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of those who were compelled to flee was so great,
that we find Laud com])laining of it, in one of his
letters to Strafford, as ' something monstrous ^^ ;' and,
at length, a proclamation was issued, May 1, 1638,
forbidding any one to emigrate, except with a licence
and certificate of conformity from the parochial

-8 Entitled ' Of Reformation in Long- Parliament.

England,' &c. j. 267, fol. ed. It 29 Strafford Papers, ii. 169. The

was published in 1641, soon after names and characters of many of

Milton's return from Italy, in the the emigrants are given by Neal,

year after the summoning of the i. 372—580.



minister. Upon the Clergy themselves, also, a similar chap
check was placed ; for none of them were permitted
to leave England, save with the consent of the
Archbishop of Canterbm-j and Bishoj) of London ^°.
The enforcement of such conditions, at such a
moment, could, of course, only operate, and was
meant to operate, as an effectual bar against the
departure of any who felt themselves aggrieved ;
and we are left at a loss which to deplore most, the
severity which, in the first instance, thus drove men
from home, or the folly which afterwards kept them
shut up within it, when, with affections alienated and
passions inflamed, their presence could only be
dangerous. If it be true, — as I am disposed to
believe it is ^', — that Hampden, and Haslerig, and
Say, and Brook, and Cromwell, were among those
whose intended departure to New England was
arrested by this insane policy, we are supplied at
once with the most direct and palpable proof of the
ruin which it entailed upon its authors. But, in
truth, it is not necessary to depend upon any such
particular instances. The simple statement of the
measures, to which Charles and his counsellors had
recourse in the present crisis, is sufficient to de-
monstrate their destructive tendency.

^" Rushworth, i, part ii. 409. have led some writers likewise to

•''^ The story is founded upon the reject it. (See Professor Smytho's

authority of Dr. George Bates and Lectures in Modern History,!. 3G8,

Dugdale, two zealous Royalists, and Foster's Lives of Eminent Bri-

and met with general acceptance tish Statesmen, iii. 81.) Oa the

until the publication of Miss Aikiu's other hand, Hallam retains, in the

Memoirs of the Court of Charles last edition of his Constitutional

the First. The reasons which she History, the same passage, relating

has given for disbelieving it, i. 473. the story, which is found in former



CHAP. And here the hiimihatino^ fact forces itself upon
xni. . ° . . . 1

^: — -^ — ' our attention, that the first notice which is to be

Intention of

sending a fouucl of auv inteution, on the part of the rulers of

Bishop to J ' 1

NewEng- Qur Cliurch, to extend her offices and s^overnment,

land. _ ... . .

in their integrity, to her children, in any foreign
plantation, is in immediate connexion with the above
painful history. Heylyn, in fact, declares plainly,
that the intention was suggested by the difficulties
Avhich had thus arisen. It was deemed ' unsafe,' he
says, ' to Church and State, to suffer such a constant
receptacle of discontented, dangerous, and schisma-

editions ; a significant proof that
he has not yet been convinced of
its inaccuracy. The reasons ad-
duced by Miss Aikin, and re-
peated by Mr. Foster, are, first,
the improbability of Hampden en-
tertaining the idea of emigration
at a time when the great cause of
ship-money, with which his name
will be for ever associated, was de-
pending, and the whole course of
affairs, in which he bore so pro-
minent a part, was drawing to a
crisis : and, secondly, the statement
of Rushworth, part ii. 409, that,
although the ships in question were
stopped by an order of Council,
yet, afterwards, upon the petition
of the merchants, passengers, and
owners of the ships, the King ' was
graciously pleased to free them
from the late restraint to proceed
in their intended voyage.' With
respect to the first of these rea-
sons, it may be observed, that,
although Hampden was doubtless
resolute in his opposition to the
tax of ship-money, the issue of the
struggle in 1638 was still very
doubtful ; and he might well have
entertained the idea of emigration ;

especially, as it appears from his
own letter to Sir John Eliot, which
Miss Aikin and Foster have cited,
that he and others of his political
friends had been for some time
carrying on the plan of a settle-
ment in New England. And, with
respect to the second, it may be
observed, that the statement in
Rushworth is expressed in very
general terms ; and that so long an
interval elapsed between the issu-
ing and the removal of the prohi-
bition, that some of the most ob-
noxious parties against whom it was
directed, impatient of delay, pro-
bably gave up their plan. But this
by no means proves that the pro-
hibition was not directed against
them, or would not have continued
in force, if they had adhered to
their design. As for the contemp-
tuous rejection of the original state-
ments of Bates and Dugdale, I
would observe, that no proof exists
of their want of veracity in this
matter. On the contrary, the wri-
ters nearest their time repeat the
same story. Neal,i. 618; Cotton
Mather's Magn. Chr. Americ. i.23;
Kennet's History of England, iii. 83.


tical persons to grow up so fast [as it did in New ^^Af-
England] ; from whence, as from the bowels of the * — ^^ —
Trojan horse, so many incendiaries might break out
to inflame the nation ;' that ' New England, like the
spleen in the natural body, by drawing to it so many
sad and sullen humours, was not unuseful and un-
serviceable to the general health; but when the
spleen is grown once too full, and emptieth itself
into the stomach, it both corrupts the blood, and
disturbs the head, and leaves the whole man weari-
some to himself and others. And, therefore, to pre-
vent such mischiefs as might thence ensue, it was
once under consultation of the chief physicians, who
were to take especial care of the Church's health, to
send a Bishop over to them for their better govern-
ment, and back him with some forces to compel, if
he were not otherwise able to persuade, obedience.'
Had it been an enemy of Laud who made this state-
ment, it might have been looked upon as one of the
many inventions which their malice was ever quick
to devise against him ; but, when we find it recorded
by his own biographer and friend, and read further,
that the only cause which led this ' design' to be
'strangled in the first conception,' was the breaking
out of the troubles in Scotland ", we feel it impos-
sible to deny that the plan was contemplated, and are
compelled to wonder at the extent of that infatuation
which could have framed it only with such intent.
If the counsel had been to send out, not to New

32 Heylyn's Life of Laud, i. 369.


^xiiF' E"g"^^'^d» ^^^* to Virginia, a spiritual and loving

■ — -^ ' pastor, who would have been mindful to ' hold up

the weak, heal the sick, bind up the broken, bring
again the outcasts, seek the lost' of ' the flock of
Christ' ^^ throughout that province, it would have
been some reparation of the wrongs which the secu-
lar power of England had inflicted upon her^*, and
a just completion of that holy work, of which the
foundation had been laid by many faithful members
and ministers of her Church. It would have renewed
the spirit of devotion Avhich Hunt and Whitaker
had manifested in their early ministrations in the
Colony ^^ ; and been a fitting acknowledgment of
the labours which Sandys and Ferrar had so nobly
sustained in the Council-chamber of the Virginia
Company, and of the prayers and heart-stirring ex-
hortations which Crashaw, and Symonds, and Cope-
land, and Donne, had urged so earnestly in the
sanctuary of God, at home ^^ Or, if, even amid all
the disadvantages Avhich our Church must have had
to encounter in the hostile Colony of New Eng-
land, the design had been, with paternal affection
and sincerity, to gather together, under one visible
head, her few and scattered members within its
borders, and thereby to renew, with better hopes, the
enterprize which, under Gorges and Morrell, in
former years, had failed ^^ it would have rested on
lawful grounds ; and, whatsoever might have been

33 Exhortation in the Office for ^^ Ibid. chap. viii. and ix. inloc.
the Consecration of Bishops. •'"' Ibid. c. x.

3^ See Vol. i. c. x. ad fin. ^^ Ibid. c. xii.


the issue, the record of the attempt would now be chap.

gratefully remembered. But, to appoint a Bishop ' v —

of the Church, only that he might renew battle,
upon the shores of Massachusetts, with those whom
the terrors of the Star Chamber and High Commission
Court had driven forth from England ; and to ' back
him with forces to compel, if he were not otherwise
able to persuade, obedience,' was to brand that holy
office with severest infamy, and to provoke vehement
and stubborn resistance against all, or any, exer-
cise of its authority.

It is perfectly true, that, to uphold Church dis-
cipline by the strength of the secular arm, was
regarded, in that day, as the surest way to enforce
religious unity ; and that no one seems to have ques-
tioned the lawfulness of employing violence in order
to attain that end. A familiarity with such false
principles of government was, probably, the process
by which the acute mind of Laud was betrayed to
entertain such counsels. But, whilst the remem-
brance of this fact may palliate, it cannot make to
cease, the reproach which rests upon them.

The marvellous boldness and success with which Strafford's


Strafford had begun his administration in Ireland, — jioninire-
a few years before this forced emigration to New
England had reached its height, — may have shut the
eyes of Laud against the perils of his own course.
At all events, the correspondence carried on between
them during this period, shows, that, strong as were
the measures which they both pressed forward in
behalf of what they believed to be the King's


CHAP, preroo-ative, their own wishes far exceeded them^®.
xni. 1 o '

— -. ' ' Thorough and thorough were the words tossed to

and fro between them, as indicative of the system
which they desired to follow ; and other phrases, also,
we find invented in their letters, by which they con-
trived to assure each other of their mutual con-
fidence in the midst of the gathering tumult. Indeed,
there are few more remarkable images in the history
of this reign than that which relates the government
of Ireland by Strafford. Hallam well describes him as
' the Richelieu of that island,' who ' made it wealthier
in the midst of exactions, and, one might almost say,
happier in the midst of oppressions ^^.' To show the
truth of this descrijDtion, is the office of the general
historian, not mine. ]My only reason for here adverting
to it at all, is to glance at such points as have a direct
bearing upon the matter now in hand. Suffice it, there-
fore, to state, that, — whilst in England no Parliaments
were held for upwards of eleven years, from 1629 to
1640, and the funds, necessary for carrying on public
affairs, were raised by the irregular and unjust mea-
sures which have been already noticed, — a totally dif-
ferent line of policy was pursued in Ireland. There,
Strafford openly and at once convened the Parlia-
ment ; and, with an energy and boldness to which it
would be difficult to find a parallel, demanded, and
obtained from it, six subsidies of thirty thousand
pounds each'"'. Again, the contest, which, in Ire-

^ Strafford Letters,!. 111. and ■*" Foster's Lives of Eminent
155. British Statesmen, ii. 297—312.

•■'' Hallatn's Const. Hist. ii. 60.


land, not less tlian in England, had grown up chap.
between the Church and her Puritan adversaries, ' — v —
was conducted, in the former, in a far more sum-
mary manner, than in the latter country. In England,
the sittings of Convocation had, of course, ceased
with those of Parliament. In Ireland, the Convoca-
tion was not only summoned, but as much startled
by the appeals addressed to it, as had been the Par-
liament. Nor was its obedience to the Avill of Straf-
ford less complete at last. The Articles of the Irish
Church were those which exhibited the Calvinistic in-
terpretation of Christian doctrine, having been drawn
up by Archbishop Whitgift and Whitaker in 1595,
and known by the name of the Lambeth Articles*'.
The attempt to make these Articles the symbol of
the faith of the Church in England, we have seen,
entirely failed *^ ; but, in Ireland, it had succeeded.
The time, however, was now come, when, without
any qualification or reserve, they were to be ex-
changed for the English Articles. In spite of the
indignant murmurs of some of the members of the
Committee, and the expressed alarm of Archbishop
Usher, lest the whole matter should fail, the ex-
change, upon which Strafford insisted, was unani-
mously agreed to. Moreover, a body of Canons
was introduced, more stringent and open to excep-
tion than those which had been framed, in 1603, for
the discipline of the Church in England '*^ ; and
Laud was, with much reluctance on his own part,

•^^ See Vol. i. c. vii. in loc. 297, and 315, quoted, ibid.

^2 Strype's Whitgifr, ii. 278— " See Vol. i. c. vii. in loc.


CHAP, elected Chancellor of the University of Dublin. Sucli


' — V ' was the strono- arm with which Strafford seemed to

bend every thing, for a time, to his own will. But it
was only for a time. His greatness soon broke under
him ; and others, as well as he, were buried beneath
its ruins.

Troubles in Scotland was the first quarter from which ap-

Scotland. . « , -, .

peared the most portentous signs or the approachnig
danger. The ill-fated policy of Charles and his
counsellors had awakened, in that country, a spirit
of disaffection and resistance, which, being neither
quelled by force, nor won by argument, speedily
gathered strength; and singled out, for its chief object
of attack, the discipline and services of the Church
of England. The earliest cause of difference between
the two countries, upon the all important subject of
their religious faith, is to be found in the different
manner in which the Reformation had been con-
ducted in each. It has been already shown, that
the efforts of the Puritans in England, during the
reign of Elizabeth, to overthrow the Catholic and
Apostolic government of the Church, and to set up
the Presbyterian platform of Geneva in its place, —
although productive of much evil and misery, — failed
to attain their end ^\ But, in Scotland, it was not
so. There, chiefly through the mighty influence of
Knox, the separation from all that had characterized
the services and government of her Church, in
former days, had been made as wide as possible.

« Ibid.


The evil and the good bad been overwhelmed alike ^^jf/*-

in one wide ruin ; and, amid plunder, demolition, ' ^ —

tumult, the discipline and theology of Calvin, had
claimed, and found, the acceptance of her children.
But the mastery was not complete. On the one
hand, indeed, the property of the Church was spoiled,
her venerable structures were defaced, and her ritual
was abolished ; yet the titles and territorial divisions
of the several Bishoprics were retained ; and their
occupants, possessing only the name of Bishops, but
nothing else which could give authority to their
office, or validity to their acts, still held their seats
in the Scotch Parliament ^^ It was a mock Epis-
copacy; and the derisive name of Tulchan, com-
monly applied to it, bore witness to the fraud ^'^.
On the other hand, although Knox had succeeded
in obtaining from the General Assembly, in 1565,
the adoption of government by the Presbytery, yet
its legal establishment was not effected until 1592,
twenty years after his death. And, even then, the
Titular, or Tulchan, Episcopacy was not declared
illegal^ ^ To keep up the ascendancy of the Court,
by a dexterous management of these conflicting par-
ties in Scotland, had been alike the policy of Elizabeth
and of James the First ; — a false and hollow policy,
which served but to scatter more widely that seed

■'^ See the authorities quoted in the first instance, to denote the

Lawson's History of the Episcopal stravv-stufted figure of a calf placed

Church of Scotland, B. i. c. iv. before a cow to induce her to give

"•^ The term is derived from a milk. lb. 112.

word signifying a model, or close '*' lb. c. viii. 240.
resemblance ; and was applied, in


CHAP, of discord which, ere long, sprang up and ripened

— V — ' into a bitter harvest.

In the latter reign, indeed, a different order of
things had been introduced by the establishment, in
1G06, of Episcopacy, not in name, but in reality ; and
the consecration in England, in 1610, of the cele-
brated Archbishop Spottiswoode of Glasgow, Bishop
Lamb of Brechin, and Bishoj^ Hamilton of Gallo-
way *^. The character of the Clergy who, then and
afterwards, were raised to the Episcopal office in
Scotland, — the deliberations which took place, rela-
tive to the drawing up a Book of Common Prayer
in conformity with our own, — and the adoption of the
Articles of Perth in 1618, had held out some hope of
peace and union between the two countries. But
the rash measures of the present reign soon dispelled
it. The true character and authority of the Episco-
pal office were now placed in jeopardy, by the attempt
to make it the main instrument of temporal ascend-
ancy. Not only were several of the Scotch Bishops
created Privy-counsellors; but Spottiswoode, — now
translated to the Primacy of St. Andrews, — was ap-
pointed to the office of Lord Chancellor, wiiich, ever
since the Reformation, had been in the hands of
laymen; Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, w^as nominated
Lord High Treasurer ; and other ecclesiastics were
put in possession of the wealthiest and most import-
ant offices of state ^^.

•'^ Lawson's History of the Epis- 1603, so that for seven years he

copal Church of Scotland, B, ii. had been only a Titular Bishop,

c. ii. Spottiswoode had been nomi- lb. 267.

nated to the see of Glasgow in *'^ Ibid. 464,


These appointments were made soon after the ^vin^*

visit of Charles to Edinburgh, in 1 6*33 ; and Claren- ' ' —

don not only acknowledges that the blame of them
was cast upon Laud, then Bishop of London, who
accompanied the King ; but adds that he was open to
the charge, ' since he did really believe, that nothing
more contributed to the benefit and advancement of
the Church, than the promotion of Churchmen [that
is, ecclesiastics] to places of the greatest honour, and
offices of the highest trust.' Clarendon acknowledges
also, not less distinctly, that ' the accumulation of so
many honours upon' the Bishops was 'unseasonable ;'
that it ' exj^osed them to the universal envy of the
whole nobility ;' that they ' had very little interest
in the affections of that nation, and less authority
over it ;' and that ' it had been better that envious
promotion had been suspended, till, by their grave
and pious deportment, they had wrought upon their
Clergy to be better disposed to obey them, and upon
the people to like order and discipline ; and till by
these means the liturgy had been settled and received
amongst them ; and then the advancing some of
them to greater honour might have done well ^^.^ If
these be the admissions of Clarendon, it may easily
be understood how wide and deep M^as the offence
given to the Scottish nation by the favours thus
heaped upon the Bishops. Other measures soon fol-
lowed ; but, although promoted avowedly for the pur-
pose of cementing union, they only gave fresh occasion

5" Clarendon,!. 152—133.


CHAP, for the jealousy and hatred of the Presbyterian por-
— V — ' tion of the nation to break forth, and disturbed the
minds, and alienated the affections, even of those
who recognized, and desired to obey, the authority
of the Episcopal office. A draft, for instance, of the
Canons, designed for the government of the Scotch
Church, was drawn up by her Bishops, and submitted
to Laud, — who had now succeeded Abbot in the Eng-
lish Primacy ^', — to Juxon, who had been appointed
Laud's successor in the See of London, and to
Wren, Bishop of Norwich. The draft received
their approval; and was ratified, in 1635, under
the great Seal ^^ But, unfortunately, both the sub-
ject-matter of these Canons, and the manner in
which it was proposed to enforce them, were such
as to ensure the defeat of the very object for which
they had been drawn up. They contained, for in-
stance, several references to the Book of Common
Prayer to be used in Scotland ; yet the Book itself
did not accompany them, and was not completed
until the following year. The fears, therefore, and
suspicions of the people were justly aroused, by find-
ing that they were required to observe particulars
not yet fully placed before them. Moreover, no
opportunity had been given for discussing the matter
of these Canons in lawful assembly. The opinions,
consequently, of those who were to be bound by
them had not been canvassed, nor their consent
openly and fairly ascertained. It seemed hof)eless,

•'' Sept. 19, 1633, soon after the King's return from Scotland. lb. 183.
«2 lb. 184 ; Collier, viii. 100.


therefore, to expect any favourable issue from a chap.
scheme brought forward in a way so phiinly repug- ' — ^/-— '
nant to the proper usage of the Church ^^ It chal-
lenged, at its very outset, the resistance both of the
Clergy and the people, whose acceptance it de-

Before I jDroceed to state the consequences of Jurisdictiou

, . ^ , . . , . - of the Bishop

this state ot thnigs, it is necessary to notice the of London

, 1 A ii'i T 1 •! °^^'' English

measures taken by Archbishop Laud with respect to congrega-
the English forces^* in Holland, and the factories of and over'the
English merchants settled in that country and ationies.
Hamburgh, and other places of trade, at this time.
He obtained an order of Council, by virtue of which
no colonels were to appoint chaplains to their
regiments, nor merchants to their factories, but
such as were favourable to the Church of Eng-
land; and a letter, bearing date July 17, 1G34,
is still extant, from Laud to the merchants at Deljih,
commending to them Mr. Beaumont, who had been
chosen by joint consent of their Company to be
their Preacher, and requiring them to allow him
'the usual ancient stipend' received by his predeces-
sors. He then informed them, that it was the King's
wish that they should conform to the doctrine
and discipline of the Church of England ; and that,
about Easter, they should name yearly two Church-
wardens, who should look to the orders of the

^^ Collier, viii. 104. Claren- trary to the express directions of

don admits it to have been 'a Laud, i. 185, 18G.

fatal inadvertency,' and to have *' These forces had been in the

been caused by tlie ' unha})i)y pay of the States of Holland, ever

craft' of the Scotch Bishops, con- since their separation from Spain.



Church, and give an account according to their
office. ]Mr. Beaumont himself also was required to
observe all the orders of the Church of England, as
prescribed in her Canons and Liturgy ; and, if any
should disobey this ordinance of the King, his name
and offence were to be certified by the Chaplain to
the Bishop of London, for the time being, who was
to take order and give remedy accordingly ". This
document then clearly points out the time and man-
ner in which the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Lon-
don was made to extend over English congregations

But not to English congregations in the various
factories of Europe alone, was the ecclesiastical juris-
diction, thus defined, limited. The propositions,
tendered by Laud to the Council, and accepted by
them, provided that the same regulations should be
observed by Companies of Merchants settled ' in any
foreign parts ^^;' and, accordingly, Heylyn, in his
notice of the above provisions, states that 'the like
course also was prescribed for those further off, that
is to say in Turkey, in the Mogul's dominions, the

Online LibraryJames S. M. (James Stuart Murray) AndersonThe history of the Church of England in the colonies and foreign dependencies of the British Empire (Volume 2) → online text (page 3 of 54)