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sentiment of duty. My ambition limits itself
to doing what I ought for France, for the mem-

1830.] LIFE IN EXILE. 347

Appeal to the Chamber of Deputies.

ory of my brother, and to die upon my native
soil a witness of the happiness of 'the grandson
of your Majesty, which is inseparable from that
of France .and from the tranquillity of Europe.
I can only contribute to that to-day by my
wishes. May your Majesty second them by
his powerful influence, and thus consolidate the
peace of the world and the eternal glory of his

On the same day, September 18, Joseph
wrote an earnest appeal to the French Chamber
of Deputies. 1 The following extracts will show
its character. " It is impossible that a house,
reigning through the principle of divine right,
should maintain itself upon a throne from which
it has been expelled by the nation. The di-
vorce between the House of Bourbon and the
French people has been pronounced, and noth-
ing can destroy the souvenirs of the past. In
vain the Duke of Orleans abjures his house in
the moment of its misfortunes. A Bourbon
himself, returning to France, sword in hand,
with the Bourbons, in the train of foreign ar-
mies, what matter is it that his father voted for
the death of the King, his cousin, that he might
take his place? What matter is it that the

* CEuvres de Napoleon III. tome deuxifeme, p. 441.


Appeal to the Chamber of Deputies.

brother of Louis XVI. named him lieutenant-
general of the realm, and regent of his grand-
son ? Is he the less a Bourbon? Has he the
less pretension of being entitled to the throne
by the right of birth ? Is it through the choice
of the people, or the right of birth, that he
claims to sit upon the throne of his ancestors?
" The family of Napoleon has been elected
by three million five hundred thousand votes.
If the nation deem it for its interest to make
another choice, it has the power and the right
to do so ; but the nation alone. Napoleon II.
was proclaimed king by the Chamber of Dep-
uties in 1815, which recognized in him a right
conferred by the nation. That he may be the
legitimate sovereign, in the true acceptation of
the word, that is to say, legally and voluntarily
chosen by the people, there is no need of a new
election so long as the nation has not adopted
any other form of government. Still the na-
tion is supreme to confirm or reject the titles
it has given according to its pleasure. Till
then, gentlemen, you are bound to recognize
Napoleon II. And until Austria shall restore
him to the wishes of France, I offer myself to
share your perils, your efforts, your labors, and,
upon his arrival, to transmit to him the will, the

1830.] LIFE IN EXILE. 349

Letter to General Lamarque.

examples, the last dispositions of his father, dy-
ing a victim of the enemies of France upon the
rock of Saint Helena. These words the Emper-
or addressed to me through General Bertrand :

" * Say to my son that he should remember,
first of all, that he is a Frenchman. Let him
give the nation as much liberty as I have given
it equality. Foreign wars did not permit me
to do that which I should have done at the
general peace. I was perpetually in dictator-
ship. But I ever had, as the motive in all my
actions, the love and the grandeur of the great
nation. Let him take my device, Every thing
for the French people. It is to that people we
are indebted for all that we .have been.

" ' The liberty of the press is the triumph of
truth. It is that which should diffuse general
intelligence. Let it speak, and let the will of
the great mass of the people be accomplished.' "

Again, on the 26th of September, Joseph
wrote to General Lamarque: "The Duke of
Orleans, by his birth, by his connection with the
reigning branches of the family of Bourbon,
which he in vain attempts to ignore, will soon
be suspected by the patriots of France, and by
the liberals of Italy and of Spain. The act
which places him upon the throne, not ernanat-


Letter to General Lamarque.

ing from the nation, can not constitute him
king of the French. A few capitalists in Paris
are not France. He can not therefore have the
cordial assent of the liberals of any country.
He can not have the support of those who be-
lieve in the legitimacy of the elder branch of
his house. He can not have the assent of those
who have not lost the memory of the votes
which the nation gave to Napoleon, and to Na-
poleon II., whom the Chamber of Deputies
proclaimed in 1815.

" The Duke of Orleans, was he not a pupil
of Dumourier? Did he not, like Dumourier,
desert the cause of the nation ? Did he not,
in London, in the presence of all the emigrant
French nobility, ask pardon and make the
amende honorable for having, for one instant,
borne the national colors? Did he not go to
Cadiz, sent by the English, to fight the French
troops who did not then wear the white cockade
of the Bourbons ? Did he not enter France
in the train of the Allies, sword in hand, with
his cousins? Was he not rescued with them,
and did he not owe to the disaster at Waterloo
his return to France?

" The thirty-two individuals who called him
first to the lieutenant-generalship of the realm

1830.] LIFE IN EXILE. 351

Letter to General Bernard.

would have called some one else if they had
not been greatly influenced by his rights of
birth. Was there no other man in France
more worthy to take temporarily the helm of
state? General La Fayette, who was at the head
of the provisory government, would he not
have given to the nation, and to the friends of
liberty and of order in the two worlds, stronger
guaranties than a prince of the House of Bour-
bon ? The enthronement of the Duke of Or-
leans can be approved only by the enemies of
France. His illegitimacy, both in view of the
sovereignty of the people and of the partisans of
divine right, is so evident that he can only gov-
ern by being submissive to the will of the fac-
tions, whom he will be compelled to obey, now
one, and now another. The time for represent-
ative governments has arrived. Liberty, equal-
ity, public order can not exist where those gov-
erning are of a different species from those who-
are governed."

In a letter to General Bernard, on the 29th
of September, Joseph uttered the following
prophetic sentiment: "You were deceived by
your informants when you said that the name
of Napoleon was not pronounced by the com-
batants. It was pronounced by them. It was


Letter to La Fayette,

pronounced by the Army of Algiers. It is to-
day pronounced by the people in the depart-
ments and will soon be by entire France. The
artifices of intrigue and deception are tempo-
rary. The national will, sooner or later, must

La Fayette had been mainly instrumental in
placing the Duke of Orleans upon the throne
of France. He wrote to Joseph Bonaparte ex-
plaining his reasons for this. In allusion to
the fact that he was compelled to yield to the
pressure of circumstances, he said, " You know
that in home affairs, as in foreign affairs, no
one can do just what he wishes to have done.
Your incomparable brother, with his power, his
character, his genius, experienced this himself."
He also expressed his strong disapproval of the
dictatorship of Napoleon, and of the aristocra-
cy which he introduced. Joseph replied from
Point Breeze, under date of January 15, 1831 :

"My DEARGENERAL, I have received your
letter of the 26th of November. I am satisfied
that under the circumstances you did that
which you conscientiously thought it your duty
to do. You have thought, as have I, and as
did the Emperor Napoleon, that a republic
could not, at present, be established in France.

1831.] LIFE IN EXILE. 353

Letter to La Fayette.

You have recoiled before the confusion which
it would introduce in the interior. You could
undoubtedly have found a remedy for that in
the family which the nation had called to such
high destinies. But the hatred of foreigners
against that family which France had chosen,
inclined you to a prince between whom and le-
gitimacy there was but a single child. 1

"My reply is short. Let France preserve
peace and liberty with that family. Let such
become the national will legitimately expressed,
and the conduct of the sixty-two Deputies, who
have called the second branch of the House of
Bourbon to power, will no longer be discussed
by any one. Will this be done ? Time alone
can tell us.

" The portion of your letter in which you
speak of the Napoleonic system as impressed
with despotism and aristocracy merits, on my
part, a more detailed response. While I ren-
der justice to your good intentions, I can not
but deplore the situation in which you found
yourself when released from the prisons of Aus-

1 Charles X. abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Duke
of Bordeaux, a child seven or eight years old. Should that
child die, the Duke of Orleans would be the legitimate Bour-
bon candidate for the throne.



Letter to La Fayette.

tria. That imprisonment did not permit you
to judge of the influence exerted upon the na-
tional opinion and character by the wretched
Reign of Terror. You had only seen the liber-
al system of America, and you have condemn-
ed the all-powerful man who did not transfer
that system to France. I remember that one
day my brother, in coming from an interview
with you, my dear general, said to me these
words :

"'I have just had a very interesting con-
versation with the Marquis de la Fayette upon
the subject of the disorderly persons whom the
police has sent from Paris. I have said to him
that this was done that they might not disturb
the tranquillity of good men like himself, whose
residence in France appeared to them one of
my crimes. 1 The Marquis de la Fayette does
not know the character of these people in whom
he interests himself. He was in the prisons of
despotism when these people made all France
to tremble. But France remembers this too
well. We are not here in America.'

*' Napoleon never doubted your good inten-
tions. But he thought that you judged too fa-

1 The Jacobins wished all whom they termed aristocrats
guillotined or expelled from France.

1832.] LIFE IN EXILE. 355

vorably of your contemporaries. He was forced
into war by the English, and into the dictator-
ship by the war. These few words are the
history of the Empire. Napoleon incessantly
said to me, ' When will peace arrive ? Then
only can I satisfy all, and show myself as I

" The aristocracy of which you accuse him
was only the mode of placing himself in har-
mony with Europe. But the old feudal aristo-
cracy was never in his favor. The proof of
this is that he was its victim, and that he ex-
piated, at Saint Helena, the crime of having
wished to employ all the institutions in favor
of the people ; and the European aristocracy
contrived to turn against him even those very
masses for whose benefit he was laboring.
The French nation renders him justice; and
the European masses will not be slow to say
that Napoleon had ever in view the suffrage
of posterity, whose verdict is always in favor
of him who has only in view the happiness of
his country."

On the 15th of February, 1832, Joseph
wrote from Point Breeze to the Duke of
Reichstadt as follows

" MY DEAR NEPHEW, The bearer of this


Letter to the Duke of Reichstadt.

letter will be the interpreter of my sentiments.
He has passed several weeks in my retreat.
They have been occupied with the souvenirs
of your father, and of your future lot. I was
born eighteen months before your father. We
were brought up together. Nothing has ever
diminished the warm affection which united
us. At his death he entrusted to me the care
of communicating to you his last wishes. But
before my distance from you enabled me to
fulfill that duty, his testament had been pub-
lished in all the leading journals of Europe.

" When, in 1830, the house imposed upon
France by foreigners was again expelled by the
nation, I hastened to address to the Chamber
of Deputies, and to his Imperial Majesty, your
grandfather, the inclosed letters. But my dis-
tance from France still thwarted my wishes,
and the younger branch of that same house
was again imposed upon France by a factious
minority. Innumerable calumnies, intended
to alienate the nation from you, were scattered
abroad with profusion. A chamber, control-
led by the Government usurping the rights of
the nation, proscribed us anew. But the
voice of the people called you, Of that I
have conclusive evidence.

1832.] LIFE IN EXILE. 357

Letter to the Duke of Keichstadt

"Let his Imperial Majesty consent to en-
trust you to my care ; let him send me a pass-
port that I may come to him and to you, I
will quit my retreat to respond to his confi-
dence, to yours, to the sentiment which com-
mands me to spare no efforts to restore to the
love of the French the son of the man whom
I have loved the most of any one upon earth.
My opinions are well known in France. They
are in harmony with those of the nation. If
you enter France with me and a tri-color scarf,
you will be received there as the son of Na-

" When you were born in Paris, the 20th of
March, 1811, your father had become, through
the love of the French people as well as through
the obstinacy of the English oligarchy making
war upon him, the most powerful prince in
Europe. The English oligarchy foresaw the
prosperity which France, governed in accord-
ance with the liberal doctrines of the age,
would attain if she had peace. That oligar-
chy feared the contagion of the example upon
other states. Therefore it did not cease to
employ the immense resources which the mo-
nopoly of the commerce of the world placed
at its disposal to excite against Napoleon ene-


Letter to the Duke of Reichstadt.

mies at home and abroad, and to stifle, at its
birth, the union of the peoples and the kings
for the reform of the anti-social privileges of
the oligarchy. It therefore provoked inces
sant war, and thus rendered France every day
more powerful, through the victories she ob-
tained under the direction of your father,
whom it accused of the calamities inseparable
from a war kindled by itself, and with the sole
object of maintaining its unjust privileges.

" It was at the close of a strife incessantly
renewed, excited by the Government of a na-
tion sufficiently rich to pay the soldiers of the
others, and sheltered by its insular position
against all attempts against itself, that, after
the triumphs of twenty years, your father suc-
cumbed beneath the united efforts of the Al-
lies of England, who perceived too late their
fatal errors.

" Napoleon was the friend both of the peo-
ples and of the kings. He wished to reconcile
them to each other. He wished to save other
states from the misfortunes which a bloody
revolution had inflicted upon France. These
were the reforms which he desired, voluntary
ameliorations, commended by the increasing
civilization of the world, and the widely-ex-

1832.] LIFE IN EXILE. 359

Letter to the Duke of Reichstadt.

tended interests of all classes, and not violent
commotions, which always pass beyond the
end desired. His greatest vengeance against
England did not exceed that which the advo-
cates of the bill of reform seek for to-day.

" I think that now you are placed in a po-
sition to continue the work with which a di-
vine genius inspired your father. France will
accept you with enthusiasm. Factions will
subside. The power with which your father
was invested is no longer needful for the ac-
complishment of his designs. It was war
which elevated upon the thrones of Europe
the princes of his family. But it was not that
he might give them thrones that he engaged
in war. They were military positions occu-
pied during the general struggle which the oli-
garchies had decided never to close but by the
abasement of France. It was necessary to al-
low the conquered countries to be invaded by
the republican system for which they were not
prepared, or to cause them to be governed by
men of whose devotion to France and to him-
self he was fully assured. And where could
he find better guaranties than in his brothers,
whom nature, as well as the favors which they
had received from the nation, had destined to


Letter to the Duke of Keichstadt.

share his adverse as well as his good-fortune,
both inseparable from that of France?

" To-day time has borne its fruits. Nations
are more enlightened respecting their interests.
They know well that the most happy nation
is that in which the greatest number of men
enjoy the most prosperity ; which obeys a su-
preme magistrate whom it loves, and who him-
self has not the baleful power to abuse the life,
the property, the liberty of the people, whom
he represents only that he may protect the
rights which they have entrusted to him.
Such were the opinions, and especially the in-
stinct, of your father. Every thing for the people!
And at the general pacification which he de-
sired with all his heart, Every thing by the people,
and for thepeople. He did not live long enough.

" May I live long enough to see you return
to our country, restored to herself, the worthy
heir of his heart, all French, of his generous
intentions. As for his immense genius, it is
no longer necessary for France or for Europe.
You are destined, by your birth, to unite peo-
ples and kings, and to reconcile the old and
the new civilization ; to prevent new upheav-
ings, to moderate all political passions, and
thus to bring forward that prosperity of indi-

1832.] LIFE IN EXILE. 361

Letter to the Duke of Beichatadt

viduals and of nations which can only arise
from justice, from the free development of all
rights, from the equilibrium of all duties,

" Your father was accustomed to say to me,
'When will the time arise when justice alone
shall reign ? When shall I finish my dictatorship?
We do not yet see that time. The English oli-
garchy will not have it so. My son perhaps will
see it. May that presage be soon accomplished.'

" This is also the fondest wish of my heart.
Receive it with the tenderness of the old friend
of your glorious father, at Point Breeze, State
of New Jersey, in the United States of Ameri-
ca, where I live as happy as one can be far
from his country, in the most prosperous land
upon the earth, under the name which I have
adopted, of the Count of Survilliers."

The elder brother of the present Emperor,
Napoleon III., who had married the youngest
daughter of Joseph Bonaparte, died in Italy in
March, 1831. With his younger brother, Louis
Napoleon, he had joined the Italians in their
endeavor to throw off the yoke of Austria.
The young prince, who had developed a very
noble character, fell a victim to the fatigues of
the campaign. By the vote of the French people^
the Duke of Beichstadt was the first heir ta


Death of the Duke of Reichstadt.

the throne of the Empire. In case of his
death, the crown passed to Joseph Bonaparte.
As Joseph had no children, his decease would
transfer the sceptre to his brother, Louis Bona-
parte, and from Louis it would pass to Louis
Napoleon, his only surviving son.

When, in 1832, Joseph heard of the dan-
.gerous sickness of the Duke of Reichstadt,
whose death, as we have mentioned, would
constitute Joseph first heir to the throne, he
with some hesitancy decided to leave his peace-
ful retreat at Point Breeze and repair to Eng-
land. He hoped to obtain permission to visit
his dying nephew in Vienna, and then to re-
unite himself in Italy with his wife, and with
Jais revered mother, who was still living. Upon
his landing in Liverpool he received the sad ti-
dings that the Duke of Reichstadt had breathed
his last on the 22d of July. He was twen-
ty-one years of age, tall, graceful, affectionate,
and of marvellous beauty. His mother and
other friends wept at the side of his couch.
Devoutly he partook of the sacrament of the
Lord's Supper, and, with a smile lingering upon
his cheek, fell asleep. We trust

"Asleep in Jesus, blessed sleep,
From which none ever wake to weep."



Joseph in England.



JOSEPH, finding himself in England in
1832, and his nephew, the Duke of Reich-
stadt, no longer living, took up his residence in.
London. He earnestly desired to join his wife
and mother in Italy. But the jealousy of the
Allies would not allow him, until he was abso-
lutely sinking in death, to place his foot upon
the Continent. His universally recognized vir-
tues secured for him, from all classes of society,
a cordial reception.

While Joseph resided in England, the cele.
brated Spanish chief, Mina, who had been one
of the most formidable of the leaders of the
guerrillas, made several visits to the ex-King,
expressing the deepest regret that he had not
sustained him. He stated to Joseph that his
intercepted letters had so revealed his true
character, that others of the leaders who had
operated against him were now in his favor.

LaFayette wrote Joseph a letter of sympathy
in view of his double affliction in the loss of his


Letter from La Fayette. Letter from Joseph to La Fayt-tte.

son-in-law, Napoleon Louis, and his nephew,
the Duke of Keichstadt. The letter, from
which we make the following extract, was dat-
ed La Grange, October 13, 1832 :

" My DEAR COUNT, I am deeply affected by
those testimonials of confidence and friendship
which you kindly give me. And I merit
them by aii those affections which attach me
to you. It is with profound sympathy that I
share in your grief from the two cruel bereave-
ments. I should immediately have written to
you in London, had I not been informed that
you were on the route to Italy. I have, how-
ever, since learned that your entrance into-
Home has been interdicted to your filial piety
by a base and barbarous policy."

La Fayette also expresses his deep regret that
the Orleans Government persisted in the decree
which banished the Bonaparte family from
France. Joseph, in a reply dated London,
Nov. 10,1832, writes:

"My DEAR GENERAL, I have received
your kind letter, and I thank you with all my
heart. It is true that I love, as much as you
do, the institutions of the United States. But
I am near to France, and I do not wish to see
it vanish from my eyes like a new Ithaca I


Letter from Victor lingo.

prefer France to the United States as the resi-
dence for mj declining years, and I rely upon
your powerful co-operation to secure that for
me. It only remains for me to hope to see my
country as happy as that which I have just
left a country which I love above all others
except my native soil. A day will come un-
doubtedly, in which France will have no occa-
sion to envy even happy America, As soor>
as it shall be clearly understood that all ought
to devote themselves to the happiness of all,
the most difficult thing will be accomplished.
May we live long enough to witness that, and
may I have the happiness of renewing my
long friendship in our common country, in-
sometimes speaking to you of the admiration
and gratitude with which you are regarded
in the New World."

The following letter from Victor Hugo re-
flects such light upon the reputation of Joseph
Bonaparte, as to merit insertion here. It was
dated Paris, Feb. 27, 1833 :

"SlRE, I avail myself of the first opportu-
nity to reply to you. Monsieur Presle, who-
leaves for London, kindly offers to place this
letter in the hands of your Majesty. Permit
roe, sire, to treat you ever royally, vous traiter


Letter from Victor Hugo.

toujours royalement The kings whom Napole-
on made, in my opinion nothing can unmake.
There is no human power which can efface the
august sign which that grand man has placed
upon your brow. I have been profoundly
moved by the sympathy which your Majesty
has testified for me upon the occasion of my
prosecution for ' Le Eoi S" 1 amuse? You love
liberty, sire. Liberty also loves you. Permit
me to send you, with this letter, a copy of the
discourse which I pronounced before the Tribu-
nal of Commerce. I am very desirous that
you should see it in a form different from the

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