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fauic elements of the nrine, through which It seems to be habitually expelled from
Cue system. In certain circumstances, uric acid is deposited also In the form of
urinary gravel or Calculus (q. v.); and It is this particular kind of gravel to whicli
the gouty are especially subject, as we have indicated above. A conjunction of facts
00 strlkmg us these could not but arrest the attention of pathologists ; and it is long

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Binco Sir Henry HoUand and pihcrs threw ont the hypothesia, that nric acid was to
be retarded as the very materiet morbi of goot, of which ancients and modema lind
been BO long in search. It would be ont of place to enter on the diacnsaion of thin
subject here ; bnt it must l)e iitdicatccl as a fact of recent discovery, that uric acid iu
a certain cxceea has been shewn by Dr Gurrod to 1)0 characteristic of the blood of
the gonty,nlthon^h a minute amount of this snlwtance Is probably present even in
perfect healtlu The most recent speculatiouSf accordingly^ tend to connect the gouty
predisposition either with an excessive format ion, or a checlced excretion, of tliis im-

Sortant nitrogenous organic acid, the product, as pliysiology teaches, of the vital
i«integration of the flesn and of the food, after th(^e have subserved the daily wants
of tlie system. At ttiis point, the inquiry rests for the present

The cure of gout, in tiie highest sense of the word, demands the careful consid-
eration of all its predisposing causes In the individnal, and tlie strict regulation of
fh» whole life and habits accordingly, from the earliest possible period. It is the
difficnity of accomplishing this wnicb makes gout a disease proverbially intrncta-
bic ; for the regular attacks of the disease seldom occur till pretty late in life, long
after the.hablts have been f ollv formed which are most adverse to the cure. Rigid
temperance in eatiugnnd drinking, with daily exercise proportionate to the strength
mud conditio^ of |fep individnal, In reality constitute the only radicnl euro of gout,
the Icsison of age^f experience as read tj the gouty by the light of science. But
the lesson Is not learned, or only learned when too late. It should never be forgot-
ten that a man nf gouty family, or iudividnally mnch exposed to the causes of the
disease, can only hope to escape it iu his old iigc by habits of life formed at an early
period, and by a careful avoidance of most of the common dissipations of youth.
That the disease may be warde<l off iu this way, there is ample evidence; and it is
not less certain that there is no other way of living secure from gout. The treat-
ment of the fit, in so far as it docs not resolve itself into the celebrated prescrip-
tion of ** patience and flannel,'' must l)e a subject of medical prescription. The
well-known virtues of Colchicom (q. v.) are pcrha|>s somewhat ovcmited l>y the
public ; and its dangers are not less striking tlian its virtues. It is certain, how-
ever, that in cantions medical hands colchicum is a remedy of great value in the
gouty paroxysm ; and of equal value, perhaps, are certain natural mineral waters,
as those of Vichy and Carlsbad. Alknlics and their salts, especially potash and
lithlu waters, as prepared artificially, with minute doses of iodine and bromine, have
likewise been mnch recommended for the cure of gouty deposits. For the distinc-
tions of gout and rheumatism, and the presumcil relation l)etweeu them in some
cases, seo Khbumatibii.

GOUT-WEED, or Bishop-weed U^gopodinm ftodayraria)^ a perennial nmbel-
liferons pUiut, with coarse twice teniate leaves, ovate unequally serrate leaflets,
stems frora one to tlirce feet high, and compound umbels; now a very common
weed in gardens and \vasie gronnain Britain, nlthongh believed to have been origi-
nally introduced by the monks frora the continent of Europe, on account of the vir-
tae ascritied to it of allaying the pain of gout and piles. It Is a troublesome weed,
very difficult of eradication. Its medicinal virtue is now discredited. Its smell is
not agreeable, bnt it« young leaves arc used iu Sweden iu early spring as a pot herb.
Anotiier English name is Herb Gerard.

GO' VAN, a thriving and picturesque burgh of Scotland, in the county of Lanark,
Is pleasantly situated two mileawest of Glasgow, witli which it is conn'ected by an
elegant line of villas on the left bank of the Clyde. The prosi)erlty of G. is chiefly
dependent upon Glas^fow. into which indeed it has become altnost absorbed. It
now contains several ship-building yards, which are cjirrietl on bv Glasgow firms.
There sre also at G. a dye work and a factory for throwing siJk. Pop. (1871) ]9,S00.
In the 16th c. this ancient village was considered one of the largest in Scotland, and
even down to the middle of the ITth c. it rectiivcd the name of "Meikle Govaue."

GO'VERNMSNT, in its political aigniflcation, may be considered as tncloding
the power by which communitiea are ruled, and the nteans by which, and the form
and manner in which this power is exercised. In treating of the subject, we shall
first indicate those chaructenstics that seem essential to the existence of govern-
ment alt(^^ther. and then proceed to mention the various forms which its machin-
ery has assumed or Is capaole of aaauming.



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1. It ts of the esMDce of evfry goveromeDt that it shnll repreeent the snpreroe
power or sovcreigutj of the state, and that it shall thus be capable of enhjecting
every olhcr will in the coramnnlfy, whether It be that of an ImllviduaU or of a body
oC indivldaalfs to its own. There is and can be uo constitutional or fondameiittu
law, not self-imposed, which Is binding: on a government in this, its highest sense.
Whatever be the restraints which humanitv, Christianity, or pruaeuce may im|>ose
npou governments as on individnals, it is Implied in the idea of a government th:tt
It should be politically responsible to no human power, at least for its internal ar-
rangements, or in the' Unguage of politics, that it should be autonomous. The gov-
ernments of states which are members of a confederation — as, for example, the states
of the American republic, or the Swiss cantons— do not. it is true, possess this inde-
pendent character. But in so far as thev fall short of it, they are deficient in tlie
characteristic!) of a government in the ab«olnte sense, just as the states ars sUites,
not in the highest, but only in a subsidiary sense. The sovereign power with which
government is thus armed may be an expression either of the general will of the
community itself, as in free states, or of the will of a conqueror, and of the army
which supports him, as in subject statics. In the former case, the power of govern-
ment over the individual citiaen Is as absolute as in the latter: but there is this very
Important difference between them, that in the former case he^Phiself voluntarily
contributes a portion of the absolute power to which be snbniils, whereas in the lat-
ter It is entirely inde|>eudent of his volition. In the power which government
possesses of controlling every other will, is implied the power of protecting every
separate will from being needlessly or wrongfully controlled by any other will, or
cumber of wills, the will of the government always excepted. With a view to tho
exercise of this latter power, government possesses a rights which politically Is also
unlimited— the right, namely, of inquirv into the relations between citizen and citi-
zen. It is of its essence that its scrutiny should be as irresistible as the execu-
tion of its decrees. S. Every governmeut, whatever be its form, seeks the realisa-
tion of what we hare de8cril>ed as its necessary character, by the exercise of three
distinct functions, which arc known at its legislative, judicial, and executive func-
tions. The first, or legislative function of government, consists in expressing its
sovereign will with reference to a particular matter, irrespective altogether of tlio
effect whicli it may have on the interests of individuals ; the second, or judicial,
consists in applying the general rule, thus enunciated, to individual cases In which
disputes as to its application have arisen ; whilst tho third, or executive function,
consists In carrying into effect the determinations of the sovereign will, whether
these determinations be expressed in the exercise of Its legislative or its judichil
functions.

In large communities, which are at the same time free— that is to say. in which
the general will of the people is sovereign — the performance of the legislative fnoc-
tions of government almost necessarily implies the existence of a general council,
])arliament, or as it is often called, a legislature ; whilst tho performance of its judi-
cial functions implies the existence of Jud«;es and courts of justice, and of its exe-
cutive that of a police and an army. But all of these, like the existence of councils
of ministers, or servants of the sovereign will— governments in the narrower senso
—and Iho rules by which their appointment, resignation, &c, are regulated, are

Sractlcatdiecessities of government in certain circnmstHnces, not theoretical ueceasl-
es of government in the abstract
The forms in which communities have sought to realise the idea of government,
as thus explained, have l>een divided, from very early times, Into three classes : 1st,
monarchy, or that form in which the sovereignty of the state is placed In the bauds
of a single individual; 2<1, aristocracv, or that in which it is confided to a select
class, supposed to l>e possessed of peculiar aptitude for Its exercise : and 8d, democ-
racy, or that in which It is retained bv the community itself, and exercised either
directiv, as In the small republics of ancient Greece, or Indirectly, by means of repro-
sentatlve institutions, as In the constitutional states of modern times. Bach of
these forms of political organisation. If called Into existence by an expression of the
general will of the community, maintained by Its consent, and employed for Its beno-
flt, is said to be a legitimate government (Aristot ** Politic.'' lib. lit. c 6)— that Is to
Bay, a government which vindicates the interests of the collective body
of the people without needlessly eucroachisg ou individual freedom of action.



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Bat each of these le^Hmate formft was said by the ancient nnbltclotsi (Arl^tof. ui
»up. and HI. 4, ^ to have a particular degenerate form to whicii It wmb nro'.w. Mon-
archy tended in the direction of tyninny, or a f^vernment for the excluBive Ijciieflt
of tlieiincle mler ; aristocracy to oligaichy, or agoverument for tlie exclusive bemfit
of the mling chiss ; and democracy to ochlocracy, or mob^ovemment— a govern-
ment in which the niajorityf who were necessarily the rudeet and moat ignorant
portion of the community, exerciecd a tyranny over the more refined and cultiv.-i-
ted few. Throngh these Various forms, in the order in which we Iwive enumernted
them, each legltrmate form being followed by its corresponding degenerate or iK»r-
verted form, goveruraeut was supposed to run In a per|>etnal cycle ; the last form,
ochlocracy, being followed by anarchy, or no government nt all, which formtd a
species of interregnum so abhorrent to the social and political instincts of man-
kind as to Induce them speedily to revert to monarchy, at the expi'iise of subject-
In j^ tJiemselTes lo a repetition of the misfortunes which they had nlrendy experienced.
As a refuge from tliese evils, the so-cnllcd mixed government, or govemnicnt
which should combine the elements of order and permanence of two, at least, if not
of all the three pure forms of government, whilst rejecting their tendencies to
derangement and degeneracyf is supposed to liave been devised. A union of urislo-
cracy and democracy was the form in whicb Arlptotle conceived the mixed govern-
tnent, and spoke of It under the title of the politeia. But the tripartite government
was not unknown to speculators of even nu enrller dute. Pluto had shadowed it
forth in his laws, nnd Aristotle himself tells us that It Imd been treated of by other
writers (•* Politic" ii. c. 8). Who these writers really were hns been a subject of much
speculation, but there is. reason to believe that their works contained mere hints
of the principle, and the first writer with whom we arc acqunintefl to whose mind
its practical importance was fully present is Polybins, who, with Cicero, by whom
be was very closely followed in "the Republic,** holds it to hnve been realised In
tb« Roman constitution. The most famous example of the mixed government,
however, is supposed to be exhibited in that balance of powers which nns been so
often said to fonn the essence of the English constltTltion. But In addition to the
fact that these are not separate powers, but only separate organs of the one power
or sovereignty which in free states Is of necessity centered in the general will (see
Cohsttpction), it is extremely doubtful whether any period could be pointed out,
either in our own history or In the history of any other nation, in which the sove-
reignty did not find expression obviouslv either through the one, the few, or the
many ; or whether such a period, If it did exist, was not a mere period of struggle
and transition.

Tho question as to how far forms of government are a msttcr of choice on the
pert of a free people, or arc dictated to tnem by influences which are bevond their
yolition, has been discussed in a very interesting manner hy Mr Mill in his impor-
tant work on ** Representative Government" The conclusion at which he arrives
is, that •* men did not wake on a summer morning and find them SDruug up ; neither
do they resemble trees^ which, once planted, ^ are aye growing* while men *are
sleeping ; * but that * in every stage of their existence they are made what they arc
by human voluntary agency '" (p. 4). This absolute power of human choice, how-
ever, is limited by three conditions which Mr Mill states thus : ** Tho people for
whom the government Is intended mnst be willing to accept it, or at least not so un-
willing as to oppose an insurmountable obstacle to its establishment ; they must be
willing and able to do what is necessary to keep it standing; and they ninst bo
wiUiug and able to do what it requires of them to enable it to fulfil its purposes.
. . . The failure of any of these conditions renders a form of government, what-
ever favorable promise ftmay oitherwise hold out, unsuitable to the particular ease"
(p. 6). But there are still more important conditions, not here enumerated by Mr
Mil], but one of which at least is fully recognised in the seauel of his work, which,
if not complied with, render forms of government unsuitable not only to one case,
or stage of social development, but to all cases and all stages of devclot)nient.
These conditions may l>e broadly stated as falling under a single category— viz., that
forms of government must conform to the constitution of human natnre, and
recognise those arrangements of Providence which are beyond the reach of human
controL This condltmn seems so obvious, that one would suppose it could scarcely
be orerlooked iu fixing on a particular form of government, and yet there is none



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wlilcU has been overlooked more frequently. The most promlnt^nt example— to
which, in recent years, much importance has been attached ny Mr J. 8. Mill and aU
Fpccnlative polUlciaus of note— fs that in which a form of government ifi cou-
Btructod on the assnmptlon that *' all meu are equal," the fact of nature being the
very opposite. Such a form oC government, being founded on a false assamption,
can be nitidc to work only by the direct results of its action being counteracted by
indirect means, as lias been the case in all the so-called pure democracies that have
had any permanent existence. The state in these coses is^ governed uoi iu accord-
ance with, bat in spite of the form of government

The famous dlecossioos as to what is absolutely and in itself the best form of
government, which has occupied so large a portion of human time and ingenuity, is
one which we mnoi here dismiss with the ooscrvatiou, thatitrei*t8 0u another ques-
tion which has not been less keenly and perhaps scarcely less futilely discussed. The
second question is, What is thoeud of government? for It is clear that could tlie end-
In-ilfielf (the teloH-teleion) be discovered, we might limit tlie discussion as to the best
form of government to an inquiry into the means which led most directly to the at-
tainmenf of this end. Now there a^c, and have always been, two claswfi of suec-
ulators, who assigu what appear to bo different, and what by many are believed to
be irreconcilable ends or objects to government, and indeed to human effort, seuar^
ate as well as aggregate. By the one, the cud of government is said to be "tho*
greatest happiness of the greatest number," or the greatest amount of human happi-
ue.*s absolutely coiisIdereU ; by the other class, it is said to boihe realisation of tlio
idea of hamanitv — that is to say of the divine conception of human nature, through
the iustru mentality of 8ocie». The manner iti which the fi\'»i or Utilitarian creed
lias recently been expounded by its most important adherents, has had the effect of
shcwiue Uiat the two ends arc m reality coincident. If happiness be so defined as to
reuder it identical with moral, intell(M;tunI, and physical perfection, the advocate of
the ideal end acknowlcdtrcs that its attainment would involve, of necessity, the
realisation of his own aspirations.

A difference of opinion as 4o the objects of government scarcely more real,
though attended with far more fat^U conseiquences Uian that which has divided Sfiec-
ulative politicians, has ranged those who have dealt with government as a |>ractical
art in two opposite schools. By the one school, its object is said to be order; by
the other, liuerty ; and each of thcjtc objects has been supposed to be attainable
oulv to an extent pro|)ort{oucd to that to which the other was sacrificed. A truer
insight into the laws of society has led a more enlightened school than either en-
tirely to reverse this latter opinion ; and— whilst homing the two objects referred to,
to be iu truth the proximate objects of all government— to perceive that tiiey are
not only reconcilable, but that each is attainable only in and through the other, and
that the perfection with which either is roaliseil in any particular instance will be,
not In inverse, but in direct proportion to that to which the other is so. Order, so far
from being the opposite of liberty, is thus the principle by which conflicting claims
to liberty arc reconciled. The pnucinle which is really opposed to lll>erly is licence,
in virtue of which the sphere of the liberty of one iudividAid is endeavored to bo
carried fnto that of another. To the extent to which this takes place, the liberty of
both is sacrificed, for the territory in dispute is free to neither of the claimants;
whereas order, hy preserving the boimdary between them, assigns to each the por-
tion which is his due, and prevents the wuste of liberty which is necessarily in-
volve<l in the gratification or liceurc, and the consequent existence of anarchy. The
reasons which have led men to believe that the union between the principles of or-
der and liberty which it Is thus their mutual interest to effect, can, in largo states,
be effected by means of representative institutions better than by any otlier politi-
cal expedient that has yet been devim^d, will be explained under Keprbsentativb

«OVBBNMBNT. Su'e also CONSIITUTION, MOMABCUY, DeMOOUAOT, LiBKUTV,

Kqualitt, and Fbatebnitt.

GOWEIl, John, the date of whoso birth Is unknown (probably al»ont 1820), la
supposed, by his latest biographer, to have l>eloni'ed to the county of Kent. His
history is enveloi)ed iu iilmost total ol>K:urity, but he/secms to have been one of the
most accomplished gentlemen of his time, and to have been in possession of con-
siderable landed property. He was a i>er>«onal friend of Chaucer's, who addressee
iUm as a ''moral Gower"iu dedicating to him liia '*TroUas audCressida"— an epithet



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Qow«r
Oowrto

which Uiis ind!«POlab1y linked itffelf to bis name He did not loo? pnrriro his great
contemporary. baTlojr died in ttie antiimn of 1406. U. vrnm a TOliiiuinouB writer, and
product the ^Specnlnm Meditiiutia ** (a poetical discourse ou tlic duties of married
nfe). It contsisted of ten books wriitf^n in Preucii verse, but is sopposetl to liave

S^rished ; the ** Vox Clainantis,*' In Latin (of wliich ttierc are mnnnM'ripi copies in
le Cottonian and Bodleian libraries); and the **OoMfessio Amautis," by wliicli be
is t)est known, in Etifrlish. Tliis latter work, extending to the portentous length
of 30,000 verses, was Hrnt printed by Bertlielet in IfiTS. An excellent edition of tl»c
workis of O. was published in 1857, under the editorial care of Dr iteinlioid Panii,
with a memoir and critical dissertation.

G. is almost uniformly heavy and prosaic Writing much in French, bis Eng-
lish poem is full of Norman-French words, and to his native toninie tie never at-
laised Chaocer's ease and mastery. Apart from literary merit or ^merit, his poem
is interesting to the scholar and the antiquary, because therein the elements which
form oor modem English are found side oy side, or but indifferently fused together.
GOWRIE, Carso of. See Psbtbsbikb and Cabsk.

QOWRIE CONSPIRACY, one of the most singular events In the history of
Scotland, took pla'^e in August laoa On the 6th of tiiat month, as King Jame^ Vl.,
then residing at Falkland Palace, io Fife, was going out to hunt, AU'xandtr Ruili-
ven, brotlier of the Earl of Gowrie, whose father had been executed for treason in
15S1, came to his maji'sty, and informed him that, on the previous evening, he hud
seized a person of a suspicious appearnnce, and evldenlly dispuiseil, wl:h a pot full
of foreign gold hhl under his cloak, and had confined him in his brother's house nt
Perth. Conceiving him to be an agent of the pope or the kiuK of Spain, the king
agreed to examine the man himselr, and, without waiting to change his liorse, sel
oat for Pt:rth, attende<^iily bv the Duke of Lennox, the Earl of Mar. and about
» others. Soon after ™ srrlval, while his retinue were at dinner, Knthven con-
ducted the king up a winding staircase and through several apnrlments, the doors of
which he locked behind him, and bronghi him at last to a small ptudy, where ptuod
a man in armor, with a sword and dagger by his side. Hnatcliing the daguer from
tlie man's girtik;, Ruthven held it to the king's breast, and said: *• Who mnnlered
my father? Is not thy conscience burdened by his innocent blood 7 Thou art now
my prisoner, and must be content to follow our will, and to be nsed as we list.
8eL-k not to escape; utter but a cr%', make but a motion to open the window, and
ttiis dagger is in ihy lieart.'' The king expostulnted with Ruthven, who so far re-
iented that he went tp consult his brother, leaviug the king in charge of the man in
armor. In the meantime, one of Gowrie's servants hastily entered the apartment
where the king's retinue wen>. and announced that the king hod jnt«t ridden off to-
wards Falkland. All hurried into the street, and the eail with the utmost enger-
nese, called for their horses. Ou Alexander Rnihven's return to the king, iie de-
dared Uiat there was now no remedy, but tiiat he murt die, and proceeded to
bind hia hands with a garter. The king grappled with him. and a fierce
struggle ensued. Dragging Ruthveu towards a window looking into the
street, which tlie man iu armor had o|>ened, the king cried aloud for help. His at-
tendants knew his voice and hastened to his assistance. Lenox and Mar, with tlio
gremter number of the royal train, ran up the priucipal staiica^e but found all tlio
doors shut. Sir John Ramsay, of the Dalhouaie familv, one of the royal pages,
ascending by a back stair entered the study, the door of which was open, and seiz-
ing Ruthveu, stabbed him twice with iiis dasger and thrust him down the stair,
where he was killed l>y Sir Thomas Erslcine'and SirVugh Herrles. On tlio death
of his brother, Gowrte rushed Into the room with a drawn sword in each hand, fol-



Online LibraryJames OrrChambers's new handy volume American encyclopaedia: being a ..., Volume 6 → online text (page 20 of 196)