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For Mexico the price of this alliance was to be the American
States of New Mexico, Texas and Arizona. This proposal,
which was sent through the medium of the German minister to
Mexico, von Eckhardt, was intercepted in America, and President
Wilson was in a position to publish it on March i 1917. With
other disclosures regarding German machinations against the
United States it materially contributed to rouse American
national feeling, which found expression in the decisive votes
of the Senate and the House of Representatives on April 5 in
favour of declaring war upon Germany. Zimmermann retired
on Aug. 5 1917 shortly after the resignation of Bethmann
Hollweg. The German Liberals and the governmental Socialists
had withdrawn their support from Bethmann Hollweg's Govern-
ment at the time of the so-called " Peace Resolution " (July 19
1917), largely on the ground that it was inconceivable that the
Allies and America should ever negotiate with politicians like
Zimmermann and Bethmann, who had been guilty of the note
to Mexico and other treacherous proceedings.

Russian revolutionary politician, was born at Novomirgorod in
1883. He was of Jewish origin and his original name was Aronor,
but he was known in early life under the names of Apfelbaum or
Radomyslovsky and later adopted several designations, such as
Shatski, Grigoriev, Grigori and Zinoviev, by the two last of which
he is most frequently called. For many years he was an active
member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour party, and
attended the London Conference in 1907. The next year he was
arrested on a charge of participating in the work of the printing
press Rabolnik, sentenced to a term of solitary confinement in
St. Petersburg and forbidden to reside there in future. He then
made his way abroad, and in 1 909 was editing the Social Democrat,
the party's main organ. He was present at the party meeting
of Nov. 1915, when a split occurred amongst the Russian
Social Democratic members of the Duma, and earlier in that
year had attended the Zimmerwald meeting at Berne, consisting
mainly of Lenin's group, where arrangements were made to
get copies of the Social Democrat secretly into Russia and to
keep in close touch with Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg
in Germany so as to ensure the distribution of Lenin's literature
to Russian prisoners of war.

After the Revolution Zinoviev returned to Russia and became
a prominent member of the Petrograd Soviet, of which he became
president after the murder of Uritsky in 1918. In the summer
of 1917 the paper Den published revelations showing that he
had been formerly employed by the department of police, and
this statement was not refuted.

Zinoviev became a member of the Petrograd Committee and
of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist party, and
was first president of the Third (Communist) International. He
was also president of the Petrograd Extraordinary Commission
for combating counter-revolution, speculation and sabotage,
and he occupied the position of president of the Soviet Govern-
ment in Petrograd.

ZIONISM (see 28.986). The part played by anti-Semitism in
the growth of the Zionist movement has often been exaggerated.

Zionism is a natural, indeed an inevitable, outcome of the
instinct of self-preservation, which is as strong in the Jewish
people as in any other; and the conditions which threaten the
continued existence of the Jewish people in modern times are
not wholly referable to anti-Semitism in any of its phases.
They are equally present in countries in which anti-Semitism
does not exist, or, if it exists, does not seriously affect the civic,
social or economic position of the Jews. In such countries
which include, broadly speaking, all the countries of the western
hemisphere except those of the old Russian and Austrian Empires
and Rumania the rapid assimilation of the Jews to the prevail-
ing modes of life and thought is accompanied by an attenuation
of the tie which binds them to their people, with the result that
emancipation is a more potent enemy of Jewish solidarity and of
Judaism than persecution or the milder forms of anti-Semitism.
It follows that from the point of view of the Jews, which of
course postulates the desirability of the continued existence of
the Jewish people and of Judaism, the substitution of conditions
of emancipation for conditions of persecution solves one problem
only by creating another. Naturally enough, this was not fore-,
seen by Moses Mendelssohn and the other pioneers of Jewish
emancipation in Europe. They took it for granted that the Jew,
having emerged from the ghetto and divested himself of the
external peculiarities which cut him off from European life,
would still be able to maintain his religious separateness, and
to carry out a specifically religious and moral mission in the
modern world. But experience has shown them to have been
wrong. Judaism reduced to a set of religious beliefs and practices,
or to a moral code with some superstructure of ritual, has no
abiding hold on the Jew. The possibility of the continued
existence of the Jewish people and of Judaism stands or falls
with recognition of the fact that to be a Jew means primarily
to be a member of a particular ethnic group. On that basis it
is possible to build attachment to Judaism as religion or as
moral teaching; without that basis the Jew is powerless to with-
stand through successive generations the forces of an environment
which is always drawing him away from his own tradition, in its
religious, ethical and intellectual aspects even more than in its
ceremonial aspect. Hence a reaffirmation of the national idea
in Judaism is even more readily intelligible as a reaction against
the results of emancipation than against persecution.

It is not surprising, therefore, that, when the case for Jewish
nationalism was first presented by a Jew in a European language,
it was based on the disintegrating effects of assimilation rather
than on the sufferings of the unemancipated Jews. In his Rom
und Jerusalem, published in 1862, Moses Hess delivered a
trenchant attack on the theory of German " Reform " Judaism,
showed that Judaism could not live except on the basis of the
national idea, and foretold a spiritual and political rebirth of
the Jewish people in Palestine. Fourteen years later Jewish
Nationalism was advocated on similar lines by George Eliot in
Daniel Deronda. For both writers the essential thing is that the
Jewish people should have an opportunity of taking up the
broken thread of its history, and of expressing its own spirit
and characteristics in a form of life shaped by itself. Considera-
tions based on anti-Semitism are secondary.

Even in Russia, for so long the home of the great masses of
Jews and the very temple of governmental anti-Semitism,
Zionism was not fundamentally a product of persecution or
pogroms. Until well after the middle of the igth century, the
best minds of Russian Jewry saw its hope in emancipation, not
in nationalism. They thought that if the Jews of Russia dis^
carded their distinctive language and dress, modified their
religious ceremonial so as to make it compatible with European
life, and sent their children to Russian schools, they would be
admitted to full participation in the life of their country, like
the Jews of western Europe, and all would be well. A vigorous
propaganda on behalf of Haskalah ."enlightenment " or
" modernism " had been carried on for some decades in the
Hebrew language, which was used not because of its national
associations, but because the apostles of Haskalah disdained to
write in Yiddish, and no European language, was intelligible to



those whom they wished to influence. Haskalah had made con-
siderable headway against the obscurantism of those who opposed
any and every change in Jewish life; and in the 'seventies of the
ipth century the liberal policy of Alexander II. seemed to
promise success to its efforts to modernize Russian Jewry. But
already, within the modernist movement itself, another current
of thought had set in. Perez Smolenskin, one of its most gifted
champions, who spent the best years of his life in Vienna, had
had the opportunity of seeing at close quarters what emancipation
meant for Judaism. He had seen that in practice the ideal of
being " a Jew at home and a man outside " did not work. Hence
he became the advocate of a Jewish nationalism based on the
"triple cord" of the Land (Palestine), the Law (Torah) and
the Language (Hebrew). When, in 1880, the emancipatory
tendencies of Alexander II. gave place to a wave of pogroms
and a policy of systematic oppression, the seed sown by Smolen-
skin bore fruit. While the great majority of the Russian Jews
who fled from massacre naturally made for the economically
developed countries of the West, where they could be readily
absorbed, a few, inspired by the ideal of a national revival,
found their way to Palestine, and in the face of incredible
difficulties laid the foundations of Jewish agricultural coloniza-
tion. Supported by the Chovevt Zion (Lovers of Zion) in Russia,
and later more amply by Baron Edmond de Rothschild, of Paris,
these pioneers succeeded in maintaining their footing in Palestine.
They were followed by a small but steady stream of immigration,
which included many vigorous and self-supporting elements.
Innocent of any concern with international politics, these
Palestinian settlers accepted the Turkish administration as they
found it, and, thanks largely to its very indifference, were able
to establish little settlements with complete internal autonomy,
to live in their own way, to manage their own affairs, and, not
least important, to create a system of Hebrew schools, by means
of which the ancient language of the Jews was revived as the
speech of the younger generation of Jews in Palestine. This
new Palestinian Yishub (settlement), strengthened in the early
years of the present century by a number of young men and
women who went to Palestine with the ideal of working as
labourers on its soil, became the basis of the political success which
Zionism achieved during the World War. The historic connexion
of the Jews with Palestine would not of itself have availed to
secure recognition of Jewish national aspirations, had there not
been this concrete evidence of the will and the ability of the Jews
to rebuild Palestine and their own national life in Palestine.

Side by side with this practical colonization work, the develop-
ment of Jewish nationalist theory went on in Hebrew literature.
The implications of Smolenskin's idea were worked out more
thoroughly, and from a standpoint more in consonance with
European thought, by Asher Ginzberg (Achad ha- Am), one
of the early leaders of the Clwvesi Zion, who has made his own
the conception of Palestine as destined to be in the immediate
future the " spiritual centre " of the Jewish people that is to
say, the home of a corporate Jewish life expressing in all its
aspects the true qualities of the Jew, and serving for that reason
as a point of attachment and a source of spiritual influence for
the Jews of all the world, who will find in their common associa-
tion with the spiritual centre a new basis of unity and a new
bulwark against absorption by assimilation. This conception,
though by no means universally accepted as a complete statement
of the philosophy of Zionism, has had a profound effect on
Zionist thought for the last 30 years, and, though it designedly
leaves on one side the political implications of Zionism, has
contributed materially to the final shaping of the political
claims of the movement.

The reaction against anti-Semitism has, however, played an
important port in Zionist history. In 1882, after the terrible
outbreak of pogroms in Russia, a Russian Jew, Dr. Leo Pinsker,
published a striking pamphlet, in German, under the title of
Auto- Emancipation, in which he argued that Judeophobia was
an endemic malady among the peoples of the world, analogous to
the fear of ghosts, and that the only solution of the " Jewish
problem " was to be found in the establishment in some suitable

territory (not necessarily Palestine) of an autonomous common-
wealth of Jews. While Pinsker thus took anti-Semitism as his
starting point, -he yet showed a certain appreciation of the
historical and psychological roots of Jewish nationalism; and
when his own scheme of large scale emigration to a hypothetical
Jewish territory met with no support, he was nationalist enough
to throw himself into the Palestinian work of the Choveve Zion,
whose first President he became. The later and more famous
brochure of Dr. Theodor Herzl, DerJudensta at l (i8g6), elaborated
independently a scheme similar to that of Pinsker, based
entirely on the need of a refuge from anti-Semitism, and dis-
regarding completely the inner springs of Jewish nationalism.
Herzl's argument implies throughout that all would be well if
only Jews were allowed to assimilate peacefully to their surround-
ings; and to that extent he stood on the same ground as the
assimilationist Jews of western Europe, who had for years been
trying without success to alleviate the lot of the Jews of
Russia and Rumania by bringing about diplomatic intervention
with the Governments of those countries. He differed from them
only in seeing the futility of their methods and the need for more
radical steps. He did, however, assert the unity of the Jewish
people (" we are a people, one people "), and the emancipated
Jews of western countries, fearful of anything that might seem
to cast doubt on their absolute identification with the nations
among which they lived, could not accept a scheme based on
such promises. With few exceptions, the Jews of the west met
Herzl's appeal with indifference or hostility; it was the Chovevl
Zion who rallied to his support with enthusiasm, less conscious
of the difference between his philosophy and their own than of
the value to their movement of his great personality, vision and
influence. Thus there came about a fusion between the older
Jewish nationalism, rooted in history and attached by its very
nature to Palestine, and the newer so-called nationalism which
demanded an autonomous territory in Palestine or elsewhere
for those Jews who could not or would not assimilate to their
European surroundings. The fusion was not effected without
tears. At the first Zionist Congress (Basle, 1897) there was a
struggle over the crucial question of the mention of Palestine
in the programme of the movement. For Herzl's scheme of
rapid mass-settlement scarcely any country could have been
worse adapted than Palestine, with its restricted area, its
neglected soil and its importance in international politics; but
the nationalist instinct of the Russian Jews won the day, and
theZionist organization tied itself down to the aim of " establish-
ing for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public
law." 2 The trouble did not end there. For the C/tovevi Zion the
gradual building up of a Hebrew life in Palestine Yishub Erez-
I srae l wa s the fundamental nationalist activity. Herzl, on the
other hand, deprecated any " infiltration " into Palestine so long
as the conditions necessary for full autonomy were not secured.
He desired the acquisition by the Jewish people still outside
Palestine of a formal charter making Palestine its preserve;
immigration on a large scale would follow. The failure of his
efforts to secure a charter, and his premature death in 1904,
ultimately gave the victory here also to the tendency represented
by the Chovevt Zion. Thus Zionism emerged from the seven
years of Herzl's brilliant leadership with its pre-Herzlian
philosophy and policy substantially unchanged, but with very

1 The current translation " A Jewish State " is misleading. The
prefix Juden has not the qualitative implications of " Jewish ;
the German Stoat does not connote political independence so
definitely as the English " State "; and the emphasis in Judenstaat
is on the first half of the compound, whereas in ''Jewish State
it is inevitably on the second. " A Commonwealth of Jews is a
better rendering. This point is of some importance, because critics
of Zionism have fastened on the term " Jewish State as implying
a desire to set up a State based on religious tests than which nothing
could be further from the idea of Herzl and of Zionists generally.

2 Offentlich-rechtlich gesicherte Heimstatte in the original German.
The old translation " publicly and legally assured home (see
28988) is scarcely adequate. In article (4) of the Programme as
there set out, " grants " should be replaced by " consents (Zustim-
mungen). Zionism has never expected or asked for a financial grant
from any Government.



considerable gains in organization, in prestige, and in the number
and diffusion of its adherents. The movement had become world-
wide; it had been recognized by the British Government (in
the abortive offer of a territory in E. Africa, 1903) as representing
the Jewish people; and it had become a powerful- leaven in
Jewish life, stimulating interest in Palestine and the revival of
the Hebrew language in every Jewish community throughout
the world. The Zionist organization, though it could not of
itself bring about any serious political change in Palestine, was
in a position to secure that, if and when the political future of
Palestine became a practical question, the claims of Jewish
nationalism should not go unheard.

Meanwhile it had to be content with the up-hill work of
Palestinian colonization and the education of the Jewish
people in the national idea. The number of Jewish agricultural
settlements in Palestine grew from about 25 in 1904 to about
45 in 1914. The Hebrew school system developed rapidly, and
the project of a Hebrew university in Jerusalem was definitely
launched in 1913. The membership of the organization and the
capital of the Jewish National Fund grew from year to year,
and unorganized sympathy with the Zionist outlook and aims
became more and more widely diffused.

The entry of Turkey into the World War called for a renewal
of political activity on the part of the Zionist organization, as
it obviously meant that the future of Palestine would before
long come up for settlement. At the same time, the position
of the organization was extraordinarily difficult. With adherents
in all countries, both belligerent and neutral, it could not present
a united front in international political questions, and the leaders
of its various groups could not even take counsel together. The
last biennial Zionist Congress had met in 1913; a Congress in
1915 was- obviously impossible. Emergency arrangements were
made to secure the existence of the organization, but for practical
purposes it had to remain in suspense throughout the unexpectedly
long period of hostilities. Meanwhile, the need for obtaining
express recognition of Zionist claims became more pressing as a
result of the British advance into Palestine in 191.7. Relations
with the principal Allied Governments had already been estab-
lished, mainly by Dr. Ch. Weizmann and Mr. N. Sokolow, two of
the Zionist leaders. As the outcome of protracted negotiations,
in which Sir (then Mr.) Herbert Samuel played an important
part, the British Government issued on Nov. 2 1917 the " Balfour
Declaration," stating that they " view with favour the establish-
ment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people, and
will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of
this object," and adding provisos to safeguard the rights of
existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine and the rights
and political status enjoyed by Jews elsewhere. The Allied
troops entered Jerusalem soon afterwards (Dec. 9 1917), and
in March of the following year the Balfour Declaration had its
first practical outcome in the departure for Palestine of a
Zionist Commission, which was to " act as an advisory body to
the British authorities in all matters relating to Jews or which
may affect the establishment of a national home for the Jewish
people," and was charged with certain specific tasks in relation
to the Jewish population of Palestine. The Commission remained
in Palestine as the representative of the Zionist organization,
and there directed such Zionist work as was possible during a
period of unsettlement and restricted communications. In July
1918 it laid the foundations of the future Hebrew University on
Mount Scopus.

The Turks were finally expelled from Palestine in Sept. 1918,
and the Zionist policy of the British Government, which had in
the meantime been endorsed by all the Allied Powers and by
the President of the United States, had its logical outcome in
the incorporation of the Balfour Declaration in the Treaty of
Sevres and the acceptance by Great Britain of a Mandate for
Palestine on behalf of the League of Nations (San Remo, April
1920). The draft Mandate as printed in a Parliamentary White
Paper (Cmd. 1176), recites in its preamble the substance of the
Balfour Declaration, whereby " recognition has been given to
the historical connexion of the Jewish people with Palestine

and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that
country," and provides inter alia that the Mandatory shall be
responsible for placing the country under such political adminis-
trative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment
of the Jewish national home and the development of self-govern-
ing institutions (Art. 2); shall recognize an appropriate Jewish
agency (provisionally the Zionist organization,) as a public body
for the purpose of advising and cooperating with the administra-
tion of Palestine in matters affecting the establishment of the
Jewish national home (Art. 4); shall appoint a special Com-
mission to study and regulate all questions and claims relating
to the different religious communities (Art. 14); shall see that
complete freedom of conscience is assured to all (Art. 15); and
shall recognize Hebrew along with English and Arabic as an
official language (Art. 22).

The frontiers of Palestine were defined in a separate convention
between Great Britain and France dated Dec. 23 1920, and
published in a White Paper (Cmd. 1195). In 1916, before either
Government had come into close contact with Zionism, an
Agreement (known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement) was made,
dividing Palestine into a British and a French sphere of influence.
This agreement needed revision in the light of subsequent
developments, with due regard to both Arab and Zionist interests
as well as to those of the two Powers concerned. The Convention
of T92O defines the frontiers of Palestine in such a way as to
comply with the requirements of the historic phrase " from Dan
to Beersheba," and to include in Palestine all the modern Jewish
agricultural settlements, but not to give Palestine control of
the sources of water power which are held to be necessary for
its full economic development. On the other hand, the Agreement
provides that Palestine is to have the use of the waters of the
Upper Jordan and the Yarmuk and their tributaries, after
satisfaction of the territories under the French mandate.

The draft Mandate for Palestine was attacked from three sides.
Certain Palestinian Arabs, professing to speak in the name of
the whole Arab population, objected absolutely to its Zionist
provisions. A school of Zionists more or less in the line of the
original Herzlian tradition complained that the draft Mandate
gave too little to the Jewish people, and that the term " National
Home " was too vague, and demanded that explicit provision
should be made for the development of Palestine into a " Jewish
State " within a fixed period. Lastly, some British politicians
and newspapers attacked the Mandate on the grounds that it
would involve the British taxpayer in expense with no cor-
responding return, and that it was unjust to impose a Zionist
policy on the Arabs of Palestine against their wishes.

Despite these criticisms, there was every sign up to the end
of 192 r that the Government intended to proceed in full ac-
cord with the spirit and the letter of the Balfour Declaration.
Mr. Winston Churchill, the Secretary of State for the colonies,
during his visit to Palestine in April 1921, emphatically declared
that the Zionist policy of the Government remained unchanged,
while assuring the Arabs with equal emphasis that their rights
would be fully respected. The First High Commissioner, Sir
Herbert Samuel, had won the confidence of all sections of the

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Online LibraryJessie FothergillThe Encyclopædia Britannica : a dictionary of arts, sciences, literature and general information (Volume 32) → online text (page 414 of 459)