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nachapostolische Zeitalter*, Karlsruhe, 1885 (Eng. tr., Edin-
burgh, 1886) ; E. Backhouse and C. Tylor, Early Church
History*, London, 1885 ; G. Wohlenbergf, Die Lehre der zwdlf
Apostel in ihrem Verhciltnis zum NT Schrifttum, Leipzig, 1888 ;
J. Heron, The Church of the Sub-Apostolic Age ... in the
Light of the ' Teaching of the Twelve Apostles,' London, 1888 ;
A. Harnack, art. ' AposteUehre ' in PRE'3 i., Leipzig, 1896; F.
X. Funk, Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen, li., Paderborn,
1899; A. Ehrhard, Die altchristl. Litteratur und ihre Erfot-
schung von 1881^-1900, Freiburg i. B., 1900; K. Kohler, art.
' Didache' in JE iv., London, 1903 ; P. Drews in E. Hennecke's
Handbuch zu den NT Apocryphen, Tubingen, 1904 ; O. Barden-
hewer, Patrology, Freiburg i. B. and St. Louis, Mo., 1903 ; H.
M. Gwatkin, Early Church History, London, 1909, vol. i.

(2) Special. (a) Ministry. E. Loaning-, Die Gemeindever-
fassung des Urchristenthums, Halle, 1888 ; J. ReVille, Origines
fie Fepiscopat, Paris, 1895 ; J. W. Falconer, From Apostle to
Priest, Edinburgh, 1900 ; A. Harnack, The Mission and Expan-
sion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries^, London, 1908,
vol. i. (6) Worship. O. Moe, Die AposteUehre und der Dekaloq
im Unterricht der alien Kirche, Qiitersloh, 1896 ; J. F. Keating',
The Agape and the Eucharist in the Early Church, London,
1901 ; P. Ladeuze, ' L'Kucharistie et les repas communs des
fldeles dans le Didache' in Revue de I'Orient Chretien, 1902,
no. 3 ; J. C. Lambert, The Sacraments in the NT, Edinburgh,
1903; A. Andersen, Das Abendmahl in den zioei ersten
Jahrhunderten, Giessen, 1904 ; E. von der Goltz, Tischgebete
und Abendmahlsgebete in der altchristl. und in der griech.
Kirche (TCTx.iv. 2b), Leipzig, 1905 ; F. M. Rendtorff, Die Taufe
im Urchristentum, do. 1905 ; M. Gognel, L'Eucharistie. Des
origines A Justin, martyr, Paris, 1909 ; J. H. Srawley, art.
' Eucharist (to end of Middle Ages) ' in ERE v., Edinburgh. 1912.

HUGH WATT.



DIGAMY. See MARRIAGE.
DIONYSIUS. See AREOPAGITE.

DIOSCURI (Ac 28", RVm ; AV Castor and
Pollux,' RV 'the Twin Brothers'). The Dioscuri
were the sons of Leda and Zeus, Castor being
mortal and Pollux immortal. They were famed
for many exploits, and at length, in a battle
against the sons of Aphareus, Castor was slain by
Idas. Pollux besought Zeus that he too might die.
According to one fable the Father of the Gods
granted Castor life on condition that the brothers
should alternately spend a day in Hades, but
another states that their love was rewarded by
Zeus, who placed them together among the stars
as the Gemini. They were regarded as the patrons
of athletic contests, Castor presiding over the
equestrian events, Pollux being the god of boxing
(Kdffropd $lirv65a.iJMv /cat 7n> dyadbv HoXvSefaea [Horn.
11. iii. 237]). Their worship was very strictly ob-
served among the Dorian peoples, and they were
also held in special reverence at Rome, as they
were popularly supposed to have fought on the side
of the Commonwealth at the battle of Lake Regillus
and to have carried the ne^ys of victory to the city
(Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. vi. 13). It is worthy of
note that they were specially held in honour in the
district of Cyrenaica near Alexandria (schol. Pindar,
Pyth. v. 6).

The ships of the ancients carried two figures as
a rule, one being the figure-head (irapdo-q/j.oi', in-
signe), after which the ship was named (Virgil,
An. v. 116, x. 166, 188, 209), and the other in the
stern. The latter was the tutela or image of the
divine being under whose guardianship the vessel
was supposed to sail. The Dioscuri were regarded as
the guardian deities of sailors, and Horace speaks
of ' the brothers of Helen, the beaming stars,' as
shining propitiously on those at sea (Odes, I. iii. 2,
cii. 25 ; cf. Catullus, iv. 27 ; Euripides, Helena,



1662-5).



F. W. WORSLEY.



DIOTREPHE8. An otherwise unknown man
named in 3 Jn 9 as ambitious, masterful, and tyran-
nical. As the authorship of the Epistle, its des-
tination, and date are all doubtful, any attempt
to identify Diotrephes is futile. His main interest
for the student of the Apostolic Church is that he
is a witness to the opposite currents of thought
which disturbed it. The writer of 3 John was
apparently responsible for a band of travelling
evangelists to whom Diotrephes refused a welcome.
The ground of refusal appears, from the references to
' truth ' in the Epistle, to have been a difference of
doctrine. If the writer was a ' pneumatic ' teacher,
Diotrephes would probably be a Catholic officer of
influence, but of lower standing than the writer.
If the writer, on the other hand, was a Catholic
teacher, Diotrephes was probably a man of Docetic
views. The name occurs in profane Greek twice
once as son of Heraclitus in the 3rd cent. B.C., and
once as the name of an Antiochene rhetorician
(Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.). W. F. COBB.

DISCIPLE. The use of the word 'disciple'
(fw.6rir-/is) in the NT is remarkable and very in-
structive. It occurs 238 times in the Gospels. In
the Epistles and the Apocalypse it does not occur
at all, its place being taken by 'saints' (ajiot) and
' brethren (d5e\</>of ). Acts exhibits the transition,
with ' disciple ' (/ta^njj) 28 times and the feminine
form (fiaO-frrpia.) once, but with 'saints' 4 times
(913. sa. 41 26 10 ) and ' brethren ' (not counting ad-
dresses, and mostly in the second half of the book)
about 32 times. In Acts, ' believers ' (irtore^ovres,
Tn.ffTt6ffa.vrey, ireiriffrevicdres) is another frequent equi-
valent. The explanation of the change from ' dis-



DISCIPLINE



DISCIPLINE



303



ciple' to the other terms is simple. During His
life on earth, the followers of Jesus were called
' disciples ' in reference to Him ; afterwards they
were called 'saints' in reference to their sacred
calling, or 'brethren' in relation to one another
(Sanday, Inspiration 9 , 1896, p. 289). In Acts, the
first title is going out of use, and the others are
coming in ; in ch. 9 all three terms are found.
Christ's charge, ' Make disciples of all the nations '
(Mt 28 19 ), may have helped to keep ' disciple' in use.

' Disciple ' means more than one who listens to a
teacher ; it implies his acceptance of the teaching,
and his effort to act in accordance with it ; it im-
plies beinga ' believer' in theteacher and being ready
to be an 'imitator' (funijr^t) of him (Xen. Mem. I.
vi. 3). It is remarkable that St. Paul does not call
his converts his ' disciples ' that might seem to be
taking the place of Christ (1 Co I 13 ' 15 ); but he
speaks of them as his ' imitators.' In the Gospels,
'disciple* is often used in a special sense of the
Twelve, and sometimes of the followers of human
teachers Moses, or John the Baptist, or the
Pharisees. Neither use is found in Acts: in 19 2 ,
'disciples' does not mean disciples of John, as is
shown by ' when ye believed ' (wioreiArai'Tes), that is,
' when ye became Christians,' which is the dominant
meaning of this verb in Acts. These 'disciples'
were imperfectly instructed Christians.

See also art. APOSTLE. ALFRED PLUMMER,



DISCIPLINE. The root meaning of ' discipline '
is 'instruction,' but in course of time it came to be
used for ' moral training,' ' chastening,' ' punish-
ment.' The subject naturally divides itself into
two parts : (1) the spiritual discipline of the soul ;
(2) the ecclesiastical discipline of offenders.

1. The training necessary for the discipline of
the soul. This may be under the guidance of
another or under one's own direction. (a) In order
to develop and perfect man's moral nature, God
deals with him as a wise father with a child. The
benefit of such treatment is pointed out in He
12 1 ' 13 (cf. Mt 5 10 ' 12 ). Its final efficacy depends upon
the spirit in which it is received. The motive for
its endurance must be right, and the. end in view
must be clearly perceived. The Heavenly Father
does more than simply teach His children ; He
disciplines them with more (cf. Pr 3 11 , Job 5 17 ) or
less severity (cf. Pr I 2 - 8 4 1 ). If the Author of
Salvation was made perfect through sufferings (He
2 10 ; cf. 5 8t I 28 , Lk 13 3:! ), it is clear that the ' many
sons' must pass through the same process and
experience as the ' well-beloved Son.' In their
case the need is the more urgent, for latent powers
must be developed, lack of symmetry corrected,
the stains of sin removed, evil tendencies eradi-
cated. Errors in doctrine and action must be
transformed into truth and righteousness (1 Co
11 s "-, 2 Jn *, 2 Ti 2 16 - ; cf. Tit 3 10 , 1 Co S 9 " 13 ,
2 Th 3 s ). Body and mind can move towards
perfection only under the guiding hand of the
Holy Father. Pain and sorrow, frustrated hopes,
long delays, loneliness, changed circumstances,
persecution, the death of loved ones, and other
'dispensations of Providence,' are designed to
chasten and ennoble the soul. Character, not
creed, is the final aim. Having begun a good work
in His children, God will ' perfect it until the day
of Jesus Christ' (Ph I 8 ).

(b) The Christian must also discipline himself.
Through the crucifixion of his lower nature he
rises into newness of life. St. Paul describes (Tit
2 12 ) the negative side as ' denying ungodliness and
worldly lusts,' and the positive as to ' live soberly,
and righteously, and godly in this present world '
(' sobrie erga nos ; juste erga proximum ; pie erga
Deum' [St. Bernard, Sermon xL, Paris, 1667-90]) ;
see Ro 12 9 , Tit 2 12 ; cf. 2 Ti 2 18 , 1 P 4 2 , 1 Jn 2 16 ;



also Lk I 75 , Ac 17 30 24 25 . The Christian must put
away anger, bitterness, clamour, covetousness,
envy, evil-speaking, falsehood, fornication, guile,
hypocrisy, malice, railing, shameful speaking,
uncleanness, wrath (Eph 4 17 ' 32 , Col 3 8 ' 11 ; cf. Ja I 81 ,
1 P 2 1 ). Then he must acquire and mature posi-
tive virtues. This involves at every stage self-
discipline (see Ro 6 19 8 13 , 1 Co g 25 *-, Col 3 8 ; cf. Mt
S 29 18 9 , Mk 9 47 , Gal 5 M ). _

Many elements enter into this discipline of self.
Amongst others the following deserve special
mention : prayer, ' the hallowing of desire, by
carrying it up to the fountain of holiness' (J.
Morison, Com. on St. Matthew 6 , 1885, p. 89) ; see
Ro 12 12 ; cf. Ac I 14 , Eph 6 13 , Col 4 2 ' 4 , 1 P 4 7 ; cf.
Mt 26 41 , Lk 18 1 21 38 . Fasting is frequently as-
sociated with prayer : e.g. Ac 13 s 14 23 , Did. vii. 4,
viii. 1, and many other passages. Ramsay (St.
Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, London,
1895, p. 122) speaks of the solemn prayer and fast
which accompanied the appointment of the elders,
and says that 'this meeting and rite of fasting,
which Paul celebrated in each city on his return
journey, is to be taken as the form that was to be
permanently observed.' Sobriety in thought and
action is commended (Ro 12 3 ; cf. 1 P 4 7 [Gr. j, 1 Th
55. 8> i Ti 2 9 - 1B ; cf. Sir 18 30 [Gr.]) ; watchfulness (Ac
24 15 , Ro 8 19 - 1 Co I 7 16 1S , 2 Co 4 18 , Eph 6 18 , Col 4 2 ,
Tit 2 13 , He 13 17 , 1 P 4 7 , 2 P 3 12 ; cf. Mt 24 42 26", Mk
13 33 , Lk 21 36 ) ; obedience (Ro 13 1 ' 7 , 2 Co 2 9 l u 10 s ,
1 Ti 2 1 ' 3 , Tit 3 1 , 1 P 2 13 - 14 3 1 , 1 Jn 2 3 3 22 ) ; patience
(Ro 5 s S 25 15 4 , 1 Th I 3 , 2 Th I 3 * 3 5 , He 10 3 *, Ja 1 s ;
cf. Mt 10 22 24 18 , Lk 21 19 ) ; conflict against error and
evil forces and on behalf of the truth (Eph 6 11 ' 18 ,
1 Ti I 18 ' 20 6 12 , 2 Ti 2 s - 4 4 7 '-, Philem 2 , Jude 3 ) ; work
(Ac 18 3 , Eph 4 s8 , 1 Th 4 11 , 2 Th 3 8 " 12 ) ; almsgiving
(Ac 24 17 , Ro 12 13 15 25 - , 1 Co 16 1 ' 4 , 2 Co 9 s - 7 , Gal 6 10 ,
1 Ti 6 17 ' 19 , He 13 16 , Ja 2 1B - 16 , 1 Jn 3 17 ; cf . Mt 6 19 - 20 , To
4 7 ' 11 ) ; temperance (Ac 24 s8 , 1 Co g 28 , Gal S 23 ; cf.
Sir 18 30 [Gr.], Tit I 8 , 2 P I 6 ); chastity (Ro 13 14 , Gal
5, 1 P 2", 1 Jn 2 18 ; cf. Sir 18 3U ) ; meekness (Ro
12 10 , Eph 4 2 5 2 , Ph 23, Col 3 12 , 1 Ti 6", 1 P 5 5 - 8 ).

In Ph 4 8 and 2 P I 4 ' 8 there are inspiring direc-
tions for this same self -discipline. 'If there be
any virtue, and if there be any praise,' the
brethren are to ' think on,' or ' take account of,'
'whatsoever things are true, honourable, just,
pure, lovely, of good report.' If men are to become
partakers of the Divine nature, and to escape the
corruption that is in the world by lust, they must
heed the injunction : ' For this very cause adding
on your part all diligence, in your faith supply
virtue ; and in your virtue knowledge ; and in
your knowledge temperance ; and in your temper-
ance patience ; and in your patience godliness ;
and in your godliness love of the brethren ; and in
your love of the brethren love ' (see also 1 Co 13
and 1 Jn 4 16 ). This will save from idleness and
unfruitfulness. They will give the more diligence
to make their calling and election sure.

No doubt the expectation in the Apostolic Age
of the cataclysmic and immediate coming of Christ
led to rigour and austerity of life, which were
afterwards relaxed in many places. The moral
necessity of discipline is always the same, even
though the power of belief in the second coming of
Christ in spectacular fashion wanes or departs.
After the close of the 1st cent, the development
of asceticism and penance became pronounced.
The NT gives little or no countenance to the
extreme forms that these disciplinary systems
assumed.

2. Ecclesiastical discipline. For self-protection
and self-assertion the early Church had to exercise
a strict discipline. Its well-being and very life
depended upon the suppression of abuses and the
expulsion of persistent and gross offenders. In
some cases toleration would have meant unfaith-



304



DISCIPLINE



DISPERSION



fulness to Christ and degradation to the community.
The duty of maintaining an adequate discipline
was one of the most difficult and most important
tasks that confronted the primitive Ecclesia.
Jesus Himself gave to the apostles (Mt 16 1S * ", Jn
20 22 - ) and to the Church (Mt 18 15 ' 18 ) a disciplinary
charter. The Church followed the main lines of
guidance therein contained. Only public sins were
dealt with in the ecclesiastical courts. Private
offences were to be confessed to each other (Ja 5 1S ),
that prayer might be offered for forgiveness (5 15 ,
1 Jn 5 18 ), and also confessed to God (1 Jn I 9 ).
Further, Christians were discouraged from carry-
ing disputes to the civil courts {1 Co 8 1 ; cf. 5 12 6 4 ).
' Let not those who have disputes go to law before
the civil powers, but let them by all means be re-
conciled by the leaders of the Church, and let them
rightly yield to their decision ' (see Clein. Ep. ad
Jacob., 10). The object of ecclesiastical discipline
was to prevent scandal and to restore the offender.
When private rebuke and remonstrance failed (Mt
18 1S ; ci. 1 Th 5 14 ), the wrong-doer was censured by
the whole community (cf. 1 Ti 5 20 , Gal 2 11 ). This
sentence might be pronounced by some person in
authority, or by the community as community.
If the accused person still remained obdurate, and
in the case of heinous sin, the Church proceeded to
expulsion and excommunication (Ro 16 17 , 1 Co
52. 11. i 3) 2 j n 10). xhe offender was thrust out from
religious gatherings and debarred from social inter-
course. To such excommunication might be added
the further penalty of physical punishment (Ac
51-10 g^ i Co 5 s , 1 Ti 5 20 ) or ac anathema (ivMcfta,
1 Co 16 22 , Gal I 8 ). Knowing the great influence
of the mind over the body, one can readily under-
stand that disease, and even death, might follow
such sentences. It was fully believed that the
culprit was exposed, without defence, to the attacks
of Satan (1 Co 5 5 ).

The whole Church exercised this power of dis-
cipline. St. Paul addresses the community in
1 Cor., which is our earliest guide on the subject.
Laymen on occasion could teach, preach, and axer-
cise disciplinary powers. In the case of excom-
munication it was not necessary that there should
be unanimity. A majority vote was sufficient (2
Co 2 s ). It was believed that Christ was actually
present (Mt 18 20 ) to confirm the sentence, which
was pronounced in His name (1 Co 5 4 , 2 Co 2 10 ).

No doubt the procedure followed in the main
that of the synagogue, where expulsion was of
three types simple putting forth, excommunica-
tion with a curse, and a final anathema sentence.
Discipline was designed to be reformatory and not
simply punitive or retaliatory. There must be, if
possible, ' rectification ' (see 2 Ti 3 18 , where eiravdp-
0w<ns is significantly joined with iraidcla). Repent-
ance is to be followed by forgiveness (2 Co 2 5 " 10 ,
Gal 6 l , Jude 22 ). The penitent was probably re-
ceived into the Church again by the imposition cf
hands (cf. 1 Ti 5 22 ).

Owing to persecution, the discipline of the Church
became more and more simply moral influence.
The demand for it was more urgent than ever ;
but, while some communities remained faithful to
this duty, others grew more lax (e.g. the practice
of obtaining libelli).

See also ADMONITION, ANATHEMA, CHASTISE-
MENT, and EXCOMMUNICATION.

LITERATURE. J. H. Kurtz, Church History, Eng. tr., i. 2 ,
London, 1891 ; F. J. A. Hort, The Christian Ecclesia, do. 1897 ;
C. v. Welzsacker, Apostolic Age, Eng. tr., i.2, do. 1897, ii., 1895 ;
P. Schaff, History of the Apostolic Age, Edinburgh, 1886 ; E.
Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches, London,
1880; A. C. McGiffert, Christianity in thf Apostolic Age,
Edinburgh, 1887; J. B. Lightfoot, Dissertations on the Apos-
tolic Age, London, 1892 ; H. H. Henson, Apostolic Christianity,
do. 1898; art. 'Discipline (Christian)' in ERE.

H. CARISS J. SIDNELL.



DISPERSION. i] Siatriropd (from diaio-jreipw 'to
scatter,' as dyopd from dydpu ' to gather ') is used
collectively in the LXX and the NT for the Jews
settled abroad. The most important NT reference
occurs in Jn 7 s5 : ' Whither will this man go that
we shall not find him ? Will he go unto the Dia-
spora among the Gentiles, and teach the Gentiles ? '
This splenetic utterance was an unconscious pro-
phecy of the course our Lord actually followed,
when, having reached the goal of His public minis-
try, and having received ' all authority in heaven
and on earth,' He went on ' to make disciples of all
the nations." The first line of advance was al-
ready marked out by the Diaspora. It was the
bridge between the Jew and the Greek, and soon
the sound of many feet speeding over it with
their message of good tidings was heard ; or it was
the viaduct by which the living waters that went
forth from Jerusalem were led to the cities of the
Roman Empire.

The Diaspora partly originated from causes over
which the Jews had no control, and was partly the
result of a spontaneous movement outwards. It
was largely due to the policy adopted by the great
conquerors of antiquity of deporting into exile
a considerable number of the population of the
countries which they subdued. The various trans-
plantations Buffered"^ by the Jews need not be re-
counted here. But their dispersion was still more
largely due, in Greek and Roman times, to volun-
tary emigration from Palestine. The conquests of
Alexander the Great turned what had hitherto
been barred avenues and dangerous tracks into
safe and open roads, and the Jews were not slow
to take advantage of the openings, both in the
direction of secular culture and of commercial
enterprise, that lay before them. In NT times,
they were domiciled in all the countries along the
shores of the Mediterranean. The accounts of Philo
and Josephus, of which the substantial accuracy is
attested by inscriptions (HDB v. 92 a ), enable us to
see how much at home the Jews were in Syria, Egypt,
Asia Minor, and the Greek cities and islands, and
all the data now available afford grounds for be-
lieving that they numbered at this period from
three to four and a half millions, and that they
formed about seven per cent of the population of
the Roman Empire (EBi i. 1112; Harnack,
Mission and Expansion 2 , i. 10, 11).

Following Jeremiah's advice to the exiles in
Babylon, they 'sought the peace' of the cities
they settled in, without, however, amalgamating
with the other inhabitants. The dislike created
by their aloofness gave way a little before the invol-
untary respect commanded by their intelligence,
their aptitude for work, and their exemplary
family life, but was never completely overcome.
Yet they had the art of conciliating the great, and
of gaining powerful patrons. Several of the Syrian
and Egyptian kings were their warm friends.
Amongst their friends must also be included Julius
Caesar, who with the prescience of genius saw in
them the true connecting link between the East
and West, and would not have relished their being
made the butt of Roman wits. Their mourning
for his death ( ' noctibus continuis bustum frequent-
arunt,' Suet. C. Julius Ccesar, 84) reminds us of the
mourning of the Jews in London for Edward yn.

The Jews could not carry on their sacrificial
worship in foreign lands we may let pass the
schismatic attempt to do so at Leontopolis in
Egypt but they kept in full communion with
Jerusalem by making pilgrimages to the great
feasts, and by sending the yearly poll-tax of half a
shekel for the upkeep of the Temple (cf. Mt 17 24 ).
' The Law and the Prophets and the Psalms ' went

* ' The secret, which malice had divined within the Saviour's
lifetime' (Gwatkin, Early Church Hist. i. 18).



DISPEESION



DISPEKSION



305



with them everywhere, but ' in the Greek Diaspora
. . . strict canonicity was accorded only to the
Torah' (ERE ii. 580 b ). The observance which
attracted most notice from their Gentile neighbours
was that of the Sabbath rest. On the day of rest
all classes of the Diaspora were ' gathered into
one,' and felt that they were indeed ' the people of
the God of Abraham.'

That Julius Csesar had regarded them as his
friends was not forgotten by those who came after
him. It was a precedent that proved of immense
advantage to the Jews settled in Borne. The free-
dom he granted them in the exercise of their re-
ligious customs was endorsed by his grand-nephew
Augustus (Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, xvi. 6), and, after
weathering some dangerous storms, became the
settled policy of the Empire. In Roman law,
Jewish societies were collegia licita, privileged
clubs or gilds. Meetings in their synagogues,
or irpoffevxat, or ffa.ppa.Tfia (op. cit. xvi. 6. 2) were
not hampered with any troublesome restrictions.
They could settle matters pertaining to their law
without going to the Roman tribunal (cf. Ac 18 14 - 1B ),
and were apparently permitted to inflict punish-
ment for what they looked upon as schism or
apostasy (Ac 26 n , 2 Co II 24 ). They had a coinage
of their own for sacred purposes (HDB v. 57*). In
the region beyond the Tiber, ' in the neighbourhood
of the wharfs where the barges from Ostia were
accustomed to unlade' (F. W. Farrar, Life and Work
of St. Paul, 1 vol., 1897, p. 585), many of them
found employment, or drove a brisk trade. The
only occasion on which they were seriously threat-
ened with the loss of their privileges occurred
under Claudius, who, in the words of the historian,
' ludaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes
Roma expulit ' (Suet. Claud. 25). The meaning of
these words is uncertain (HDB iv. 307*, v. 98* ;
EBi i. 757 ; JE iv. 563 ; Gwatkin, Early Church
Hist. i. 40 ; Zahn, Jntrod. to NT, i. 433), but if they
refer to tumults in the Jewish quarter caused by
the preaching of the gospel, we may conjecture
that Aquila, a Jew of the Dispersion, had been
one of its preachers (Ac 18 2 ). The edict of Claud-
ius was probably found unworkable (Ramsay, St.
Paul, 254). This Emperor seems to have been as
favourable to the Jews as his predecessors (Jos.
Ant. xix. 5. 2, 3).

Long before they had acquired a political status
in Rome, a great inward change had been working
among the Jews of the Dispersion. As may be in-
ferred from the fact already mentioned, that strict
canonicity was accorded only to the Torah, they
carried abroad with them an intensely legal con-
ception of their religion. It was conceived as
consisting simply in the observance of a definite
code of laws as to worship and life, given by God
on Mount Sinai. So long as this conception pre-
dominated, their relations with their non-Jewish
neighbours were little more than ordinary business
relations. But as soon as the stimulus exerted by
the higher culture of the Greeks was felt, an in-
ward change began to work. Habitual intercourse
with a people so advanced in civilization could not
fail to have its effect. They were captivated by



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