James Orr.

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sage says, in some individual head; or this may
belong to the form of the apostle's apprehension
in a case where "times and seasons" were not yet
fully revealed: an apprehension to be enlarged by
subsequent revelations (see Revelation, Book of),
or left to be corrected by the actual course of God's
providence. The kernel of the prediction is not,
any more than in the OT prophecies, dependent
on its literal realization in every detail. Neither
does the final manifestation of evil exclude partial
and anticipatory realizations, embodying many
of the features of the prophecy. See Thessalo-
NiANS, Second Epistle to, III. James Orb

MAN OF WAR. See War.

MAN, OLD. See Man, New; Old Man.

MAN, OUTWARD. See Man, Natural; Out-
ward Man.

MAN, SON OF. See Son OF Man.

MANAEN, man'a-en (Mova'iiv, Manatn, Gr form
of Heb name "Menahem," meaning "consoler"):
Manaen is mentioned, with Barnabas, Saul and
others, in Acts 13 1, as one of the "prophets and
teachers" in the recently founded gentile church
at Antioch, at the time when Barnabas and Saul
were "separated" by Divine call for their mission-
ary service. He is further described as "the foster-
brother [stlntrophos] of Herod the tetrarch" (i.e.
Herod Antipas [q.v.]). He was protDably brought
up and educated with this Herod and his brother
Archelaus. An earlier glimpse of Christian influ-
ence in Herod's court is afforded by Joanna, the
wife of Herod's steward Chuzas, among the holy
women who ministered to Jesus (Lk 8 3). Manaen
may have been related to the older Manaen, the
Essene, who, Jos tells us, foretold the greatness of
Herod the Great, and was afterward treated by
Herod as his friend (Ant, XV, x, 6). His position
in the church at Antioch was evidently an influ-
ential one, whether he himself ranked among the
"prophets," or perhaps only among the "teachers."

James Orr

MANAHATH, man'a-hath (fiTO'a, manahath;
MaxavaSC, Machanathi) :

(1) A place to which certain Benjamites, victims,
apparently, of intra-tribal jealousy, were carried
captive (1 Ch 8 6). Of this town the Mana-
hathites were probably natives. It is possibly
denoted by Manocho which LXX adds to the list
of towns in Judah (Josh 15 69). This place is
named along with Bether ( Bittlr) . The name seems
to be preserved in that of Maliha, a large village not
far from Bittir, S.W. of Jerus." The change of I to
n, and vice versa, is not uncommon. 'The same
place may be intended by Menuhah (Jgs 20 43



Man of Sin

RVm), where AV reads "with ease," and RV "at
their resting-place."

(2) One of the sons of Shobal, the son of Seir
the Horite (Gen 36 23; 1 Ch 1 40), the "name-
father" of one" of the ancient tribes in Mt. Seir,
afterward subdued and incorporated in Edom.

W. EwiNG

MANAHATHITES, man'a-hath-Its (tlin^D^,
m'nuhdth [1 Ch 2 52], "Tltl?''?, manahtl [ver 54];
B, MuvaiiS, Monaid, A, 'A(j.|j.av£8, AmmanUh [ver
52], B, Mo\oe«C, Malathel, A, MavAe, Mandlh,
[ver 54] ; AV Manahethites) : These men were the
inhabitants of Manahath. They were descendants
of Caleb, one-half being the progeny of Shobal, and
the other of Salma. In ver 52 RV transliterates
"Menuhoth," but Manahathites is preferable.

MANAHETHITES, man-a-he'thlts, ma-na'heth-
Its. See Manahathites.

MANASSEAS, man-a-se'as (Mavao-o-^os, Ma-
nasstas): One of those who had married "strange
wives" (1 Esd 9 31); "Manasseh" of Ezr 10 30.

MANASSEH, ma-nas'e (HIB:'!?, m'nashsheh,
"causing to forget"; cf Gen 41 51; Mav[v]ao-o-<i,
Man[n]asst) :

(1) The firstborn of Joseph by Asenath, daughter
of Poti-phera, priest of On. See next article.

(2) The tribe named from Manasseh, half of
which, with Gad and Reuben, occupied the E. of
Jordan (Nu 27 1, etc). See next article.

(3) The "Manasseh" of Jgs 18 30.31 AV is
really an intentional mistake for the name Moses.
A small niXn (n) has been inserted over and between
the first and second Heb letters in the word Moses,

thus niC 10 for niBTO . The reason for this is that
the individual in question is mentioned as priest
of a brazen image at Dan. His proper name was
Moses. It was felt to be a disgrace that such a
one bearing that honored name should keep it intact.
The insertion of the nun hides the disgrace and,
moreover, gives to the person a name already too
familiar with idolatrous practices; for King Manas-
seh's 55 years of sovereignty were thus disgraced.

(4) King of Judah. See separate article.

(5) Son of Pahath-moab (q.v.), who had mar-
ried a foreign wife (Ezr 10 30). Manaseas in
1 Esd 9 31.

(6) The Manasses of 1 Esd 9 33. A layman of
the family ot Hashum, who put away his foreign
wife at Ezra's order (Ezr 10 33).

In RV of Mt 1 10 and Rev 7 6 the spelling
"Manasseh" is given for AV "Manasses." The
latter is the spelling of the husband of Judith (Jth
8 2.7; 10 3; 16 22.23.24); of a person named in the
last words of Tobit and otherwise unknown (Tob
14 10), and also the name ^ven to a remarkable
prayer probably referred to in 2 Ch 33 18, which
Manasseh (4) is said to have uttered at the end
of his long, unsatisfactory life. See Manasses,
Prayer of. In Jgs 12 4, RV reads "Manasseh"
for AV "Manassites." Henry Wallace

MANASSEH: Following the Bib. account of
Manasseh (patriarch, tribe, and territory) we find

that he was the elder of Joseph's two
1. Son of sons by Asenath, the daughter of
Joseph Poti-phera, priest of On (Gen 41 51).

The birth of a son marked the climax
of Joseph's happiness after the long bitterness of his
experience. In the joy of the moment, the dark
years past could be forgotten ; therefore he called the
name of the firstborn Manasseh ("causing to for-
get"), for, said he, God hath made ine to forget all
my toil. When Jacob was near his end, Joseph

brought his two sons to his father who blessed
them. Himself the younger son who had received
the blessing of the firstborn, Jacob preferred Eph-
raim, the second son of Joseph, to M. his elder
brother, thus indicating the relative positions of
their descendants (Gen 48). Before Joseph died
he saw the children of Machir the son of M. (50
23). Machir was born to M. by his concubine, an
Aramitess (1 Ch 7 14). Whether he married
Maacah before leaving for Egvpt is not said. She
was the sister of Huppim and Shuppim. Of M.'s
personal life no details are recorded in Scripture.
Acccording to Jewish tradition he became steward
of his father's house, and acted as interpreter be-
tween Joseph and his brethren.

At the beginning of the desert march the number
of M.'s men of war is given at 32,200 (Nu 1 34 f).
At the 2d census they had increased
2. The to 52,700 (26 34). Their position in

Tribes in the wilderness was with the tribe of
the Wilder- Benjamin, by the standard of the tribe
ness and of Ephraim, on the W. of the taber-
Portion in nacle. According to Tg Pseudojon,
Palestine the standard was the figure of a boy,
with the inscription "The cloud of
Jeh rested on them until they went forth out of the
camp." At Sinai the prince of the tribe was
Gamaliel, son of Pedahzur (Nu 2 20). The tribe
was represented among the spies by Gaddi, son of
Susi (13 11, where the name "tribe of Joseph"
seems to be used as an alternative). At the census
in the plains of Moab, M. is named before Ephraim,
and appears as much the stronger tribe (26 28 ff).
The main military exploits in the conquest of East-
ern Pal were performed by Manassites. Machir,
son of M., conquered the Amorites and Gilead (32
39). Jair, son of M., took all the region of Argob,
containing three score cities; these he called by his
own name, "Havvoth-jair" (32 41; Dt 3 4.14).
Nobah captured Kenath and the villages thereof
(Nu 32 42; Josh 17 1.6). Land for half the tribe
was thus provided, their territory stretching from
the northern boundary of Gad to an undetermined
frontier in the N., marching with Geshur and
Maacah on the W., and with the desert on the E.
The warriors of this half-tribe passed over with
those of Reuben and Gad before the host of Israel,
and took their share in the conquest of Western
Pal (Josh 22). They helped to raise the great
altar in the Jordan valley, which so nearly led to
disastrous consequences (22 10 ff ) . Golan, the
city of refuge, lay within their territory.

The possession of Ephraim and Manasseh W. of
the Jordan appears to have been undivided at first
(Josh 17 16 ff). The portion which ultimately fell
to M. marched with Ephraim on the S., with Asher
and Issachar on the N., running out to the sea on
the W., and falling into the Jordan valley on the
E. (17 7ff). The long dwindling slopes to west-
ward and the flat reaches of the plain included
much excellent soil. Within the territory of Issa-
char and Asher, Beth-shean, Ibleam, Dor, Endor,
Taana'ch and Megiddo, with their villages, were
assigned to M. Perhaps the men of the West
lacked the energy and enterprise of their eastern
brethren. They failed, in any case, to expel the
Canaanites from these cities, and for long this grim
chain of fortresses seemed to mock the strength
of Israel (Josh 17 11 ff)

Ten cities W. of the Jordan, in the portion of M.,
were given to the Levites, and 13 in the eastern
portion (Josh 21 5.6).

M. took part in the glorious conflict with the host
of Sisera (Jgs 5 14). Two famous judges, Gideon
and Jephthah, belonged to this tribe. The men of
the half-tribe E. of Jordan were noted for skill and
valor as warriors (1 Ch 6 18.23 f). Some men of

Manasses, Prayer



M. had joined David before the battle of Gilboa
(1 Ch 12 19). Others, all mighty men of vabr,
and captains in the host, fell to him
3. Its on the way to Ziklag, and helped him

Place in against the band of rovers (vs 20 ff).
Later From the half-tribe W. of the Jordan

History 18,000 men, expressed by name, came

to David at Hebron to make him king
(ver 31); while those who came from the E. num-
bered, along with the men of Reuben and Gad,
120,000 (ver 37). David organized the eastern
tribes under 2,700 overseers for every matter per-
taining to God and for the affairs of the king (26
32). The rulers of M. were, in the W., Joel, son of
Pedaiah, and in the E., Iddo, son of Zeohariah
(27 20.21). Divers of M. humbled themselves
and came to Jerus at the invitation of Hezekiah
to celebrate the Passover (2 Ch 30 11). . Although
not cleansed according to the purification of the
sanctuary, they ate the Passover. Pardon was
successfully sought for them by the king, because
they set their hearts to seek God (vs 18 ff).

Of the eastern half-tribe it is said that they went
a-whoring after the gods of the land, and in conse-
quence they were overwhelmed and expatriated by
Pul and Tiglath-pileser, kings of Assyria (1 Ch 6
25 f). Reference to the idolatries of the western
half-tribe are also found in 2 Ch 31 1; 34 6.

There is a portion for M. in Ezekiel's ideal picture
(48 4), and the tribe appears in the hst in Rev
(7 6).

The genealogies in Josh 17 1 ff; Nu 26 28-34;

1 Ch 2 21-23; 7 14-19 have fallen into confu-
sion. As they stand, they are mutually contra-
dictory, and it is impossible to harmonize them.

The theories of certain modem scholars who reject
the Bib. account are themselves beset with difficulties:
e.g. the name is derived from the Arab, nasa, " to injure
a tendon of the leg." M., the Piel part., would thus be
the name of a supernatural being, of whom the infliction
of such an injury was characteristic. It is not clear
which of the wrestlers at the Jabbok suffered the injury.
As Jacob is said to have prevailed with gods and men,
the suggestion is that it was his antagonist who was
lamed. "It would appear therefore that in the original
story the epithet Manasseh was a fitting title of Jacob
himself, which might be borne by his worshippers, as in
the case of Gad" (BB, s.v., par. 4).

It is assumed that the mention of Machir in Jgs 5 14
definitely locates the Manassites at that time on the W.
of the Jordan. The raids by members of the tribe on
Eastern Pal must therefore have taken place long after
the days of Moses. The reasoning is precarious. After
the mention of Reuben (vs 15.16), Gilead (ver 17) may
refer to Gad. It would be strange if this warlike tribe
were passed over (Guthe). Machir, then probably the
strongest clan, stands for the whole tribe, and may be
supposed to indicate particularly the noted fighters of
the eastern half.

In dealing with the genealogies, "the difBcult name"
Zelophehad must be got rid of. Among the suggestions
made is one by Dr. Cheyne, which first supposes the
existence of a name SaUiad, and then makes Zelophehad
a corruption of this.

The genealogies certainly present difBculties, but other-
wise the narrative is intelligible and self-consistent with-
out resort to such questionable expedients as those
referred to above.

W. EwiNG

MANASSEH: A king of Judah, son and suc-
cessor of Hezekiah; reigned 55 years (2 K 21 1;

2 Ch 33 1), from c 685 onward. His was one of
the few royal names not compounded with the name
of Jeh (his son Amon's was the only other if, as an
Assyr inscription gives it, the full name of Ahaz
was Jehoahaz or Ahaziah) ; but it was no heathen
name like Amon, but identical with that of the elder
son of Joseph. Born within Hezekiah's added 15
years, years of trembling faith and tender hope (cf
Isa 38 15 f), his name may perhaps memorialize
the father's sacred feelings; the name of his mother
Hephzibah too was used long afterward as the
symbol of the happy union of the land with its
loyal sons (Isa 62 4). All this, however, was long

forgotten in the memory of Manasseh's apostate
career. ,„ _ „.

/. Sources of His Z.i/e.— The history (2 K 21
1-18) refers for "the rest of his acts" to "the book of
the chronicles of the kings of Judah," but the body
of the account, instead of reading like state annals,
is almost entirely a censure of his idolatrous reign
in the spirit of the prophets and of the Deutero-
nomic strain of literature. The parallel history
(2 Ch 33 1-20) puts "the rest of his acts" "among
the acts of the kings of Israel," and mentions his
prayer (a prayer ascribed to him is in the Apocr jrpha)
and "the words of the seers that spoke to him m the
name of Jeh." This history of Ch mentions his
captive journey to Babylon and his repentance
(2 Ch 33 10-13), also his building operations m
Jerus and his resumption of Jeh-worship (vs 14-17),
which the eariier source lacks. Prom these sources,
which it is not the business of this article either to
verify or question, the estimate of his reign is to be
deduced. ...

//. Character of His /Jeig-n.— Durmg his reign,

Assyria, principally under Esar-haddon and Assur-

banipal, was at the height of its arro-

1. Political gance and power; and his long reign
Situation was the peaceful and uneventful life

of a willing vassal, contented to count
as tributary king in an illustrious world-empire,
hospitable to all its religious and cultural ideas, and
ready to take his part in its military_ and other
enterprises. The two mentions of his name in
Assyr inscriptions (see G. A. Smith, Jerusalem, II,
182) both represent him in this tributary Ught.
His journey to Babylon mentioned in 2 Ch 33 11
need not have been the penalty of rebellion; more
likely it was such an enforced act of allegiance as
was perhaps imposed on all provincial rulers who
had incurred or would avert suspicion of disloyalty.
Nor was his fortification of Jerus after his return
less necessary against domestic than foreign aggres-
sion; the more so, indeed, as in so long and undis-
turbed a reign his capital, which was now practically
synonymous with his realm (Esar-haddon calls him
"king of the dty of Judah"), became increasingly
an important center of wealth and commercial
prosperity. Of the specific events of his reign,
however, other than religious, less is known than
of almost any other.

That the wholesale idolatry by which his reign
is mainly distinguished was of a reactionary and

indeed conservative nature may be

2. Reaction- understood alike from what it sought
ary Idolatry to maintain and from what it had to

react against. On the one side was
the tremendous wave of ritual and mechanical
heathen cultus which, proceeding from the world-
centers of culture and civilization (cf Isa 2 6-8),
was drawing all the tributary lands, Judah with
the rest, into its almost irresistible sweep. M.,
it would seem, met this not in the temper of an ama-
teur, as had his grandfather Ahaz, but in the
temper of a fanatic. Everything old and new that
came to his purview was of momentous religious
value — except only the simple and austere demands
of prophetic insight. He restored the debasing
cultus of the aboriginal Nature-worship which his
father had suppressed, thus making Judah revert
to the sterile Baal-cultus of Ahab; but his blind
credence in the black arts so prevalent in all the
surrounding nations, imported the elaborate wor-
ship of the heavenly bodies from Babylon, invading
even the temple-courts with its numerous rites and
altars; even went to the horrid extreme of human
sacrifice, making an institution of what Ahaz had
tried as a desperate expedient. All this, which to
the matured prophetic sense was headlong wicked-
ness, was the mark of a desperately earnest soul,



Manasses, Prayer

seeking blindly in this wholesale way to propitiate
the mysterious Divine powers, his nation's God
among them, who seemed so to have the world's
affairs in their inscrutable control. On the other
side, there confronted him the prophetic voice of a
religion which decried all insincere ritual ('wicked-
ness and worship,' Isa 1 13), made straight de-
mands on heart and conscience, and had already
vindicated itself in the faith which had wrought
the deliverance of 701. It was the fight of the
decadent formal against the uprising spiritual; and,
as in all such struggles, it would grasp at any expe-
dient save the one plain duty of yielding the heart
to repentance and trust.

Meanwhile, the saving intelligence and integrity of
Israel, though still the secret of the lowly, was mak-
ing itself felt in the spiritual movement

3. Perse- that Isaiah had labored to promote;
cution through the permeating influence of

literature and education the "rem-
narit" was becoming a power to be reckoned with.
It is in the nature of things that such an inno-
vating movement must encounter persecution;
the significant thing is that already there was so
much to persecute. Persecution is as truly the
offspring of fear as of fanaticism. M.'s persecution
of the prophets and their adherents (tradition has
it that the aged Isaiah was one of his victims) was
from their point of view an enormity; of wickedness.
To us the analysis is not quite so simple; it looks
also like the antipathy of an inveterate formal order
to a vital movement that it cannot understand.
The vested interests of almost universal heathenism
must needs die hard, and "much innocent blood"
was its desperate price before it would yield the
upper hand. To say this of M.'s murderous zeal
is not to justify it; it is merely to concede its
sadly mistaken sincerity. It may well have seemed
to him that a nation's piety was at stake, as if a
world's religious culture were in jjeril.

The Chronicler, less austere in tone than the
earlier historian, preserves for us the story that,

like Saul of Tarsus after him, M. got

4. Return hia eyes open to the truer meaning of
to Better things; that after his humiliation and
Mind repentance in Babylon he "knew that

Jeh he was God" (2 Ch 33 10-13).
He had the opportunity to see a despotic idolatry,
its evils with its splendors, in its own home; a first-
fruit of the thing that the Heb exiles were afterward
to realize. On his return, accordingly, he removed
the altars that had encroached upon the sacred pre-
cincts of the temple, and restored the ritual of the
Jeh-service, without, however, removing the high
places. It would seem to have been merely the
concession of Jeh's right to a specific cultus of His
own, with perhaps a mitigation of the more offen-
sive extremes of exotic worship, while the tolera-
tion of the various fashionable forms remained
much as before. But this in itself was something,
was much; it gave Jeh His chance, so to say, among
rivals; and the growing spiritual fiber of the heart
of Israel could be trusted to do the rest. _ It helps
us also the better to understand the situation when,
only two years after M.'s death, Josiah came to
the throne, and to understand why he and his people
were so ready to accept the religious sanity of the
Deuteronomic law. He did not succeed, after all,
in committing his nation to the wholesale sway of
heathenism. M.'s reactionary reign was indeed
not without its good fruits; the crisis of religious
syncretism and extemalism was met and passed.
John Feanklin Gbnunq

MANASSES, ma-nas'ez (Mavtt<r<rf|s, Manassis,
B, Manasst):

(1) One who had married a "strange wife (1
Esd 9 33) = "Manasseh" of Ezr 10 33.

(2) The wealthy husband of Judith; died of sun-
stroke when employed at the barley harvest (Jth
8 2f.7; 10 3; 16 22 ff).

(3) A person mentioned in Tob 14 10, who
"gave alms, and escaped the snare of death." It
must be admitted that Manasses here is an awk-
ward reading and apparently interrupts the sense,
which would run more smoothly if Manasses were
omitted or Achiacharus read. There is great va-
riety of text in this verse. X (followed by Fritzsche,
Ldbri apoc. vet. Test Gr., 1871) reads en id poUsai me
eleemosdnen exMthen, where Manasses is omitted
and Achiacharus is understood as the subject.
Itala and Syr go a step further and read Achia-
charus as subject. But B (followed by Swete, AV
and RV) reads Manasses, which must be the correct
reading on the principle of being the most difficult.
Explanations have been offered (1) that Manasses
is simply the Heb name for Achiacharus, it not
being uncommon for a Jew to have a Gr and a
Heb name; (2) that on reading 'A/xdv, Amdn,
Manasses was inserted for Achiacharus according
to 2 Ch 33 22ff; (3) that M. here is an incorrect
reading for Nasbas (Tob 11 18), identified by Grotius
with Achiacharus. "It seems impossible at present
to arrive at a satisfactor}^ explanation" (Fuller,
Speaker's Comm.). There is as great uncertainty
as to the person who conspired against Manasses:
'Aixdv, Amdn, in A, followed by AV and RV, who is
by some identified with the Haman of Est and
Achiacharus with Mordecai; 'ASi/t, Addm, in B,
followed by Swete; Itala Nadab; Syr Ahab (Acab).

(4) A king of Judah (Mt 1 10 AV, Gr form,
RV "Manasseh"), whose prayer forms one of the
apocryphal books. See Manasses, Peayeb op.

(6) The elder son of Joseph (Rev 7 6, AV Gr
form, RV "Manasseh"). S. Angus


1. Name

2. Canonicity and Position

3. Contents

4. Original Language
8. Authenticity

6. Author and Motive

7. Date

8. Text and Versions

(1) Greek

(2) Latin


The Prayer of Manasses purports to be, and may
in reality be, the prayer of that king mentioned in
2 Ch 33 13.18 f.

In Cod. A it is called simply "A Prayer of Manas-
ses," in the London Polyglot "A Prayer of Man-
asses, King of the Jews." Its title

1. Name in the Vulg is "A Prayer of Manasses,

King of Judah, when He Was Held
Captive in Babylon." In Baxter's Apoc, Gr and
Eng. this Prayer appears at the end with the head-
ing "A Prayer of Manasses, son of Ezekias"
( = Hezekiah).

The Greek church is the only one which has con-
sistently reckoned this Prayer as a part of its Bible.

Up to the time of the Council of Trent

2. Canon- (1545-63 AD), it formed a part of the
icity and Vulg, but by that council it was rel-
Position egated with 3 and 4 (1 and 2) Esd to

the appendix (which included uncanon-
ical scriptures) , ' 'lest they should become wholly lost,
since they are occasionally cited by the Fathers and
are found in printed copies." Yet it is wholly absent
from the Vulg of Sixtus V, though it is in the Ap-
pendix of the Vulg of Clement VIII. Its position
varies in MSS, VSS and printed editions of the
LXX. It is most frequently found among the odes
or canticles following the Psalter, as in Codd. A, T
(the Zurich Psalter) and in Ludolf's Ethiopic
Psalter. In Swete's LXX the Ps Sol followed by

Manasses, Prayer



the odes (QSal, Odai), of which Pr Man is the 8th,

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