John Henry Blunt.

Dictionary of sects, heresies, ecclesiastical parties, and schools of religious thought online

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on educating the heart, and treated mankind as
if it was rather wrong than otherwise to educate

' In the year 1844 one of the leading men of the later
Low Church party, Close, afterwards Dean of Carlisle,
published a pamphlet against such work, entitled The
Restoration of Chv/rches the Restoration of Popery. Be
happily lived to restore Carlisle Cathedral in the idighest
ecclesiastical taste.

the head. They would not, in terms, have
denied that reason and intellect are the gifts of
God as well as faith and love, but there was always
among them a latent prejudice against the exer-
cise of the intellect, on the ground that it inter-
fered with the work of grace in the soul. What-
ever educational work, therefore, the Evangelical
school engaged in, it was undertaken as a conces-
sion to "the world" which needed to be apolo-
gized for on the part of those who were " true
Christians." The consequence was that no suffi-
cient measures were adopted for educating the
poor, that the schools of the middle classes fell
into the hands of those who were incompetent to
teach anything beyond such rudimentary know-
ledge as would barely suffice for shopkeeping (a
teaching unworthy the name of " commercial
education" which was given to it), and that the
higher education of the public schools and the
universities became, practically, of the most secu-
lar character possible.

Added to this, the Evangelical clergy entirely
failed to guide the intellect of the country in their
sermons. Their system was built up on a few
leading doctrines, and on these two or three
strings they were ever harping. They set an ex-
cellent object before themselves, that of convert-
ing the world, but their scheme of conversion did
not comprehend the subjugation of the intellec-
tual powers to the power of grace; it rather looked
to their suppression by it. Hence the " march
of intellect" left such pulpits of the Church of
England as were occupied by them far in the
rear. The Bible was made to run on Calvinistic
rails, and those who declined to force all inter-
pretation of it in this direction were looked upon
as bringing "human reasoning" to bear upon the
Word of God, and as treating that Word with
disrespect instead of reverence by so doing. In
the earlier days of the Evangelical movement
there was indeed a section of the clergy engaged
in it who revolted against this narrow view of
Holy Scripture, and endeavoured to establish
that system of Biblical science which is known
as "Hutchinsonianismj" but this peculiar mys-
ticism was as unintelligible to the world at large
as German philosophy; it made no impression
whatever on the age, and touched none of the
Biblical questions which are of vital interest to
mankind. [Hutohinsonians.] Almost the only
other direction in which the intellectual studies
of the school ever turned was that of the inter-
pretation of unfulfilled prophecy ; and the mean
results of their researches in this direction were
uninspired predictions respecting the fall of the
papacy, the advent of the millennium, and the
end of the world ; predictions the rashness and
valuelessness of which has been shewn in most
cases by the "logic of events" in their non-fulfil-
ment. The consequence of all this was that the
Low Church clergy were utterly powerless against
the irreligious intellect which they had permitted
to develope itself unchecked ; their pulpit teaching
never touched the educated mind of the age, and
their own mental power was so dwarfed that they
were whoUy unable to influence for good the won-



derfuUy rapid growth of literature during the last

The Evangelical movement may thus be cha-
racterized generally as a movement of transition,
so far as national religious hfe is concerned. It
■vvas a movement of uninteUectual subjective reli-
gion, leading onwards to a movement of intel-
lectual objective religion. It taught habits of
prayer as a stage on the road towards habits of
adoration, so that the idea of getting good for
ourselves by prayer was supplemented (under the
influence of a later school) by the idea of wor-
shipping God for His own glory. It revived the
spirit of faith, that others might afterwards set
before believers definite objects in which to be-
lieve. Such a work should never be valued lightly,
for when men had been brought to a sense of sin,
to repentance, and to the love of God, there was
but a little way further for the religious life of
the nation to travel before it would reach that
higher ground to which, in the next generation,
it attained. [High Chubchmbn.]

LTJCIANISTS. A section of the Marcionites,
followers of Lucian, as he is called by Hippolytus
and Epiphanius, or Lucan, as he is called by Ter-
tullian and Origen. This heretic was originally
a disciple of Marcion [Hippol. Refut. Hcbt. vii.
25], and seems to have formed a sect of his own
(as his companion Apelles did) about a.d. 140.
Beausobre, Lardner, and some others of the same
school, consider that they are identical with the
Seleuoians, who are mentioned by Augustine
and Philaster, but the principal ground for this
opinion is that the name of Seleuous is given as
Leuoius in some manuscripts of St. Jerome's
works. [Lardner's Hist. Heret. 283.]

The particular tenet by which the Lucianists
were distinguished from the Marcionites in gene-
ral was that, in the resurrection from the dead,
neither the actual body nor the actual soul of the
deceased person would arise, but that a " tertium
quid," something created for the purpose, would
represent his personality. " "We may ignore,"
says Tertullian, " a certain Lucan, who does not
spare even this part of our nature, the soul, which
he follows Aristotle in reducing to dissolution,
and substitutes some other thing in lieu of it.
Some third nature it is which, according to him,
is to rise again, neither soul nor flesh ; in other
words, not a man, but a bear perhaps — for in-
stance, Lucan himself" [Tertull. de Resurr. cam.
ii.]. This may have been intended by Tertullian
to indicate that Lucan believed in the transmi-
gration of human souls into animals of a lower
nature than man [MUl's N. T. Prolegom. 334, p.
37]. But this opinion was attributed to Marcion
by Epiphanius, and the words of Tertullian seem
to be rather a contemptuous rejection of Lucan's
opinion, whatever it was, than a statement that
such was the terminus of that opinion. Neander
considers that Lucan " thought himself compelled
to believe that everything ' psychical' was perish-
able ; but that the TrvivfiariKov only, which par-
ticipated of the Divine life, was immortal"
[Neander, Gh. Hist. ii. 151, Bohn's transl.]

There is no evidence that the Lucianists ever

occupied any important position as a sect, Epi-
phanius knowing scarcely anything about them
in his time [Epiph. Hceres. xliii.]. Lucan him-
self, however, exercised no small influence for
evil, being condemned as the author of many
forged imitations of Scripture as early as the end
of the fifth century, by Gelasius [Gelas. Decret.
Labb. Condi, iv. 1264]. Many of the apocry-
phal writings now extant under the names of the
Apostles are also traced up to him by Grabe
^SpicUeg. 8. 8. Patr. ut et Hxret. vol. i], Mill
Prolegom. ad N. T\ and Beausobre \Hiet.
Manich. vol. i.].

LUCIAlSriSTS. A name sometimes given to
the early Arians from Lucian, who was one of
the most famous heads of the school of Antioch,
and among whose pupUs had been the Arian
bishops Eusebius of jSTicomedia, Maris of Chal-
cedon, Theognis of Mcaea, Leontius of Antioch,
Antonius of Tarsus, and others [PhUostorg.
Hist. Ecd. ii. 14]. Lucian was himself a- pupil
of the heretical Paul of Samosata, and Alexander,
Bishop of Alexandria, accuses him of having
adopted his opinions [Theodor. Hist. Ecd. i. 4].
During the persecution of Athanasius the Euse-
bian party brought forward a Semi- Arian creed,
which they alleged to be in the handwriting of
Lucian [Sozom. Hist. Ecd. iii. 5] ; but Sozomen
seems to doubt whether this was a true assertion,
and adds that Lucian was a most estimable man,
and learned in the Holy Scriptures. Epiphanius
speaks of him as infected with Arian errors
[Epiph. Hmres. xliii.]. If Lucian was in any
sense the father of the errors taught by his pupils
he must have renounced them himself in his
later life, for he is spoken of in the highest terms
by St. Athanasius, St. Jerome [Catal. cap. Ixxvii.],
and St. Clirysostom [Opp. i. Horn, xlvi.] ; and the
touching account of his martyrdom at Nicomedia
A.D. 311], during the Diocletian per.secution
^Euseb. Hist. Ecd. viii. 13, ix. 6; Philostorg.
Hist. Ecd. ii. 13], offers no indication that he
was then an Arian. Epiphanius \l. c] says that
tlie Arians in his time had indeed claimed Lucian
as one of their martyrs, but he has had a place
in Catholic martyrologies from the earhdst times
to which they can be traced.

LUCIFEEIANS. A schismatical party, fol-
lowers of Lucifer, Bishop of Caralis (Cagliari) in
Sardinia, who in the year 362 separated from the
Church, on the ground that Arian bishops and
clergy, on their return to the Church, ought
to be admitted only to lay communion, and that
the Church which receives them into the clerisy
is contaminated, and her communion to be

Lucifer, the fellow-labourer of Athanasius,
Eusebius of Veroelli, and Hilary of Poitiers,
commended by Athanasius and Jerome \Apol. de
Fuga. Opp. i. p. 703, ed. 1627; adv. Lucif.
Opp. i. p. 169, ed. 1616], the undaunted
opponent of the Arian Emperor at the Council
of Milan [Hieron. de Vir. Illustr.], feU into this
schism through dissatisfaction at'the lenity of
the Council of Alexandria, which decided that
Arian bishops and clergy, on reception into the



Church should retain their rank and office
[Athan. Epist. ad Antioch, i. p. 374]. The
divisions of the Church of Antioch at the time of
this council, and the part which Lucifer took are
narrated elsewhere. [Meletians, Antiochenb.]
It is frequently said that the general disapproval
of the consecration of PauUnus for the Eustathians
was the first cause of Lucifer's separating himself
from the communion of the Catholic hishops.
But Paulinus' title was recognised by the Council
of Alexandria, and generally by the Western
Church. The disapproval of Eusebius [Sozom.
Hid. Ecd. v. 13], and of others in private, may
have led to a breach of communion with them indi-
vidually, but could not have outweighed the recep-
tion of Paulinus by the council. The vehemence
of Lucifer's opposition to the Arians drove him
into an excess of rigour in discipline, and led him
to advance maxims which excommunicated the
whole Church. He retired to his diocese, and
for the remainder of his life continued with
his followers in separation from the Church.
Theodoret states that he added certain new
dogmas to the doctrine of the Church [H. E. iii.
5]. But the testimonies of Ambrose, Jerome,
and Augustine clear him of this charge [Amb.
Qrat. de ohitu Satyri ; Jerome, adv. Lucif. ;
August. Har. Ixxxi.]. His rule was that lay-
men coming over from the Arians were to be
received by imposition of hands, with invocation
of the Holy Spirit, that clerics could be received
only to lay communion, and that the Church de-
ciding otherwise was turned into a brothel. This
last was a familiar word with the Luciferians, and
Lucifer's known violence of language makes it pro-
bable enough that the word was his. The usual
assumption of schismatics that the Church has
apostatized is reproved by Jerome, ' ' Christ did not
come down solely for the Sardinian sheepskin,"
" Christ is too poor if he has only a church in
Sardinia;" and the disciplinary maxim is con-
troverted at length in the dialogue referred to.

From these expressions of Jerome Lardner
inferred that the schism never spread very far.
This is construing Jerome's words too literally.
The schism found its way into Italy, Antioch,
Spain, and Egypt ; and a bishop of the sect was
created for Eome [Marcell. et Eaust. in Bibl. Pair.
Jjugd. v.] Hilary the Deacon, a Sardinian, who
had been associated with Lucifer and Eusebius
at the Council of Milan, followed Lucifer ; and
presently went beyond him by rebaptizing the
Arians, for which Jerome calls him " Deucalion
orbis" [adv. Lucif. p. 170].

About A.D. 384 the Luciferians obtained a re-
script from Theodosius, to secure them from per-
secution, since they made no innovations in the
faith. But the party came to an end rapidly.
Theodvoret speaks of it as extinct in his time
[H. E. iii. 5].

The Church of Cagliari celebrated the feast of
a Saint Lucifer on the 20th of May. Two Arch-
bishops of Sardinia wrote for and against the
sanctity of Lucifer. The Congregation of the In-
quisition imposed silence on both parties, and
decreed that the veneration of Lucifer should

stand as it was. The BoUandists defend this
decree of the Congregation, Baillet, in his Life of
Lucifer (and Natalis Alexander), contending that
the Lucifer in question is not the author of the
schism, but another Lucifer who suffered martyr-
dom in the persecution of the Vandals. [Calmet,
Sac. and Prof. History, Ixv. 110. Liguori, Hist.
Hmres. 1. iv. 3, 50. Nat. Alex. vii. 117, ed. 1787.]

LUCIFERIANS. A local name of the Beg-
HAEDS, by which they were known in Anger-
miinde about a.d. 1336. [Chronic. Magd. ap,
Meibom. ii. 340. Mosh. de Baghard. 338.]

LUCOPETEIANS. A name given to the
Messalians from an alleged founder named Peter.
Euthyrnius Zigabenus says that he set himself uj)
as the Messiah, and promised to appear again
after his death ; that three days after his death
his disciples were watching for his resurrection
when the devil appeared to them in the form of
a wolf, and that hence they named their founder
in derision Ai/KoVerpos, or Wolf-Peter. The prin-
cipal disciple and successor of Peter is said to
have been Tychicus, whom Euthyrnius alleges to
have applied to his master all the texts in Holy
Scripture which speak of the First and Third
Persons of the Holy Trinity. What is the true
foundation of this legend it is impossible to say.
[Euthyrnius, Triumph, de Secta Messalian.']

LULLAEDS. The name of some fraternities
in Germany and the Netherlands, which were
formed in the twelfth century for carrying to
the grave the bodies of those who had died of
the plague when no other persons were willing
to perform this office of charity, and who were
popularly so called from the soft funeral hymns
which they sang [" Mien," " lollen," " lallen,"
Old German] as their mournful processions went
on their way. These fraternities were known
among themselves by the names of " Cellite
Brothers and Sisters " or " Brothers and Sisters
of St. Alexius;" the one from their houses claim-
ing to be monastic cells, the other from their
patron saint. They were also known as " die
Nollbriider," from the obsolete word " Nollen."

The Lullards appear to have been viewed with
distrust at a very early date by the ecclesiastical
authorities. In the year 1309 they are spoken
of in the neighbourhood of Lifege as " quidam
hypocritse gyrovagi, qui ' LoUardi,' sive Deum
laudantes, vocabantur" [Gest. Pontif Leod. Script.
ii. 350]. In 1395 the Pope Boniface IX. recalls
any privileges which had been granted by him-
self or his predecessors to persons of either sex
" vulgo Beghardi, sen ' Lullardi ' et ' Zuestriones,'
a seipsis ' Fratricelli ' seu ' Pauperes puerili '
nominati," on the ground that heresies were lurk-
ing among them. A few years afterwards [a.d.
1408] Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, com-
plains that his province is infected with " new
unprofitable doctrines, and blemished with the
new damnable brand of Lollardy " [Johnson's
Canons, ii. 470.]

In the year 1472 the Cellites were admitted
among the exempt religious orders by Sixtus IV.,
and had further privileges conferred upon them
in 1506 by Julius III. It is probable therefore

L ittherans


thab the name of Lullard had come to signify
two different classes of persons, the original fra-
ternities for the hurial of the dead, and those
who were associated with the general stream of
heresy which began to flow so strongly in tlie
Beghards and the Wickliflfites in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries [Mosh. Ecd. Hist. ii. 285,
Stubbs' ed.].

LUTHEEANS. In the begiiming of the
sixteenth century the urgent need of a Ee-
formation in the Church became universally
acknowledged. Corruption tainted every order.
Bishops and abbots had become more like secular
princes than spiritual fathers, or had degenerated
into unscrupulous statesmen, their example na-
turally affecting the lower orders of the clergy
and the laity also. The Papacy had been polluted
by the immoralities of Alexander VL, and was
not raised very highly again as a religious in-
stitution by Julius II., a man in whom there was
more of the soldier than the priest, or by Leo X.,
whose elegant tastes and refined scholarship were
chequered by a scarcely disguised infidelity. In
fact the revival of learning had become, in Italy
at least, a revival of heathenism, and the state of
morals, as revealed in Boccaccio's Decameron,
was frightful in the extreme, while the wealth of
nations was drained into Italy upon religious
pretexts, to support the luxuriousness of the
Eoman Court. It was under these circumstances
that Lutheranism sprang into being, and as all
reform within the Church was at first refused,
the Catholic Church lost a considerable part of
the Teutonic and all the Scandinavian race.

Martin Luther, the son of John Luther, a re-
finer of metals, was born at Eisleben in Saxony,
on the Eve of St. Martin's Day 1483. His
childhood was passed at Mansfield, were his father
had settled as chief magistrate. The Universities,
first of Eisenach and then of Magdeburg, laid in
Lim the foundations of that learning of which he
afterwards made such effectual use. In 1501 he
migrated to the University of Erfurt, where he
took his degree. He had originally intended to
devote himself to the study of civil law, but the
sudden death of a friend, struck by lightning,
strengthened in him those religious impressions
by which he had always been to a great extent
influenced. Accordingly, he entered in 1505 the
monastery of Augustine Eremites at Erfurt, sup-
posing that the life and discipline of a monk was
the best aid to the practice of religion and study
of theology. His religious history at this period
is interesting. He used often to meditate upon
the anger of God and His many judgments of sin,
until at length he became possessed by an ex-
treme dread of eternal judgment. His fears
urged him on to a more diligent study of the
Scriptures, with which it is said that he first be-
came acquainted in his monastery, and at the same
time the sermons of an aged monk at Erfurt on
the remission of sins taught him to discriminate
between a general belief in the article, such as
devils might have, and the particular adaptation
of it to his own needs. This led him to a more
attentive study of St. Paul's Epistles, and from

them he at length evolved his doctrine of
justification by faith only. His principle was,
believe, or rather feel, that your sins are for-
given, and they are forgiven. ■ This faith would
cover anything. He is reported to have said,
"Pecca fortiter, crede fortius." Meanwhile he
studied carefully the works of St. Augustine, nor
did he negleat the authors who had the best re-
pute in his day, the Schoolman Ockham, as
might have been expected, being his favourite
among them.

In 1508 he was summoned to the newly-
founded University of Wittenberg, at the in-
stance of John Staupitz, Provincial of the
Augustinians, and Professor at Wittenberg. There
his fame for philosophical and theological know-
ledge increased. In 1507 he had been ordained
priest and celebrated his first mass. Three years
later he was sent on business connected with his
order to Eome, where the profligacy, the in-
fidelity, and the irreligion that prevailed, did not
help to confirm his attachment to the existing
order of things. In 1512 he took his Doctor's
degree, and began to give public instruction in
Theology. In his lectures he based his teaching
upon the Scriptures and the writings of St. Au-
gustine, rather than upon the Schoolmen, against
whom he wrote several theses.

At this time Leo X., who wanted money partly
to meet his extravagances and partly to complete
St. Peter's, sought to supply the want by issuing
an extraordinary number of indulgences. These
had originally l)een remissions or relaxations of
canonical penance, but were now regarded as full
pardons for every kind of sin, past, present, or to
come, so that the fortunate possessor would be
secure of an immediate entrance into Paradise
after death. The sale of these indulgences was
conducted with scarcely less decorum than that
of quack medicines at a fair ; one of their most
scandalous vendors being Tetzel, a Dominican
friar, the sub-commissary of the Elector Arch-
bishop of Mayence, who carried on the business
as a mere matter of ordinary trade, wherein the
object was to gain the largest possible return.
It was even said that indulgences were staked at
the gaming-table. The discontent which this
conduct caused impelled John of Staupitz to put
forward Luther to oppose him, a task which
Luther was ready enough to undertake ; for some
of those who had confessed to him had held
forth the indulgences as a plea against the pen-
ance which he had imposed : whereupon he had
refused them absolution, and so drew upon him-
self the angry threats of Tetzel.

Luther, having appealed in vain to the Elector
Archbishop to stop the sale, first preached a ser-
mon against the abuse, and then in the autumn
of 1517 set up on the door of the Castle Church
in Wittenberg ninety-five theses against indul-
gences, copies of which he also sent to the neigh-
bouring bishops [Loscher, Acts of the Reforma-
tion, i. 4387]. He maintained therein that the
whole life of a Christian ought to be one con-
tinued act of penance; that the papal indul-
gences could not go beyond the remission of can-



onical penance, whicli could be imposed on the
living only; therefore, they did not affect the
dead : that those who trusted in them for salva-
tion would with their deluders perish everlast-
ingly ; that they are in fact quite distinct from
the pardon of God ; that contrition alone is neces-
sary ; that the truly penitent have full remission
from all pains or guilt, even though they be with-
out a written indulgence. He did not however
undervalue papal absolution as a declaration of
remission, but he considered it most hurtful if
men got to trust in it, or lost through it the fear
of God : if the Pope possessed the power he
ought to exercise it freely for the love of God,
and not for the sake of money or to buUd a
church. He also preached a sermon on indul-
gence and grace, in which he attacked the doc-
trine that satisfaction necessarily finds place in
true repentance. These proceedings drew out
from Tetzel a reply in the shape of counter theses,
in which he was seconded by other men of learn-
ing, chiefly Dominicans, to whom Luther replied
with great acrimony and zeal.

The Pope, though at first he did not trouble
himself about the matter, was at length per-
suaded to interfere. Instead, however, of requir-
ing Luther's presence at Eome, which had been
his first intention, he deputed his Cardinal Le-
gate Cajetan, at Augsburg, to arrange the dis-
pute. His haughty demand of unconditional
submission provoked Luther to appeal from a
Pope who had been ill informed to one who
should be better informed, and at length from
the Pope to a General Council. About this timo
the Emperor Maximilian died, and during the
interval before the election of a successor the
government was conducted by the Vicar of the
Empire, Frederick, Elector of Saxony, Luther's
immediate sovereign and protector. Meanwhile
the papal proceedings were suspended, and Luther
had time to draw around him friends and followers,
among whom the most celebrated was Schwartz-
erd, or Melanchthon, a professor of Wittenberg.
Leo wished to win over Erederick with a view
to the imperial election, and accordingly sent his
chamberlain, Charles of Miltitz, to settle affairs.
By his conciliating manner he persuaded Luther
to promise to keep silent, if his enemies did the
same, and to profess publicly obedience to Eome.
This Luther was the more easily persuaded to do

Online LibraryJohn Henry BluntDictionary of sects, heresies, ecclesiastical parties, and schools of religious thought → online text (page 75 of 171)