Jesse Walter Fewkes.

A journal of American ethnology and archæology; online

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Jaramillo, de la Jornada que habia heeha
d la Tierra niieua en Nv^eua Espafla y al
Descubrimiento de Cibola (Doc. de In-
dias, vol. xiv. p. 304) : " A. esta villa se
vuelve y va como al Norueste de aqni los
sesenta de ^ caballo qae fuimos con el
Greneral, . . . Dej6 sn ej^rcito j fu^ ^
con los dichos en descnbrimiento del dicho
cainino."

*' Traslado de las Nueiias y Notidas
que dieron sobre el Descnbrimiento deuna
cibdad, qiie Uamaron Cibola, situada en la
Tierra Nueva {Idem, xix. p. 529). " En



el y alle de Culiacan d^xo S. Md. la major
parte del exercito, j con solamente setenta
J cinco compafieros de ^ caballo j treinta
peones, parti6 para aca."

^ Relacion del Suceso de la Jornada que
Francisco Vazquez hizo en el Descubri-
miento de Cibola (Idem^ xiv. p. 318):
'^Francisco Vazquez debidid 6 partid el
campo, el cnal tom6 ochenta de i, caballo
6 veinte cinco peones, j cierta parte de la
artillerfa, 6 partid," etc.

* Voyage de Cibola (Introd. p. ix.) :
'^ Comme il 7 a plus de vingt ans que cette
exp^ition s*est faite;" Jaramillo, Relar
eion hecha, p. 307 : " y esto digo por ha-
ber tanto tiempo que aquello pasamos, que
podria ser engafiarme en alguna jomada,
que en lo demas no."



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likely that Coronado made his first move upon Cibola, or Zuiii, with
one hundred men.

He left Culiacan on the 22d of April, old style (2d of May), of the
year a. d. 1540.^ The route which he took I have already discussed,
and have nothing new to add, or any corrections to make. The whole
trip lasted seventy-seven days, so that he came in sight of the first
pueblo of Cibola on the 7th of July (17th).^ Which one of the seven
villages was it?

Castaneda says that Cibola^ or rather the first village thereof, was
eight leagues from the banks of the " Rio Vermejo," ® so called on ac-
count of its red and muddy waters. The Rio Vermejo is the little
Colorado, and eight leagues correspond to twenty-two English miles.
The first village of the Zuiiis reached by the Spaniards under Coronado
cannot, therefore, have been " Quia-Quima," where the negro Estevan
was killed, but it was ^^ Ha-ui-cu," near the thermal springs, or '' Aguas
calientes de Zuni." This is further proven by a statement of the
anonymous writer of 1540 : " on the XIX of the past month of July
he went four leagues from the city to see a rock, where he had been
told that the Indians used to fortify themselves." * This rock is evi-



^ Trashdo de las Nuevas y Noticicu, p.
529 : " partid para aca jueves 22 de Abril ; "
Castafieda, Cibola, p. 30, says that thej
arrived at Culiacan the day after Easter ;
and p. 35: ^'au bout de quinze jours le
g^i^ral prit les devants.''

* Traslado, p. 530 : " liego £ esta pro-
yincia miercoles 7. deste mes de Julio pa-
sado . . . por manera que tardo S. M. en
el camino, hasta Uegar aqui, setenta j
siete dias." The author of Relacion del
Suceso, p. 319, says : '* i, los setenta y tres
llegamos £ Cibola.'^ But I follow the for-
mer, since his dates are positive, and they
agree with the number of days.

' Cibola, p. 41: '<Au bout de quinze
jours lis arriv^rent k huit lieues de Cibola,
sur les bords d'une riviere qu'ils nomm^r-



ent Rio Vermejo, ^ cause de son ean trou-
ble et rouge ; " Jaramillo, Relacion hecha,
p. 307, says that the " arroyo que pusimos
Bermejo " was two days from the first
pueblo of Cibola : '* de aqui fuimos en doe
dias de camino al dicho pueblo y primero
de Cibola." From the little Colorado be-
low San Juan, the distance to '^ Hauicu "
in a straight line is not over thirty miles.
Coronado went from Show-low east of
north, therefore he struck the " Rio Ver-
mejo" above the mouth of the "Rio de
Zufii." Following the road, Hauicu is
about thirty-five miles from San Juan.

* Traslado, p. 532 : "y que d XIX del
mes de Julio pasado, fue quatro leguas de
esta ciudad i, un pefiol, donde le dixeron
que los Yndios desta provincia se hacian



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30



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE ZUHtl TRIBE.



dently the famous mesa of ^^ To-yo-al-ana/' or thunder-mountain^ and
the distance given agrees well with the bee-line stretch extending from
Hauicu to the gigantic table-mountain. It is therefore Hauicu^ and
not the village where Estevan was killed^ which received the first air
tack of the strangers. That Jaramillo should say : ^^ It is in this place
that Estevanillo; the negro, was killed/' ^ must not surprise us, since he
wrote, as I have already said, many years after the occurrences.

When the Spaniards arrived upon the banks of the little Colorado,
they met the first Zuni Indians. The latter fled at once, and gave the
alarm. On the night before reaching the place, the Spaniards had
already been frightened by the yells and shouts of the natives, who
crept up to the camp and aroused the soldiers by their piercing cries.^
As soon as the pueblo was in sight, the Spaniards knew that their
reception woiild be anything but friendly.

They had advanced to within a short distance, when a great number
of the warriors were discovered scattered outside the village to the dis-
tance of a cross-bow shot of its walls. It was found out afterwards that
all the non-combatants had been removed to other pueblos, and that
the men alone remained.^ It does not seem that the six other



faertes, — y volvid el mismo dia, que an-
dubo en ida j venida ocho leguas." If it
had been ^' Quiaquima," he would have
been at the very foot of the mesa. That
" To-yo-al-ana " was the place of refuge
for the Zuiiis in case of extreme danger,
we shall proTe in the third chapter.

^ Relacion heclui, p. 308 : "j aqui ma-
taron i, Etebanillo el negro."

* Castafieda, Cibola, p. 41 : «Ce fut Ik
qu'on aper^ut les premiers Indiens du
pays ; ils prirent la fuite en voyant les Es-
pagnols, et all^rent donner Talarme. Le
lendemain, pendant la nuit, lorsqu'on
n'^tait plus qu'd deux lieues du village, des
Indiens, qui s'^taient places dans un en-
droit silr, jet^rent des cris si per9ants que
nos soldats en furent un peu effrayds, quo!



qu'ils s'y atendissent; il y en out m§me
qui sell^rent leurs chevaux k Tenvers, mais
c'^taient des gens de nouvelle lev^e. Les
plus aguerris mont^rent k cheval et par-
coumrent la campagne. Les Indiens qui
connaissaient le pays s'echapp^rent facile-
ment, et Ton n'en put prendre aucun. Le
lendemain on entra en bon ordre dans le
pays habits." Jaramillo, Relacion hecha,
p. 307, merely says: "Aqui vimos un In-
dio 6 dos que parescieron ser despnes de
la primera poblacion de Cibola."

* Traslado, p. 531 : " Estaba la cindad
despoblada de hombres de sesenta aflos
arriba y de veinte abaxo, y de mugeres y
nifios ; todo lo que habia, era, hombres de
guerra que quedaron para defender la cin-
dad, y muchos salieron della, obra de un



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pueblos of Zuni furnished material aid to the Hauicu people.^ They
treated the whole matter as if it had not been ^^ their own fight/' and
left their neighbors to face the newcomers. This is truly Indian^ and
very characteristic of the nature of Indian society.

The disproportion in numbers does not appear to have been unusu-
ally great. Castaneda attributes to Hauicu two hundred warriors.^
The three anonymous relations state that the largest Zuni villages
contained from two to three hundred families.^ One village alone
could not, therefore, oppose to Coronado more than twice the number
of his own men, and if, in addition, they committed the imprudence



tiro de ballesta, haciendo grandes fieros ; ''
ReUxcion del Suceso, p. 319 : " El dia que
llegamos al primer pueblo, nos salieron de
guerra parte dellos, 6 los detais quedaban
en el pueblo fortalecidos ; " Castafieda, Ci-
hoUij p. 42 : " Ces Indiens nous attenda-
ient done en bon ordre k qnelque distance
du village ; " Matias de Mota-Padilla, His-
toria de Nu&oa Ocdieiay p. 113 : ^^ Antes
de llegar el general, salieron mas de dosci-
entos Indies de guerra, j aunque se les re-
querid con la paz."

^ Castafieda, Cibola, p. 42, says : '' Les
habitants de la province s'y ^taient r^u-
nis ; " but Relcunon del Suceso,^ p. 319 :
" Luego que los Indies se dieron, desam-
pararon el pueblo y se f ueron i, los otros
pueblos ; *' Traslado, p. 632 : " porque
como los Tndios vieron la determinacion
de S. Md en quererles eutrar la ciudad,
luego la desmampararon." The sudden
appearance of Coronado was a surprise to
them, and all they could do was to send off
the women, children, and old men, and
prepare for a hasty defense. There may
have been a few warriors from the other
pueblos also, but not in any great num-
bers. The time was too short to make a
general levy.



* Cibolay p. 42: "Cibola, . . . il pent
contenir deux cents guerriers." As to the
Spaniards, their number had only de-
creased by one foot-soldier and a few In-
dians and negroes. Traslado, p. 530:
" Llegd . . . con toda la gente que sacd
del valle, muy bueno . . . escepto un Es-
pafiol que murid de hambre cuatro jorna-
das de aquf, y algunos Negros 6 Yndios que
tambien murieron de hambre y de sed ; el
Espaflol era de los de pi^, y llamavase Es-
pinosa;" Relacion del Suceso, p. 319,
only speaks of the " muerte de algunos In-
dies ; " Jaramillo, Relacion hecha, p. 307,
says the death of Espinosa and two men
occurred near Show-low: "y en este ar-
royo y puesto, muri6 nn Espafiol que se
decia Espinosa, y otras dos personas, de
yerbas que comieron, por la grande neces-
idad que Uevaban." This would indicate
that they ate poisonous plants out of hun-
ger.

« Relacion del Suceso, p. 319: "Los
pueblos son de d trescientas i doscientas,
^ de d cincuenta casas;" Relacion pos^
tr&ra de Sivola [MS.]: "Sivola es un
pueblo de hasta ducientas casas . • . son
siete pueblos en esta provincia Sivola • . •
el mayor sera de ducientas casas."



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DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE ZUftI TRIBE.



of facing cavalry in the open field defeat was inevitable. Coronado, as
soon as he grasped the situation, rode towards the Indians, accompa-
nied only by two of the priests (Fray Marcos, probably, and certainly
the lay-brother, Fray Luis Descalona), and made the customary at-
tempt at conciliation and peace.^ To this he was compelled by Span-
ish law,^ and a refusal to comply with a requisition of this kind, and
to receive the Spaniards peaceably, was considered equivalent to a
refusal, in England, to listen to the reading of the Riot Act. The
country had been taken possession of legally (after the customs of the
time) by Fray Marcos ; if now the people of Hauicu remained hostile
in the presence of a legal summons to surrender, it was the duty of
Coronado to proceed against them by force.^

A shower of arrows, defiant shouts and yells, and other threatening
demonstrations, were the only reply of the Hauicu Indians. A horse
was wounded by an arrow-shot, and the cassock of Fray Luis touched
by another.^ It was clear that aU efforts at negotiation would be vain.
Although the Spaniards, as well as their animals, were worn out by the
long and tedious journey,^ they promptly obeyed the order to charge.



* Castafieda, Cibola, p. 42 : « Loin
d'accepter la paix, qaand ils en furent re-
quis par les int^rpr^tes, ils nous firent des
gestes mena^ants ; " Reladon del Suceso,
p. 319 : " con los cuales no se pado acabar
annque se procord arto la paz ; " Traslado,
p. 531 : ^* 7 el Greneral mismo se adelant6
con dos religiosos, y el Maestre de Gampo,
ik requerirlos, como se usa en tierras nue-
vas ; " Mota-Padilla : Historia, p. 113 :
'^y annque se les requerid con la paz, bar
cian rayas en el snelo para que no pasasen
de ellas."

' There are two decrees of Charles Y.
to that effect, one of June 26, 1526, and
another of the 20th of November, 1528,
both of which are embodied in the Reco-
pilacion de Leyes de los Rej/nos de las In-
dias, lib. iii. tit. iv. ley iz. foL 25



* Pray Marcos, as we have already
stated in the first chapter, had taken pos-
session; acting according to instmctionB
from the viceroy.

* Mot^Padilla, Historia,^. 113: "ha-
cian rayas en el suelo para que no pasasen
dellas, y al intentarlo los nnestros, despi-
di^ron una rociada de flechas ; " Traslado,
p. 531 : '^ y la respuesta que le daban, era
muchas flechas que soltaban ; y hirieron d
Hernando Bermejo su caballo ; y al Padre
Prai Luis, compafiero que era del Sefior
Obispo de Mexico, le cogieron las f aldas
de los habitos con una flecha.''

* Idem, p. 530 : " no fue recibido como
lo hubiera menester, la gente que traia,
porque todos venian muy fatigados del
gran trabajo del camino ; luego, y de car-
gar y descargar como unos arrieros, y de



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and ere the Indians could take shelter inside of the houses, several of
them were killed. On the Spanish side no man appears to have been
hurt, but three horses were killed, and seven or eight wounded.^ Thus
ended, as might have been foreseen, the first encounter of Zuni Indi-
ans with white men.

But the fight was not over. Routed easily in the open field, the
natives had only improved their position, for the moment at least, by
retreating into the many-storied houses, where they replied to any at-
tack by a flight of arrows, and especially by a shower of stones hurled
from the flat roofs. Still, Hauicu had to be taken; by persuasion
if possible, by assault if necessary.^ It seems that no further sum-
mons were made to surrender, and that the onslaught on the pueblo
followed immediately upon the skirmish. The Spaniards were fam-
ished ; they had not found a single grain of corn on the whole trip,
from the Rio San Pedro into New Mexico.^ If Hauicu was not taken



no coiner tanto como quisieran, que traian
mas necesidad de descansar alganos dias,
7 no de pellear, aunqne no habia en todo
el campo, hombre, que para todo no tra-
gese buenas ganas, si los caballos los ayuda-
ran ; que traian la misma necesidad que
los amos." As to the number of Indians
killed, see below.

^ I give the difEerent Spanish versions.
TrasladOy p. 531: ^*j como esto visto,
tomando por abogado al Seflor Santiago,
arremeti6 ^ ellos con toda su gente, que la
tenia mny bien hordenada ; y aunque los
Tndios volvieron las espaldas j se pensa-
ban acoger i, la cindad, que estaban cerca
della, antes que llegasen, fueron alcanza-
dos 7 muertos muchos dellos ; j ellos ma-
taron tres caballos, y hirieron siete 6 ocho ; "
Relacton del Suceso^ p. 319 : '^ por lo cual
fu^ forzoso rompellos i muertos alganos
dellos. Los demas luego se retragieron al
pueblo ; " Gastaiieda, Cibola, p. 42 : '< On



les chargea au cri de Sant-Iago, et on les
mit promptement en fuite ; " Mota-PadiUa,
ffistaria, p. 113 : '^ con lo que se les aco-
metitfy y quedando en el campo muertos mas
de veinte, se encastillaron en sus barrios."

^ Traslado, p. 531 : " Llegado el Gen-
eral, mi Seflor, d la ciudad, vid que toda
era cercada de piedra & casamuro, y las
casas muy altos, de cuatro y cinco y aun
de seis altos cada una, con sus azoteas y
corredores ; y como los Yndios se hicieron
fuertes en ella, y no dejasen llegar £ la
cerca 6, bombre que no flechasen ; '^ Cas-
tafieda, Cibola, p. 43 : " Cependant il f al-
lait s'emparer de Cibola."

* Traslado (ut supra) : " y no tubiese-
mos que comer sino se lo tomabamos ; "
Idem, p. 530 : '^ y en todo el camino hasta
esta provincia no se hallo un celemin de
mais ; " Relation del Stuieso, p. 319 : " no
hubo maiz en todo el camino sino fu d^ste
yalle de Sefiora que sacaron un poco."



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34 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE ZTlSl TRIBE.

they were lost, both horses and men.^ So the pueblo was attacked
forthwith.

Castaiieda says, ^^ Cibola is built on the top of a rock." So is
Hauicu. That pueblo belonged, in a measure, to the type called poly-
gonal. The slope is gradual towards the south and southeast ; more
abrupt on the other sides. The ascent is steep in only a few places,
and the eminence crowned by the houses is not higher above the imme-
diate soil of the valley than fifty feet. Still, as the slope towards the
southeast has a length of four hundred feet, and not the slightest
protection is afforded, whereas the Indians, from the roofs of houses
several stories high, commanded the entire ascent, and that ascent,
furthermore, had to be made on foot, it was not an easy undertaking.
Coronado led the storming party in person. He wore armor which
was richly decorated, which made him a conspicuous mark for the
/enemy .^ The Hauicus had covered the terraced roofs with heaps of
pebbles, and the hail of these missiles was directed against his person in
particular. One stone hit him with such force that he fell, and would
have been killed by the rocks that the Indians kept showering upon his
prostrate form, had it not been for the timely interference of several of
his men. A second time was he stunned, felled, and injured ; he was
also wounded by an arrowshot.^ In spite of this lively resistance, the
Spaniards penetrated the pueblo about an hour after the assault had

^ See note preceding. dos veces, 7 lo abollaron la armadura de

' Traslado, p. 531 : <^ 7 como entre to- la cabeza, que & no ser tan buena, dudo

dos yra sefialado con sns armas doradas j que saliera vivo de donde entr6 ; 7 con

un plnmage en la armadura de cabeza, to- todo esto, pongo k Nuestro Sefior que 8ali6

dos los Tndios tiraban k el, como k hombre por bus pi^s, dieronle en la cabeza 7 hom-

sefialado entre todos." He led the attack bros 7 piernas muchos golpes de piedra, 7

on foot, while mounted men surrounded en el rostro saco dos heridas pequeflas, 7

the village to prevent the escape of the en el pi^ derecho un flechazo ; " Rdacion

Indians : " acord6 S. Md dentrar la Ciu- del Suceso, p. 319 : '< Francisco Vazquez

dad & pie 7 cercarla de gente de i caballo, salid mal tratado de algunas piedras, 7

por que no se f uese Tndio de los que den- aun tengo por cierto, quedaria alii sino

tro estaban." fuera por el maestro de campo D. Garci-

• Idem, p. 532 : "7 de las azoteas, & Lopez de Cdrdenas que le socorrid; " Cas-

piedra perdida, lo derribaron en el suelo tafieda, Ciholay p. 43 : ^< Le Gdn^ral fat



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beg^^ and the Indians, throwing down their arms, surrendered.^ On
both sides the losses must have been slight. Of the Spaniards, no
one was killed, though some may have been seriously injured. The
Indians, on the other hand, fought under protection, and gave up the
fight as soon as the enemy came up to closer quarters.^ It was
probably much less bloody than the short running fight in the valley
below the pueblo.

Hauicu was filled with com.^ It appears that the Indians expected
to successfully resist the strangers, and even to inflict upon them a de-
cisive defeat. The stores had not been removed, not that they antici-
pated a siege or a long blockade, but simply because they had no time
for it, and, probably, did not deem it worth while. But although the
men threw down their arms and made peace with Coronado, they left
the pueblo on the same day and joined their families among the other
villages of the Zuni group. This was done not so much out of mis-
trust of their conquerors, as in consequence of the previous removal
of the non-combatants. Coronado consented to this proceeding for
two reasons : first, because it placed the whole village at his disposal,



renvers^ d'an coup de pierre en montaut
a Tassaat ; et il aurait 6t6 txi6 sans Garci-
Lopez de Cardenas et Hernando d'Alva-
rado, qai se jet^rent devant lai et re^arent
les pierres qui n'^taient pas en petit
nombre."

^ Castafieda, Cibola, p. 43 : " mais,
comme il est impossible de roister k la
premibre farie des Espagnols, en moins
d'nne heure le village fut enlevd." There
is another version, by Mota-Padilla, His-
toria, p. 113 : '' y laego aquella noche se
pusieron en fuga ; el dia sigoiente se pose-
sionaron los nuestros de la easeria." But
the village was surrounded, and the Relo/-
don del Suceso, p. 319, says : ^' y aquella
tarde se dieron." The same document
also speaks of artillery which Coronado
had taken along ["y cierta parte de la



artillerfa"] and which, after the first as-
sault of the pueblo had been repulsed,
caused the Indians to surrender: "^ ^
causa del mucho dafio que nos hacian de
las azoteas nos f u^ f orzado retiramos, y de
fuera se los comenz6 hazer dafio con la
artillerla y arcabucos."

* Trasladoy p. 532 : " porque como los
Yndios vieron la determinacion de S. Md
en quererles entrar la Cindad, luego la des-
mampararan."

' Traslado, p. 532 : '< hallamos en ella
lo que mas que oro ni plata abiamos me-
nester que es mucho maiz, y frisoles, y
gallinas, mayores que las desta Nueva Es-
pafia, y sal, la mejor y mas blanca que
he visto en toda mi vida; *' Castaileda,
Cibola, p. 43: "on le trouva rempli de
vivres, dont on avait le plus grand besoin."



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36 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE ZU^I TRIBE.

together with the provisions it contained, and, secondly, because it
facilitated his intercourse with the remainder of the tribe, and gave
him a foothold among them.^

The capture of Hauicu on the 17th of July, 1540, was the only
engagement fought between the Zuiiis and Coronado's troops. There-
after both parties dwelt side by side in perfect peace until the winter
months of the same year, and so long as Coronado and his people re-
mained in New Mexico there was never any interruption of the cordial
feelings, in as far as cordiality may reign between peoples who could
not converse with each other, and whose notions and beliefs were so
widely apart. Difficulties undoubtedly arose from time to time, but
they brought about no conflict, occasioned no bloodshed.

All the sources agree in placing the number of pueblos composing
the cluster of Cibola at «ei?cn. Of these, Fray Marcos made us
acquainted with one, Quiaquima, at the foot of the great mesa, where
the negro Estevan was killed. Through Castaneda's account we learn
of another, Ha-ui-cu, at the Zuni Hot Springs. Of the remaining five
only one is mentioned by name. This is Ma-tza-qui, the Ma-ga-que of
Castaneda's original manuscript,^ which is corrupted into Muzaque in
the superficial translation of Temaux-Compans.^ Matzaqui is situated
near the Rio de Zuni, in the comer of the plain on which the present
village is standing. It is consequently the most northeasterly pueblo
of the seven, and distant from Hauicu (which is the most southwest-
erly), in a straight line, about fifteen miles.

We have seen what Fray Marcos says of Quiaquima, and how reliable
is his description of its situation and its appearance in general. The
chroniclers of Coronado's expedition furnish a great many details in
regard to the villages of Cibola in general, and to some of them in
particular. The picture they present of the cluster of Zuni pueblos as
they were in 1540 is worth recording here.

Beginning with Castaiieda, who is the best known, though not

^ Tmdadoy p. 232 : '^ et bientOt toute New York, and the word is foand on foL
la province fat forc^e d*accepter la paix." 107, recto.

^ The original is at the Lenox Library, ' Cibola, p. 163.



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always the most reliable of these writers, I quote the following pas-
sages : —

^^ The province of Cibola contains seven villages, the largest of which
is called Muzaque. The houses of the country have commonly three
or four stories, but at Muzaque there are some which have as many as
seven stories." ^ He estimates the number of people in the pueblos of
Zuni and Moqui, together, at three to four thousand.^

Jaramillo speaks of five pueblos only at Cibola, ^^ which are at one
league's distance from each other in a circuit of six leagues." ^

The anonymous relation of the events of Coronado's expedition says :
^^ The Father Fray Marcos had understood that the district or region
in which there are seven pueblos was one single village which he
named Cibola ; but the whole settlement and surroundings bear that
name. The pueblos contain, some three hundred, some two hundred^
and some one hundred and fifty houses. In some of them the houses
are joined together ; in others they are divided into two or three sec-
tions. But in most instances they are connected and have courts in-
side, in which are estuf as for winter use. Outside of the pueblos they



Online LibraryJesse Walter FewkesA journal of American ethnology and archæology; → online text (page 4 of 26)