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and the Carrolls of Maryland one of whom became the first
Roman Catholic archbishop of the United States who were
instructed by congress to offer every possible inducement to
the Roman Catholic subjects of England in Canada to join the
revolutionary movement.

Richard Montgomery, who had commanded the troops
invading Canada, had served at Louisbourg and Quebec, and
had subsequently become a resident of New York, where his
political opinions on the outbreak of the revolution had been
influenced by his connection, through marriage, with the
Livingstones, bitter opponents of the British government.
His merit as a soldier naturally brought him into prominence
when the war began, and his own ambition gladly led him to
obey the order to go to Canada, where he hoped to emulate
the fame of Wolfe and become the captor of Quebec. He
formed a junction, close to the ancient capital, with the force
under Benedict Arnold, who was at a later time to sully a
memorable career by an act of the most deliberate treachery to
his compatriots. When Montgomery and Arnold united their
forces before Quebec, the whole of Canada, from Lake Cham-'
plain to Montreal, and from that town to the walls of the old/
capital, was under the control of the continental troops.
Despite the great disadvantages under which he laboured,
Carleton was able to perfect his defences of the city, which he
determined to hold until reinforcements should arrive in the
spring from England. Montgomery had neither men nor

70 Canada under British Rule. [CHAP.

artillery to storm the fortified city which he had hoped to
surprise and easily occupy with the aid of secret friends within
its walls. Carleton, however, rallied all loyal men to his sup-
port, and the traitors on whom the invaders had relied were
powerless to carry out any treacherous design they may have
formed. The American commanders at once recognised the
folly of a regular investment of the fortress during a long and
severe winter, and decided to attempt to surprise the garrison by
a night assault. This plan was carried out in the early morning
of the thirty-first of December, 1775, wnen the darkness was
intensified by flurries of light blinding snow, but it failed before
the assailants could force the barricades which barred the way
to the upper town, where all the principal offices and buildings
were grouped, just below the chateau and fort of St Louis,
which towers above the historic heights. Montgomery was
killed, Arnold was wounded at the very outset, and a con-
siderable number of their officers and men were killed or

Carleton saved Quebec at this critical hour and was able in
the course of the same year, when General Burgoyne arrived
with reinforcements largely composed of subsidised German
regiments, to drive the continental troops in confusion from
the province and destroy the fleet which congress had formed
on Lake Champlain. Carleton took possession of Crown Point
but found the season too late it was now towards the end of
autumn to attempt an attack on Ticonderoga, which was
occupied by a strong and well-equipped garrison. After a
careful view of the situation he concluded to abandon Crown
Point until the spring, when he could easily occupy it again,
and attack Ticonderoga with every prospect of success. But
Carleton, soon afterwards, was ordered to give up the command
of the royal troops to Burgoyne, who was instructed by
Germaine to proceed to the Hudson River, where Howe was
to join him. Carleton naturally resented the insult that he
received and resigned the governor-generalship, to which

III.] The American Revolution. 71

General Haldimand was appointed. - Carleton certainly brought
Canada securely through one of the most critical epochs of her
history, and there is every reason to believe that he would
have saved the honour of England and the reputation of her
generals, had he rather than Burgoyne and Howe been en-
trusted with the direction of her armies in North America.

Carleton's administration of the civil government of the f
province was distinguished by a spirit of discretion and energy
which deservedly places him among the ablest governors who
ever presided over the public affairs of a colony. During the
progress of the American war the legislative council was not
able to meet until nearly two years after its abrupt adjournment
in September, 1775. At this session, in 1777, ordinances were
passed for the establishment of courts of King's bench, common
pleas, and probate.

A critical perusal of the valuable documents, placed of late
years in the archives of the Dominion, clearly proves that it was ,
a fortunate day for Canada when so resolute a soldier and far- !
sighted administrator as General Haldimand was in charge of
the civil and military government of the country after the
departure of Carleton. His conduct appears to have been
dictated by a desire to do justice to all classes, and it is most
unfair to his memory to declare that he was antagonistic to
French Canadians. During the critical time when he was en-
trusted with the public defence it is impossible to accuse him of
an arrogant or unwarrantable exercise of authority, even when he
was sorely beset by open and secret enemies of the British con-
nection. The French Canadian habitant found himself treated i
with a generous consideration that he never obtained during !
the French re'gime, and wherever his services were required by
the state, he was paid, not in worthless card money, but in
British coin. During Haldimand's administration the country
was in a perilous condition on account of the restlessness and
uncertainty that prevailed while the French naval and military
expeditions were in America, using every means of exciting a

72 Canada v.ndcr British Rule. [CHAP.

public sentiment hostile to England and favourable to France
among the French Canadians. Admiral D'Estaing's proclama-
tion in 1778 was a passionate appeal to the old national senti-
ment of the people, and was distributed in every part of the
province. Dr Kingsford believes that it had large influence in
creating a powerful feeling which might have seriously threat-
ened British dominion had the French been able to obtain
permission from congress to send an army into the country.
Whatever may have been the temper of the great majority of
the French Canadians, it does not appear that many of
them openly expressed their sympathy with France, for whom
they would naturally still feel a deep love as their motherland.
The assertion that many priests secretly hoped for the appear-
ance of the French army is not justified by any substantial
evidence except the fact that one La Valiniere was arrested
for his disloyalty, and sent a prisoner to England. It appears,
however, that this course was taken with the approval of the
bishop himself, who was a sincere friend of the English con-
nection throughout the war. Haldimand arrested a number of
persons who were believed to be engaged in treasonable prac-
tices against England, and effectively prevented any successful
movement being made by the supporters of the revolutionists,
or sympathisers with France, whose emissaries were secretly
working in the parishes.

Haldimand's principal opponent during these troublous
times was one Pierre du Calvet, an unscrupulous and able
intriguer, whom he imprisoned on the strong suspicion of
treasonable practices ; but the evidence against Calvet at that
time appears to have been inadequate, as he succeeded in
obtaining damages against the governor-general in an English
court. The imperial government, however, in view of all the
circumstances brought to their notice, paid the cost of the
defence of the suit. History now fully justifies the action of
Haldimand, for the publication of Franklin's correspondence
in these later times shows that Calvet who was drowned at

III.] The American Revolution. 73

sea and never again appeared in Canada was in direct cor-
respondence with congress, and the recognised emissary of the
revolutionists at the very time he was declaring himself devoted
to the continuance of British rule in Canada.

Leaving the valley of the St Lawrence, and reviewing the
conditions of affairs in the maritime provinces, during the
American revolution, we see that some of the settlers fromf
New England sympathised with their rebellious countrymen. \
The people of Truro, Onslow, and Londonderry, with the
exception of five persons, refused to take the oath of allegiance,
and were not allowed for some time to be represented in the
legislature. The assembly was always loyal to the crown, and
refused to consider the appeals that were made to it by cir-
cular letters, and otherwise, to give active aid and sympathy
to the rebellious colonies. During the war armed cruisers
pillaged the small settlements at Charlottetown, Annapolis,
Lunenburg, and the entrance of the St John River. One
expedition fitted out at Machias, in the present state of Maine,
under the command of a Colonel Eddy, who had been a
resident of Cumberland, attempted to seize Fort Cumberland-
known as Beausejour in French Acadian days at the mouth
of the Missiquash. In this section of the country there were
many sympathisers with the rebels, and Eddy expected to have
an easy triumph. The military authorities were happily on
the alert, and the only result was the arrest of a number of
persons on the suspicion of treasonable designs. The inhabit-
ants of the county of Yarmouth a district especially exposed
to attack only escaped the frequent visits of privateers by
secret negotiations with influential persons in Massachusetts.
The settlers on the St John River, at Maugerville, took mea-
sures to assist their fellow-countrymen in New England, but
the defeat of the Cumberland expedition and the activity of
the British authorities prevented the disaffected in Sunbury
county in which the original settlements of New Brunswick
were then comprised from rendering any practical aid to the

74 Canada under British Rule. [CHAP. III.

revolutionists. The authorities at Halifax authorised the fitting
out of privateers in retaliation for the damages inflicted on
western ports by the same class of cruisers sailing from New
England. The province was generally impoverished by the
impossibility of carrying on the coasting trade and fisheries
with security in these circumstances. The constant demand
for men to fill the army and the fleet drained the country
when labour was imperatively needed for necessary industrial
pursuits, including the cultivation of the land. Some Halifax
merchants and traders alone found profit in the constant
arrival of troops and ships. Apart, however, from the signs of
disaffection shown in the few localities I have mentioned, the
people generally appear to have been loyal to England, and
rallied, notably in the townships of Annapolis, Horton and
Windsor, to the defence of the country, at the call of the

In 1783 the humiliated king of England consented to a
peace with his old colonies, who owed their success not so
much to the unselfishness and determination of the great
body of the rebels as to the incapacity of British generals and
to the patience, calmness, and resolution of the one great man
of the revolution, George Washington. I shall in a later
chapter refer to this treaty in which the boundaries between
Canada and the new republic were so ignorantly and clumsily
defined that it took half a century and longer to settle the
vexed questions that arose in connection with -territorial rights,
and then the settlement was to the injury of Canada. So
far as the treaty affected the Provinces its most important
result was the forced migration of that large body of people
who had remained faithful to the crown and empire during
the revolution.


76 Canada under British Rule. [CHAP.

SECTION 3. The United Empire Loyalists.

John Adams and other authorities in the United States have
admitted that when the first shot of the revolution was fired by
"the embattled Jarmers " of Concord and Lexington, the
Loyalists numDerea one-tmrd of the whole population of the
colonies, or seven hundred thousand whites.^ Others believe
that the number was larger, and that the revolutionary party was
in a minority even after the declaration of independence. The
greater number of the Loyalists were to be found in the present
state of New York, where the capital was in possession of the
British from September, 1776, until the evacuation in 1783.
They were also the majority in Pennsylvania and the southern
colonies of South Carolina and Georgia. In all the other
states they represented a large minority of the best class of
their respective communities. It is estimated that there were
actually from thirty to thirty-five thousand, at one time or
other, enrolled in regularly organised corps, without including
the bodies which waged guerilla warfare in South Carolina and

It is only within a decade of years that some historical writers
in the United States have had the courage and honesty to
point out the false impressions long entertained by the majority
of Americans with respect to the Loyalists, who were in their
way as worthy of historical eulogy as the people whose efforts
to win independence were crowned with success. Professor
Tyler, of Cornell University, points out that these people com-
prised "in general a clear majority of those who, of whatever
grade of culture or of wealth, would now be described as con-
servative people." A clear majority of the official class, of
men representing large commercial interests and capital, of
professional training and occupation, clergymen, physicians,

HI.] The American Revolution. 77

lawyers and teachers, "seem to have been set against the
ultimate measures of the revolution." He assumes with justice
that, within this conservative class, one may "usually find at
least a fair portion of the cultivation, of the moral thoughtful-
ness, of the personal purity and honour, existing in the com-
munity to which they happen to belong." He agrees with
Dr John Fiske, and other historical writers of eminence in
the United States, in comparing the Loyalists of 1776 to the
Unionists of the southern war of secession from 1861 until
1865. They were "the champions of national unity, as resting
on the paramount authority of the general government." In
other words they were the champions of a United British
Empire in the eighteenth century.

"The old colonial system," says that thoughtful writer
Sir J. R. Seeley, "was not at all tyrannous ; and when the breach
came the grievances of which the Americans complained,
though perfectly real, were smaller than ever before or since
led to such mighty consequences." The leaders among the
Loyalists, excepting a few rash and angry officials probably,
recognised that there were grievances which ought to be
remedied. They looked on the policy of the party in power in
Great Britain as injudicious in the extreme, but they believed
that the relations between the colonies and the mother-state
could be placed on a more satisfactory basis by a spirit of
mutual compromise, and not by such methods as were insidi-
ously followed by the agitators against England. The Loyalists
generally contended for the legality of the action of parliament,
and were supported by the opinion of all high legal authorities ;
but the causes of difficulty were not to be adjusted by mere
lawyers, who adhered to the strict letter of the law, but by
statesmen who recognised that the time had come for recon-
sidering the relations between the colonies and the parent state,
and meeting the new conditions of their rapid development
and political freedom. These relations were not to be placed
on an equitable and satisfactory basis by mob-violence and

78 Canada under British Rule. [CHAP.

revolution. All the questions at issue were of a constitutional
character, to be settled by constitutional methods.

Unhappily, English statesmen of that day paid no atten-
tion to, and had no conception of, the aspirations, sentiments
and conditions of the colonial peoples when the revolutionary
war broke out. The king wished to govern in the colonies as
well as in the British Isles, and unfortunately the unwise
. assertign of his arrogant will gave dangerous men like Samuel
Adams, more than once, the opportunity they wanted^to stimu-
late public irritation and indignation against- England.,

It is an interesting fact, that the relations between Great
Britain and the Canadian Dominion are now regulated by just
such principles as were urged in the interests of England and
her colonies a hundred and twenty years ago by Governor
Thomas Hutchinson, a great Loyalist, to whom justice is at
last being done by impartial historians in the country where his
motives and acts were so long misunderstood and misrepre-
sented. * "Whatever measures," he wrote to a correspondent in
England, "you may take to maintain the authority of parliament,
give me leave to pray they may be accompanied with a decla-
ration that it is not the intention of parliament to deprive the
colonies of their subordinate power of legislation, nor to exercise
the supreme power except in such cases and upon such occasions
as an equitable regard to the interests of the whole empire
shall make necessary." But it took three-quarters of a century
after the coming of the Loyalists to realise these statesmanlike
conceptions of Hutchinson in the colonial dominions of
England to the north of the dependencies which she lost in the
latter part of the eighteenth century.

Similar opinions were entertained by Joseph Galloway,
Jonathan Boucher, Jonathan Odell, Samuel Seabury, Chief
Justice Smith, Judge Thomas Jones, Beverley Robinson and
other men of weight and ability among the Loyalists, who
recognised the short-sightedness and ignorance of the British
authorities, and the existence of real grievances. Galloway, one

in.] The American Revolution. 79

of the ablest men on the constitutional side, and a member of
the first continental congress, suggested a practical scheme
of imperial federation, well worthy of earnest consideration at
that crisis in imperial affairs. Eminent men in the congress
of 1774 supported this statesmanlike mode of placing the
relations of England and the colonies on a basis which would
enable them to work harmoniously, and at the same time give
full scope to the ambition and the liberties of the colonial
communities thus closely united ; but unhappily for the empire
the revolutionary element carried the day. The people at
large were never given an opportunity of considering this wise
proposition, and the motion was erased from the records of
congress. In its place, the people were asked to sign "articles
of association" which bound them to cease all commercial
relations with England. Had Galloway's idea been carried
out to a successful issue, (Cve might have now presented to
the world the noble spectacle of an empire greater_by~EaIT
a continent and seventy-five millions of peoplgj

But while Galloway and other Loyalists failed in their
measures of adjusting existing difficulties and remedying
grievances, history can still do full justice to their wise counsel
and resolute loyalty, which refused to assist in tearing the
empire to fragments. These men, who remained faithful to
this ideal to the very bitter end, suffered many indignities at the
hands of the professed lovers of liberty, even in those days
when the questions at issue had not got beyond the stage of
legitimate argument and agitation. The courts of law were
closed and the judges prevented from fulfilling their judicial
functions. No class of persons, not even women, were safe
from the insults of intoxicated ruffians. The clergy of the
Church of England were especially the object of contumely.

During the war the passions of both parties to the con-
troversy were aroused to the highest pitch, and some allowance
must be made for conditions which were different from those
which existed when the questions at issue were still matters of

8o Canada under British Rule. [CHAP.

argument. It is impossible in times of civil strife to cool the
passions of men and prevent them from perpetrating cruelties
and outrages which would be repugnant to their sense of
humanity in moments of calmness and reflection. Both sides,
more than once, displayed a hatred of each other that was
worthy of the American Iroquois themselves. The legislative
bodies were fully as vindictive as individuals in the persecution
of the Loyalists. Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, dis-
qualification for office, banishment, and even death in case of
return from exile, were among the penalties to which these
people were subject by the legislative acts of the revolutionary

If allowance can be made for the feelings of revenge and
passion which animate persons under the abnormal conditions
of civil war, no extenuating circumstances appear at that later
period when peace was proclaimed and congress was called
upon to fulfil the terms of the treaty and recommend to the
several independent states the restoration of the confiscated
property of Loyalists. Even persons who had taken up arms
were to have an opportunity of receiving their estates back on
condition of refunding the money which had been paid for
them, and protection was to be afforded to those persons
during twelve months while they were engaged in obtaining
the restoration of their property. It was also solemnly agreed
by the sixth article of the treaty that there should be no future
confiscations or prosecutions, and that no person should "suffer
any future loss or damage, either in his person, liberty or
property," for the part he might have taken in the war. Now
was the time for generous terms, such terms as were even
shown by the triumphant North to the rebellious South at the
close of the war of secession. The recommendations of
congress were treated with contempt by the legislatures in all
the states except in South Carolina, and even there the popular
feeling was entirely opposed to any favour or justice being
shown to the beaten party. The sixth article of the treaty, a

III.] The American Revolution. 8 1

solemn obligation, was violated with malice andjyem^ditation.
The Loyalists, many of whom had returned from Great Britain
with the hope of receiving back their estates, or of being
allowed to remain in the country, soon found they could
expect no generous treatment from the successful republicans.
The favourite Whig occupation of tarring and feathering was
renewed. Loyalists were warned to leave the country as soon
as possible, and in the south some were shot and hanged
because they did not obey the warning. The Loyalists, for
the most part, had no other course open to them than to leave
the country they still loved and where they had hoped to die.

The British government endeavoured, so far as it was in its
power, to compensate the Loyalists for the loss of their property
by liberal grants of money and land ; but despite all that was
done for them the majority felt a deep bitterness in their hearts
as they landed on new shores of which they had heard most
depressing accounts. More than thirty-five thousand men,
women and children, made their homes within the limits of
the present Dominion. In addition to these actual American
Loyalists, there were several thousands of negroes, fugitives
from their owners, or servants of the exiles, who have been .
generally counted in the loose estimates made of the migration I
of 1783, and the greater number of whom were at a later time
deported from Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone. Of the exiles at \
least twenty-five thousand went to the maritime colonies, and
built up the province of New Brunswick, where representative
institutions were established in 1784. Of the ten thousand
people who sought the valley of the St Lawrence, some settled
in Montreal, at Chambly, and in parts of the present Eastern
Townships, but the great majority accepted grants of land on
the banks of the 5t Lawrence from River Beaudette, on Lake
St Francis, as far as the beautiful Bay of Quinte in the
Niagara District, and on the shores of Lake Erie. The
coming of these people, subsequently known by the name
of "U. E. Loyalists" a name appropriately given to them

B. C. J

82 Canada under British Rule. [CHAP.

in recognition of their fidelity to a United Empire was a
most auspicious event for the British-American provinces,
the greater part of which was still a wilderness. As we
have seen in the previous chapters, there was in the Acadian

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