, in not dissimilar language, speaks of
discernings of spirits (1 Co 12 10 ; cf. 2 Co II 4 ) and
of evil angels as being ' principalities ' (dpxal),
' powers,' ' world-rulers (Ko<rfj.oKpa.Topes) of this dark-
ness,' ' spiritual beings (wevno.ri.K6.) of wickedness



288



DEMOtf



DERBE



in the heavenly [places]' (Eph 6 12 ; the last phrase
may be roughly rendered ' in the sphere of spiritual
activities ' ; cf . Robinson's note on Eph I 3 and see
art. AIR) ; perhaps also as being ' the rulers of this
age which are coming to nought . . . the spirit
of the world' (1 Co 2 s - 12 ) ; or collectively as 'all
rule and all authority and power ' which are to be
abolished (1 Co 15 24 - *, Eph I 2 "-). That these are
Satan's hosts appears from the context of the last
passage ('2-), which speaks of the Prince of the
power of the air (see AIR).

It would seem that St. Paul regarded the heathen
gods as demons, having a real existence, though
they were not gods. On the one hand, 'no idol is
anything in the world, and there is no God but
one' (1 Co 8 4 ) ; on the other hand, the sacrifices of
the heathen are offered to demons, not to God,
and therefore Christians must not attend heathen
temples lest they have communion with demons
(10 201 - ; note the idea that sacrifice involves com-
munion between the worshipper and the wor-
shipped). So in the LXX Ps 96 5 affirms that all
the gods of the heathen are demons (Heb. D'^S,
i.e. 'vanities' ; Vulg. daemonia) ; and Dt 32 17 (see
above) both in the Heb. text and in the LXX
clearly identifies the heathen gods with demons.
And similarly in Rev 9 20 the worship of demons is
joined to that of idols.

The activity of demons towards man is great.
Though, after a fashion, they believe not with
the Christian's faith, which is born of love, but with
faith compelled by fear (Ja 2 19 : they ' shudder')
yet with the ingenuity which is peculiarly their
own (Ja 3 15 ffo<j>la. . . . 5cu/*oi'tc65i?s), they try to
draw man away from his belief : they are ' sedu-
cing spirits,' whose teaching is called the ' doctrine
of demons ' (1 Ti 4"-, so most commentators) ; their
captain is called the ' spirit that now worketh in
the sons of disobedience ' (Eph 2 2 , where, however,
' spirit ' is in apposition to ' power,' not to ' prince,'
perhaps by grammatical assimilation ; see Robin-
son's note ad loc.). The demons accordingly in-
stigate evil men against the good ; they are ' un-
clean spirits, as it were frogs ' coming ' out of the
mouth of the dragon ... for they are spirits of
demons,' instigating the ' kings of the whole world '
to the ' war of the great day of God ' (Rev 16 13f -).
If we identify them with the 'rulers of this age'
of 1 Co 2 s (see above), they instigated our Lord's
crucifixion (v. 8 ). See also DEVIL.

Demons are able to work miracles or signs (ffijfieia.,
Rev 16 14 ), as Antichrist can (2 Th 2 9 ) ; they attract
worship from men (Rev 9 20 ; cf. Dt 32" above),
and have their temples and tables (see above).
Rome, the corrupt capital of the heathen world,
designated ' Babylon,' is the habitation of demons,
the prison of every unclean spirit, the prison of
every unclean and hateful bird (Rev 18 2 ).

Just as the fruits of the working of the Holy
Ghost in man are called the spirit ' of power and
love and discipline ' (2 Ti I 7 ) and ' of truth ' (1 Jn 4 6 ),
so those of the demons are ' the spirit of bondage '
(Ro 8 18 ), and ' stupor ' (/carai/^ewy, II 8 ), and 'fear-
fulness' (2 Ti I 7 ), and error' (1 Jn 4 6 ).

3. Demoniacal possession. This subject is much
less spoken of in the writings which are here dealt
with than in the Gospels. The evangelistic records
depict a much stronger activity of evil in Palestine
during the earthly life of our Lord than that which,
as the rest of NT would lead us to suppose, existed
elsewhere and at a later time. Yet in four passages
of Acts we read of possession by unclean or evil
spirits : at Jerusalem (5 16 ) ; in Samaria, where they
were expelled at the preaching of Philip (8 7 ) ; at
Philippi, where the ventriloquist maiden is said to
have a spirit, a Python (16 1(f : irvevfjia irMwva. is the
best reading) ; and at Ephesus, where by St. Paul's
miracles the evil spirits were expelled (19 12 ). In



this last passage we read of the evil spirit speaking
out of the possessed man's mouth, and of the man's
actions being those of the evil spirit (v. 16 ) ; also of
Jewish exorcists who endeavoured to expel him (the
seven of v. 14 become in all the best MSS two at v. 16 ;
probably there were seven brothers, but only two
took part in this incident). The word 'exorcist'
does not occur elsewhere in the NT. The passage
about the Python (16 1(i ) is very remarkable. The
name is derived from Pytho, a district near Delphi
where the dragon (called Python) was slain by
Apollo. The title was thus given to a diviner :
both Apollo and the Delphic priestess were called
'the Pythian' (6 IIi50ios, ^ Hvdia). Ventriloquists
were regarded as being under the influence of
demons, and as being able to divine ; they were, as
Plutarch tells us (Moralia, ed. Xylander, ii. 414 E,
quoted by Wetstein on Ac 16 1S ), called irtiQuves,
irvduviffffai. Here, then, we have the conception of
something other than ordinary madness being a
possession by evil spirits ; and this incident may
be considered as a stepping-stone to the conception
found in some NT writers of physical disease as
being, at least in some cases, also a possession.
This is the case especially in the writings of Luke
the physician. Thus the woman who was ' bowed
together ' is said to have had ' a spirit of infirmity '
(irvev/jia acrdeveias, Lk 13 11 ) and to have been bound
by Satan (v. 16 ) ; our Lord ' rebuked ' (eireri/j-riffe) the
fever of Simon's wife's mother (Lk 4 39 ), as if it were
an unclean spirit ; a deaf-mute is said to have a
' dumb spirit ' or ' a dumb and deaf spirit '(Mk 9 17 ' 25 ).
There is nothing which leads us to suppose that
the conception of demoniacal possession which we
find well established in the four Gospels, especially
in the Synoptics, was not shared by the other NT
writers ; but it is noteworthy that, as the subject
is only glanced at in the Fourth Gospel (with refer-
ence to the charge against our Lord, Jn 7 20 8 48ff -
10 20f -), so it is not dealt with at all by St. Paul,
though we could perhaps hardly expect that it
should be spoken of in epistolary writings. We
may, however, remark that the language of the
famous passage Ro 7 14 " 25 , in which the Apostle
speaks of the power of sin in the Christian for
we can hardly think that he is speaking of himself
only before his conversion bears a close likeness
to that used to describe demoniacal possession.

LITERATURE. This article has dealt only with the period from
the Ascension to the end of the 1st cent. ; for this reference
maybe made to H. St. J. Thackeray, The Relation of St. Paul
to Contemporary Jewish Thought, London, 1900, ch. vi. For
demoniacal possession see R. C. Trench, Notes on the Miracles
of our LordP, London, 1870, 5 (' The Demoniacs in the Country
of the Gadarenes '). On the subject in general see H. B. Swete,
The Holy Spirit in the New Testament, London, 1909, Appendix C;
A Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, Eng.
tr.2, 1908, i. 125 ff. ; O. C. Whitehousc in HDB, art. 'Demon,
Devil ' ; W. O. E. Oesterley in DCG, art. ' Demon, Demoniacs ' ;
R. W. Moss in SDB, artt. 'Devil,' 'Possession.' For post-
apostolic conceptions of dempnology see H. L. Pass in ERE,
art. ' Demons and Spirits (Christian)' ; for those of other nations
see the various articles under the same title in ERE.

A. J. MACLEAN.

DE PUT Y. This is the AV translation of dvefararos,
the Gr. equivalent of pro consule, ' proconsul' (q.v.).
In NT times 'proconsul' was the name given to
the governor of a senatorial province that is, a
province under the supervision of the Roman
Senate, which appointed the governors. In the
NT the following senatorial provinces are referred
to as under proconsuls : Asia, governed by an ex-
consul, called proconsul, a province of the highest
class, and Cyprus and Achaia, each governed by
an ex-prsetor, also called proconsul, provinces of
the second class. A. SOUTER.



DERBE (AfySTj). Derbe Avas one of 'the cities
of Lycaonia ' into which Paul and Barnabas fled
when driven from Iconium (Ac 14 8 ). Strabo says
it was 'on the flanks of the Isaurian region, ad-



DESCENT INTO HADES



DESCENT INTO HADES



289



hering (tirnre<f>vK6s) to Cappadocia ' (XII. vi. 3). It
belonged to that part of Lycaonia which, in the
1st cent. B.C., the Romans added, as an 'eleventh
Strategia,' to the territory of the kings of Cappa-
docia (XH. i. 4). From them it was seized, along
with the more important town of Laranda, by
Antipater the robber (called 6 Aep/Sijrijs), who is
othenvise known as a friend of Cicero (ad Fam.
xiii. 73). Antipater was attacked and slain by
Amyntas of Galatia (c. 29 B.C. ), who added Laranda
and Derbe to the extensive territories which he
ruled as a Roman subject-king. On the death of
Amyntas in 25 B.C. his kingdom was formed
into the Roman province of Galatia. But the
' eleventh Strategia ' again received special treat-
ment. After changing hands more than once, it
was ultimately added as the inscriptions on coins
indicate to the kingdom of Antiochus IV., and
therefore called 'Strategia Antiochiane' (Ptolemy,
v. 6), an arrangement which lasted from A.D. 41
to the death of Antiochus in 72. Derbe, however,
being required as a fortress city on the Roman
frontier, was detached from the Strategia and in-
cluded in the province of Galatia, after which it re-
ceived a new constitution, and was named Claudio-
Derbe, which was equivalent to Imperial Derbe.

Ethnically and geographically Lycaonian, the
city was now politically Galatian. As in Lystra,
the educated natives were no doubt bilingual,
speaking Lycaonian (AvKaovurrl, Ac 14 11 ) among
themselves, but using Greek as the language of
commerce and culture. Derbe lay on the great
trade-route between Ephesus and Syrian Antioch.
All the cities on that line had been hellenized by
the Seleucids, whose task the Romans now con-
tinued. St. Paul's first visit to Derbe was very suc-
cessful ; he ' made many disciples ' (Ac 14 a ), and the
city is not mentioned as one of the places in which
he was persecuted (2 Ti 3 11 ). It is a striking fact
that he made Derbe the last stage of his missionary
progress, instead of going on to the neighbouring
and greater city of Laranda. His action appears
to be prompted by a motive which the historian
does not formally state. Because Derbe was the
limit of Roman territory, he made it the limit of
his mission. He followed the lines of Empire.
In his second journey he evidently crossed the
Taurus by the Cilician Gates, passed through the
kingdom of Antiochus, and so ' came to Derbe
and Lystra' (Ac 15* 1 -1Q 1 ). A. third visit is prob-
ably implied by the statement that 'he went
through the region of Galatia and Phrygia in
order, stablishing all the disciples' (18 23 ). On the
Southern Galatian theory, the Christians of Derbe
formed one of the ' churches of Galatia' (1 Co 16 1 ,
Gal I 2 ), and they were among the dv6rrroi FoXdrcu
(Gal 3 1 ) whom he exhorted to stand fast in their
Christian liberty (5 1 ). Imperial Derbe stood in
closer relations with the Roman colonies of Antioch
and Lystra than with the non-Roman Lycaones of
the kingdom of Antiochus.

Sterrett (Wolfe Expedition, 1888, p. 23) placed
Derbe between the villages of Zosta and Bossola
on the road, from Konia to Laranda. In both of
these places there are numerous ancient cut stones
and inscriptions, but it is doubtful if they are in
situ, and W. M. Ramsay thinks that the position
of the ancient city is indicated by a large deserted
mound, called by the Turks Gudelissin, about 3
miles W.N.W. from Zosta. It still waits to be
explored.

LITERATURE. W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman
Empire, 1893, pp. 54-56, The Cities of St. Paul, 1907, p. 385 fl.,
Hist. Com. on Gal., 1899, pp. 228-234 ; W. Smith, DGRG L

[1856] 770. JAMES STKAHAN.

DESCENT INTO HADES 1. By the Hebrews,

Sheol or Hades was regarded as the under world,
VOL. i. 19



a subterranean region of abysses and mysterious
waters upon which the earth rested (Ps 24 a 136 6 ).
It was the region to which all souls passed after
death, there to live a shadow-like existence, in-
capable of the higher forms of spiritual activity,



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