James Stuart.

A history of the Zulu Rebellion, 1906 : and of Dinuzulu's arrest, trial, and expatriation online

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machinery, and each developing along lines that accord
with common sense and are, at the same time, in harmony
with the law of nature. It would also be found that
the peoples would be firmly linked together from the
mere fact of their independent existences being formally
recognized for all purposes, say, in the Constitution itself.
In that way and probably in that alone is it possible
for such alarming relative positions between white and
black, as one sees between Negroes and Europeans in
America, to be avoided in South Africa, temporarily and
possibly permanently. It would be just as well, too, to
bear in mind that the ratio between white and black, so
far from being about seven to one, as in the United States,
is about one to four.^ Hence it is not unlikely that the
letting loose of such forces as are now operating with so
much harm in North America will, before long, bring on a
crisis of altogether exceptional severity in South Africa.
With the ever-increasing European education we are

1 At the Census of May, 1911, there were 1,276,242 Europeans,
4,019,006 Natives, and 678,146 othor Coloured Races.

2l



530 THE ZULU REBELLION

giving the people, coupled with countless opportunities of
increasing their material prosperity, it follows that only
lapse of time is necessary for all sorts of demands to be
put forward more or less justly, and this by a race that is
being compelled against their natural instincts to take on
the European character. They will, of course, demand the
franchise and press for admission to all grades of the civil
service, the bench, and the bar ; show cause why existing
restrictions in regard to firearms, passes, Hquor, etc., etc.
shall be removed ; and so forth. And so the movement of
independence, once the people have fairly broken away
from the simple, strong and wholesome restraints of their
own systems of Hfe, will go on increasing in volume and
intensity, until visions of Hayti and Liberia begin to rise
before European imagination.

Thus, the price of our precipitate destruction of Native
modes of life, or rather callousness in not subserving these
modes to the best of our abihty, not by way of amusement
or sentiment, but because imperatively necessary for the
welfare of the State and the interests of the Natives them-
selves, is that our own character, traditions, creed,
language, etc., will ultimately be undermined and dis-
placed by those of the people. As it is, they are ever
laughing at our supreme and obviously suicidal folly. We
are, in fact, not competing with the coloured races at all
in the way races are supposed to do, and do, in accordance
with the theory of evolution, we are rather carefully and
continually loading the dice against ourselves. The
inevitable result of not permitting free-play to the principle
of natural selection will be that, from their greatly pre-
ponderating numbers, if for no other reason, they will
ultimately survive, whilst the European community will
cease as such to exist. No other result apparently can
flow from a wanton ignoring of, or running counter to,
the immutable principles of nature. Let us but continue
as we are doing, to suppress and eradicate the habits,
customs, languages, traditions, ideals, etc., etc., of the
people, and our ultimate expulsion or absorption by the
Bantu races who, in our present ascendancy, we so much



NATIVE POLICY 531

neglect, will follow as surely as day follows night. And
many are already beginning to see this.

It cannot too often be called to mind that our Natives
differ vastly from the Negroes in America through having
social systems, creeds, traditions and ideals of their own,
aU many, many generations old. Why does not the State
use these precious assets more than it does ? Why are
they wilfully allowed to die out, through disuse or being
ridiculed and defamed, far more rapidly than they need ?
As they are congenital, for what reason did the Creator
endow the people with these various propensities, if not
for some eminently necessary purpose ? May man with
impunity run counter to and thwart such purpose ?
Surely no one will contend that Nature must be undone
because the people are so plastic as to be capable
apparently of assuming the European character in aU
its attractiveness and defectiveness, as if that were the
greatest and final effort of social evolution. Our motive
should be to act in accordance with the desires of the
majority of the people, and not to impose this or that
restriction or condition mainly because, in our Hmited
vision, it appears to be right.

One cannot but see how strongly the case of Dinuzulu
supports these views. It shows that the people were in
favour of his being appointed, with the assistance of a
council or other advisory body, to protect their interests.
They knew they were acting wrongly in dealing with him
in 1906, but, in the absence of any other national repre-
sentative, i.e. one of their own flesh and blood, it seemed
there was no other course left. Zulus look at the world's
affairs in the concrete. To do so in the abstract, as so
common amongst ourselves, is foreign to their nature.
That is why want of organic connection between their
race and that of the white man takes the form of a request
for the appointment of a person to act as intermediary, one
to whom they can go with their troubles, and one who
would lay these before the Government for favourable
consideration.

What Dinuzulu himself said about this to the Governor



532 THE ZULU REBELLION

has been briefly noticed. He also observed : " The
Natives of India are governed and treated in a correct
manner, and according to the law. The Boers, who have
recently been at war with the British Government, have
also been settled down . . . but we who were subdued
. . . before the Boers and these people I refer to,^ are not
treated in the same manner as they have been treated.
The laws are not the same. We cannot help feehng that
we Zulu people have been discriminated against. . . . We
are people who have no representatives in the affairs of
the country, no one to speak for us,^ and the laws of the
country simply come over us by surprise. . . . We are
all of us in the country hke my fingers, each one has his
own authority, and does what he thinks right in his own
district. . . . We feel that, whilst we should own
obedience and allegiance to the Government. . . there
should yet be somebody amongst us who represents the
people." 3

When the Native Affairs Commission met the local
Chiefs and headmen at Vryheid in January, 1907, the
first speaker said : "I would ask the Commission this :
Of whom are they making the inquiry as to what the Zulu
people as a whole feel ; who is that spokesman ? Where
is he ? Where is he who is the eyes and ears of the Zulu
nation, the guardian of the people ? " Another Chief
said : " Why is it the Governor puts such questions, as
the Commission has itself put, to mere blades of grass ?
Where is our guardian ? Where is that guardian that
should have been given to us by the Governor ? . . . The
Government does not rule us with its right, but with its
left, hand. , . . When a State is conquered, there always
remains, according to our ideas, some representative or

^ He was evidently thinking India was conquered during the Indian
Mutiny.

2 This, of course, is largely incorrect, as the Minister for Native
Affairs as well as every member of both Houses of Parhament have, for
many years, voiced the interests of the Natives, inadequately though
that may have been. Apart from this, the U.S.N. A., assisted by Magis-
trates all over the country, has continually brought to the notice of
Government, wishes, suggestions and grievances of the Natives.

3 Cd. 3888, pp. 79, 80.



NATIVE POLICY 533

another who carries on the government of the conquered
people. . . . The King will continue to be at a loss as
to exactly what we feel, because His Majesty has failed to
appoint somebody in a way that we are accustomed to
to represent our interests."

Others said : " The whole Zulu people are unanimous
as to the need of some person to voice their feeUngs."
" Formerly Cetshwayo used to conduct negotiations, etc.,
with Sir Theophilus Shepstone. Who was in his (Cetsh-
wayo's) place now ? . . . Dinuzulu was their great
induna, and nothing had occurred between the Natives
and him which should cause them to pass by him and
affiUate themselves to the Government." " They were all
in a state of dispersion ; sheep without a shepherd."

Although, for years, many Chiefs were opposed to being
" governed " by a Paramount Chief, such as Cetshwayo
was (after his restoration), it is remarkable how wide-
spread this desire latterly became, particularly in 1905
when the poll tax was imposed. That such aspiration
assumed exaggerated proportions during a time of re-
belHon is not to be surprised at. The universal use by
insurgents of the " Usutu " war-cry, of the Usutu badge
(tshokobezi), and of Dinuzulu's name, only shows the need
they felt for a head. As this need existed then, is it not
possible that the Rebellion was brought about largely
through the need not having been seen and satisfied in
one way or another ?

And this need still exists and will continue to do so
until adequate steps have been taken to supply it. How
often has it not happened in the world's affairs that large
and liberal action towards a people, so far from making
foes, has transformed them into loyal and permanent
alHes. Let us, therefore, not blind ourselves too much to
the fact that our Native races, although they may have
fought us in the past, stand in as great, if not greater,
need of similar consideration, though on humbler, simpler
lines, than any other corporate people.

Stress has been laid on the foregoing point because the
Commission omitted to face and deal with it with the



534 THE ZULU REBELLION

directness obviously desired by the Natives. And yet
that a general and permanent protector of their interests
should be appointed, because, no doubt, of Ministers for
Native Affairs being movable officers, was the most impor-
tant of their requests. ^ It may be said to have come,
although often unassociated with Dinuzulu's name, from
no less than 95 per cent, of the people. The great body
of Native opinion was emphatically in favour of the
existing tribal system being maintained, and steps being
taken to remove as far as possible the numerous abuses
that had crept into it.

The position of the Native races is worthy of attention
from many points of view. The dying out of many of their
habits and customs, interesting and picturesque to us, but
the very Ufe-blood of the people themselves, is inevitable.
With such disappearance, the social system itself has
begun to decay. Many persons, indeed, have for long
observed these disintegrating tendencies and proposed
various reUgious, poHtical, social or economic makeshifts.
That is to say, that these tribes, hastening on as they are
doing to the collapse of their tribal organizations, have
nothing else to stem the universal undermining that is
going on, always with acceleration, than the creeds, moral
code, habits, customs, social and poUtical systems of
Western Civihzation, that is, the equipment of a people
differing essentially, — physically, morally, and intellec-
tually. It seems to occur to no one that a State poHcy
which resolutely and deUberately aims at maintaining the
status quo ante in a sane and judicious manner, instead of
assuming its downfall as inevitable, and forthwith setting
about in a thousand ways to make it even more ruinously
rapid and catastrophic than it would be without these
reckless methods, is worthy of serious and sober considera-
tion. Misreading the rehgious, poHtical and other aspira-
tions of a few half -educated Natives, many of the dominant

1 The Government afterwards appointed the late Mr. A, J. Shep-
stone, C.M.G., as Secretary for Native Affairs, — an appointment that
gave great and general satisfaction.



NATIVE POLICY 535

European race fondly believe it is along the same road
that the great inarticulate majority desire to travel. No
one, of course, is infalUble, ourselves among the number,
but a personal experience of over forty years in the
country, together with an intimate knowledge of the
people, does tend to convince us that such is not the
general desire, — not at present, whatever may be the case
in the future, — and has only become that of the half-
educated because, the various European administrations
being what they have been and are, it seems to them so
inevitable that nothing remains but to adopt European
civihzation in its entirety, and that as speedily as possible.

The doing of justice to the Natives, in the sense of
eventually conferring practically every privilege which
Europeans enjoy, is to bhnd oneself to the fact that the
two races are congenitally separate. Ideal justice can be
said to be possible only when meted out within the Umits
of a country in which the people are all of one race.
Within such environment, privileges are and should be
capable of extension to all. But when there are two or
more separate races in a country, that is not justice which
extends privileges pecuHar to the dominant race to the
radically-differing subject race or races. It is simply a
belief, resting on no proper foundation, that justice is
being done. The result of following it is gross injustice
to the masses, and, later on, to the dominant race itself.
The situation is manifestly governed by the idea of nation-
ahty and consanguinity. Thus, the highest justice becomes
not the concession of rights and privileges of the dominant
class, but a plain and constant recognition of the fact of
nationahty, and keeping the sense of justice well in hand,
instead of allowing it to wander away to the clouds.

The spectacle of so many Natives in South Africa
pressing on as they are doing to obtain higher rights and
privileges than they already possess, and of forming a
general Congress to give force to their demands and
supposed necessities, is due to nothing else than the failure
of the State to recognize the aborigines as a distinct
nationality, and as, therefore, worthy of being specifically



536 THE ZULU REBELLION

provided for in the Constitution to enable them to be
managed on Hnes different from those of the other and
widely-differing race. The misdirected energy of these
' enhghtened ' Natives, in the event of such provision
being made, would exert itseK within its proper sphere,
not in agitating eternally against the Government for
superior rights, but by promoting the positive welfare of
the tribes or races to which they belong.

All this, we believe, was the underljdng meaning of the
RebelHon, and the situation will not be cured by granting
the franchise, or initiating elaborate systems of land
occupation as exist in the Cape Province. Fundamental
experimenting of this kind may, for a season, appear to
satisfy, but the day is coming when the Natives, in spite
of all our education and evangelization, our concessions of
the franchise and other so-called privileges, will remember
that they, for the most part, are members of the Bantu
family, in spite of the fact that some have already been
persuaded to think, and speak, and act like Europeans, —
at least, that is what is naively supposed by their teachers,
as well as by themselves, to be the case.

As the clashing in 1906 arose apparently out of a general
attempt to impose Western Civilization, we venture to
say that, so far from the Rebellion having come to an end,
its essential spirit is still abroad. This is not because Natal
or the Union Government have not made numerous and
special endeavours to remove the contributory causes of
the unrest, but because the root-cause, or what a Zulu
would call unomtebe, is still existing.^ Bambata, as many
Natives beheve^ in spite of every proof to the contrary, is
still living. For them his spirit, i.e. dissatisfaction with
European rule, or, to put the same thing positively, a
desire to control their own affairs, not on European Hnes,
but on those sanctioned by the collective wisdom of their
own race, is certainly alive, though he may be dead. It

^ There is a saying among the Zulus, when a country, after being in
disorder, is at peace once more, that it has returned to Nomtebe (the
queen of white ants), that is, to its mother. This may have been true of
former conditions ; it cannot be true of those which exist under
European rule.



NATIVE POLICY 537

lives, not in Natal alone, but throughout South Africa,
and is fostered by the various Ethiopian or Separatist
churches. Then, again, attempts are being made through-
out the Union to impose Western Civilization on all the
other Native tribes, be they in the Cape, Transvaal, or
Orange Free State, Provinces. And so, unless radical
change be effected in our State pohcy, it seems we may
expect to witness periodical recrudescences of rebellion
and on a far greater scale than in 1906. The moral is that
the aborigines resent the manifold restrictions they are
perpetually and systematically subjected to ; these and
the rigid appHcation to their affairs of the principles of
Western Civihzation, by means of legislation or otherwise,
as well as the thousands of opportunities afforded un-
scrupulous Europeans and semi-educated Natives of
exploiting the people, tend to fill up their cup of bitter-
ness. They yearn for practical sympathy and that friendly
recognition of their deeper needs which ends not in mere
perception. " They are not the best that might have been
framed," said Solon of. his laws, " but they are the best
the Athenians are capable of bearing " — there is the type
of statesman they would adore. The Zulus are a noble
race of savages, but none the less deserving of our con-
sideration because they are savages. The headlong
collapse of such a people is a tragedy of the first magnitude.
That it should be taking place before our very eyes, with-
out reasonably adequate steps being taken by the State
to resist it by providing the most natural and effective
machinery for controlhng it, is a crime. If this mischief
be permitted to go on, it requires no prophet to predict
heavy retribution, and in the near future, on those
responsible. Such will probably be, not only in the
forms of rebellion and civil strife, which can be quelled,
but in miscegenation (unthinkable though this be at the
present), complete effacement of the two races, and
general degradation of the whole.

If the principal conclusion come to in these pages be
correct, the Rebellion stands revealed as nothing less than
a protest, and about the plainest that could have been



538 THE ZULU REBELLION

made, against the methods employed, not only by members
of the British race, but by all pioneers of Western CiviHz-
ation among barbarians. The methods followed in Natal
and in the rest of South Africa are but characteristic
of those adopted towards lower races in other parts of
the globe. The British Government is naturally most
aJBfected by this indictment, but the Governments of
France and Germany, the United States, Belgium, Portu-
gal, etc., are impHcated as well. Each of them will one
day have to answer for the havoc they have created and
are still creating, and this primarily because of their
rush after material benefit. In Mr. Benjamin Kidd's
well-known work, Social Evolution, occur the words :
" The lower races disappear before the higher through the
effects of mere contact." In this history an attempt has
been made to furnish some of the reasons why a typical
* lower race ' is tending to become disintegrated. These
serve to explain why and how dissolution, the antecedent
of ' disappearance,' in smaller areas than South Africa,
occurs, and prove that the phenomenon results not from
" mere contact," as Mr. Kidd supposed, but from the
restrictions, conditions and opportunities above mentioned
which have invariably accompanied the inauguration of
so-called civiHzed government among the people of lower,
and especially coloured, races. The reasons, as a matter
of fact, are laws ; and we venture to think they wiU be
found operating wherever, in the past. Western Civihza-
tion has been imposed on lower races, and wherever this
may take place in the future.

And so this minor Rebellion turns out to be a fact
charged with the highest possible significance, inasmuch as
it is a concrete, analysable illustration of that strange,
destructive and inexorable contact between races hitherto
insufficiently studied, and, therefore, insufficiently appre-
ciated.



APPENDICES



540



APPENDIX I



I. CASUALTIES.



REGI-












MENT.


RANK.


NAME.


CAUSE OF DEATH.


N.C.


Corpl.


Christopher, V. J. W.


Killed in action.






N.M.R.


Tpr.


Bull, W. G.


Internal obstruction.




»»





Clements, S. T.


Broken neck.






»»


,,


Powell, Albert.


Killed in action.






Z.M.R.


"


Coll, Gudman.


Wounds received
Macrae's Store.


in


action.


N.F.A.


Gunner


Walker, H. S.


Bullet wounds ; self-inflicted.


N.P.


Tpr.


Armstrong, G.


Killed in action.









jj


Aston, Arthur H.


?5 J5






»»


Sergt.


Brown, E. T. N.









»»


Tpr.


Greenwood, J. P.


5> >J









Sergt.


Harrison, J. C. G.


») 5>








Sub. Insp.


Hunt, S. H. K.


J> 5>






R.H.


Corpl.


Alexander, E.









,,


Tpr.


Bouck, J. L.









»»


jj


Harding, J.


,, ,,









)>


Hawkins, J.


\Voiinds received
Manzipambana.


in


action.


»»


5J


Malone, Thos.


Killed in action.






»»


Lieut.


Marsden, C. G.


Wounds received
Mome.


in


action.


»»


Tpr.


Ohlson, C.


Pneumonia.






»»


,,


Robertson, S. J.


Killed in action.






»»


,,


Strecker, J.


Coma epilepsy.






»»


,,


Walsh.


Concussion of brain.




T.M.R.


"


Glover, F. H.


Wounds received
Mome.


in


action,


jj


,,


Knight, Robert.


Killed in action.






>>


"


Maw, H. C.


Wounds received
near Kombe.


in


action.


>>


Capt.


McFarlane, S. CD.S.O.


Wounds received
Mome.


in


action.


)>


Tpr.


Steyn, H. W.


Wounds received
near Mome.


in


action.


N.R.


Lieut.


Campbell, J. A.


Wounds received
Nomangci.


in


action.


>>


Pte.


Mclnnes, A.


Heart disease.






U.D.R.


Tpr.


Steele, H. Scott.


Killed in action.







Note. — Among Nongqai, N.N.H., and Native



APPENDIX I



541



(a) KILLED OR DIED.



DATE OF
DEATH.



PLACE OF DEATH.

Near Hlonono Mission Station.
Addington Hospital, Durban.
Tongaat. . . . - -
Otimati. - - - - -

Thring's Post. - - - -

FortYolland. ... -

Near Byrnetown.

Mpanza. . - - - -

Near Byrnetown.
Manzipambana. - - - -

»>

Nkandhla Forest.

Tate.

Addington Hospital, Durban.

Grey's Hospital, Pietermaritzburg.
Manzipambana.

Nkandhla.

Dundee.

Eshowe.

Insuze, Natal. . - - -
Ntingwe.

Eshowe.

Addington Hospital, Durban.

Thring's Post. - - - -

Mpukunyoni. . . - -



PLACE INTERRED.



July
May
June
June
July



5
15
28
19

3



May 2

February 8

April 4

4

4

4

February 8

June 3

3

3

3



May
June



July 29

June 3

May 10

May 3

June 13



July
May

June

June

June

July
May



2
14

10

20

9

8
28



Ladysmith.
Durban.



Mapumulo.



Fort Yolland.
Pietermaritzburg.
Near Mpanza.



Pietermaritzburg.
Nkandhla.



Durban.

Pietermaritzburg.
Nkandhla.

Dundee.
Eshowe.

EsidLunbini.
Ntingwe.

Eshowe.



Durban.

Stanger.
Buffalo River.



Levies, there were about six killed.



542



APPENDIX I



(6) WOUNDED.



REGIMENT.


RANK.


NAME.


DATE.


PLACE.


REMARKS.


N.N.C.


Leading Seaman


Murchie, H.


July 11


Ngudwini.




N.C.


Tpr.


Reed.


July 8


Izinsimba.


Severe.


N.M.R.


Corpl.


Errington.


May 5


Bobe.







Q.M.-Sergt.


Knox, L. E.


June 19


Otimati.




B.M.R.


Tpr.


Forder, C.


June 27


Peyana




N.D.M.R.





Scabbert.


June 10


Mome.




"


Lieut.


Wilkins, H.


May 17


Insuze,
Zululand.




Z.M.R.


Sergt.-Maj.


King.


June 10


Mome.




D.L.I.


Pte.


Williams.


May 17


Insuze,
Zululand.




N.P.


Tpr.


Braull.


Apr. 4


Mpanza.




J'


,,


Dove.


„ 4


5>




»>


,,


Emanuel.


„ 4


>>






,,


Ferguson, F.


June 10


Mome.




f>


Trumpeter


Milton, C.



Online LibraryJames StuartA history of the Zulu Rebellion, 1906 : and of Dinuzulu's arrest, trial, and expatriation → online text (page 47 of 52)